Karol Kaczorowski | Cracow University of Economics (original) (raw)
Papers by Karol Kaczorowski
M asowe protesty na Bliskim Wschodzie i w Afryce Pó nocnej, odbywaj ce si w pierwszej po owie 201... more M asowe protesty na Bliskim Wschodzie i w Afryce Pó nocnej, odbywaj ce si w pierwszej po owie 2011 roku, zosta y zapocz tkowane podpaleniem si ulicznego sprzedawcy w Tunezji. Po sukcesie protestów tunezyjskich (w postaci wydalenia prezydenta Zine El-Abidine Ben Aliego), ludno sprzeciwiaj ca si autorytarnym rz dom w Egipcie zacz a si gromadzi t umnie na kairskim placu Tahrir. Dzi ki relacjom telewizyjnym i internetowym niezadowoleni ze swojej sytuacji obywatele wielu innych pa stw regionu organizowali wyst pienia publiczne domagaj ce si zmian politycznych. Fenomen tych masowych przypadków niepos usze stwa obywatelskiego, pocz tkowo okre lanych jako niepokoje czy wrzenie w regionie, z czasem zyska w wi kszo ci globalnych mediów nacechowane pozytywnie miano Arabskiej Wiosny lub Arabskiego Przebudzenia. Obydwie nazwy nawi zywa y bezporednio do dziewi tnastowiecznej Wiosny Ludów i dwudziestowiecznej Jesieni Ludów. Niniejszy artyku przedstawia wyniki analizy tre ci artyku ów dotycz cych A...
Ideas, Ideologies, Action. Interviews with representatives of Kurdish cultural institutions of th... more Ideas, Ideologies, Action. Interviews with representatives of Kurdish cultural institutions of the left-wing and Muslim profile from Istanbul, Diyarbakir and Mardin. The paper presents four extensive interviews taken in Kurdish cultural institutions in Istanbul, Diyarbakir and Mardin in July, 2015. The interviewees represent both leftwing and Muslim organisations namely Navenda Çanda Mezopotamya (The Mesopotamia Cultural Centre/Istanbul), Sumerpark Gallery (Diyarbakir) and Nûbihar (Diyarbakir, Mardin). The interviews translated into Polish, are a part of our ongoing research on Kurdish cultural policy, institutions, ideas and values. The aim of the interviews was to study the role of both left-wing and Muslim ideology in shaping modern understanding of Kurdish culture and cultural policy. On the other hand, following Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt’s theory on multiple modernity we also concentrated on the way how Kurdish culture, difficult historical and social experience as well as multi-r...
This chapter presents findings of an ongoing project on the social construction of ethnic identit... more This chapter presents findings of an ongoing project on the social construction of ethnic identity among young Kurdish immigrants living in Turkey. The chapter begins with information on Kurdish culture. The second part overviews the difficult relations between the Turkish state and Kurds since establishment of the Republic in 1923. The third section describes the education system in the country and in Istanbul specifically. Historical ties between the Istanbul and Kurdish culture are also mentioned. The chapter closes with research that focuses on problems of Kurdish educational experiences in Turkey and preservation of their cultural identity in Istanbul. The study shows that on the one hand public education is perceived by the Kurds in Turkey as a discriminatory entity but on the other hand nonpublic educational opportunities in Istanbul help Kurdish migrants preserve and practice their cultural identity.
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
jest profesorem socjologii i myśli społeczno-politycznej w University of Sussex. Bada takie zjawi... more jest profesorem socjologii i myśli społeczno-politycznej w University of Sussex. Bada takie zjawiska jak nacjonalizm, tożsamości narodowe, ideologie. Zajmuje się też socjologią historyczną i filozofią nauki. Jego dotychczasowe liczne publikacje (własne i redagowane) dotyczyły tematyki z pogranicza socjologii i nauk politycznych. Tutaj interesuje nas przede wszystkim ostatni obszar zainteresowania Gerarda Delanty'ego-teoria krytyczna. Wydał on dotychczas cztery tomy krytycznych esejów na temat Theodora Adorno oraz podręcznik dotyczący tego podejścia. Delanty uważa, że współczesna teoria krytyczna przeszła od krytyki dominacji i ideologii, charakterystycznych dla pierwszych myślicieli z kręgu szkoły frankfurckiej, do komunikacyjnej teorii działania społecznego. Zniekształcona świadomość stała się więc ważniejsza niż świadomość fałszywa. Zdaniem Delanty'ego prace Jürgena Habermasa oraz Axela Honnetha można połączyć z tradycją kosmopolityzmu w szerokim zakresie obecną w kulturze europejskiej 1. Autor The Cosmopolitan Imagination chciałby, aby jego praca stanowiła wyzwanie zarówno dla myślenia w kategoriach narodowych, jak i dla niezachwianej wiary w rynek (s. 262). Jest to podejście nowatorskie również dlatego, że dotychczas tematyka kosmopolityzmu rzadko była autotelicznym przedmiotem analizy socjologicznej. Warto przypomnieć, że hasło "kosmopolityzm" nie zostało włączone na przykład do polskiej Encyklopedii socjologii.
The article aims at presenting trans-local aspects of Kurdish society and especially trans-local ... more The article aims at presenting trans-local aspects of Kurdish society and especially trans-local ties maintained by Kurds in Turkey, particularly in Istanbul. Inspired by transnational theories in migration and diaspora studies, the author proposes a categorization of Kurdish migration waves and waves of internal migration in Turkey. Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted with Kurds in Istanbul, the paper depicts ways of maintaining ties with the country’s Kurdish regions and types of social organizing around their culture and perceived needs. The paper also offers insights into contemporary Kurdish migration in Turkey, leading to the conclusion that although trans-locality has often been forced on Kurds, the socio-political situation in 2002–2015 led to the emergence of a new, trans-local, socially active Kurdish elite in Turkey
Studia Humanistyczne AGH, 2020
The article aims at presenting trans-local aspects of Kurdish society and especially trans-local ... more The article aims at presenting trans-local aspects of Kurdish society and especially trans-local ties maintained by Kurds in Turkey, particularly in Istanbul. Inspired by transnational theories in migration and diaspora studies, the author proposes a categorization of Kurdish migration waves and waves of internal migration in Turkey. Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted with Kurds in Istanbul, the paper depicts ways of maintaining ties with the country’s Kurdish regions and types of social organizing around their culture and perceived needs. The paper also offers insights into contemporary Kurdish migration in Turkey, leading to the conclusion that although trans-locality has often been forced on Kurds, the socio-political situation in 2002-2015 led to the emergence of a new, trans-local, socially active Kurdish elite in Turkey.
Living in Two Homes. Integration, Identity and Education of Transnational Migrants in a Globalized World, eds: Mariella Espinoza-Herold, Rina Manuela Contini, 2017
This chapter presents findings of an ongoing project on the social construction of ethnic ident... more This chapter presents findings of an ongoing project on the social construction of ethnic identity among young Kurdish immigrants living in Turkey. The chapter begins with information on Kurdish culture. The second part overviews the difficult relations between the Turkish state and Kurds since establishment of the Republic in 1923. The third section describes the education system in the country and in Istanbul specifically. Historical ties between the Istanbul and Kurdish culture are also mentioned. The chapter closes with research that focuses on problems of Kurdish educational experiences in Turkey and preservation of their cultural identity in Istanbul. The study shows that on the one hand public education is perceived by the Kurds in Turkey as a discriminatory entity but on the other hand nonpublic educational opportunities in Istanbul help Kurdish migrants preserve and practice their cultural identity.
Ez mafê xwe dizanim! I know my rights! - Manual on human rights education and the right to mother tongue education, 2016
He took off his cap, folded it, put it in his pocket and knocked excitedly on the door of the reg... more He took off his cap, folded it, put it in his pocket and knocked excitedly on the door of the registration office. His complexion had changed, his confidence was gone, his voice became shaky with excitement. "I want to register my daughter." "Name?" "Berfîn." "What?" "Berfîn" the father repeated with his trembling and fearful voice. "You cannot," the official said firmly. "With us, girls are usually named Berfin, Nergiz (marigold) or Sosin." "Berfîn is forbidden," the official said, and the tone of his voice brooked no argument. "Berfîn is a flower, a flower that grows through the snow." The father tried to explain that the name meant nothing wrong with his broken Turkish. "Berfîn is not possible. It is a separatist name. Where do you live? This is the Turkish Republic, there is no place for separatist names here", the official reproved him with a voice that was growing louder. Berfin stood beside her father, without understanding the discussion that was becoming lengthy. It was about her name, that much was clear, but she could not understand what was going on. Because her hand was in her father's, she noticed that his hand had become wet during the discussion. And she asked him quietly in Kurdish: "What's going on?" The father took his index finger to his mouth and let her know that she should be quiet. "What? Here, in the premises of a public authority, you speak Kurdish? What a lack of respect, what a joke!" the official complained. "She's a child. She just said a few words. She asked what's going on. That's all." "Listen well," the official said. "As if it were not enough that you want a forbidden name, now you even speak Kurdish in offices of the Turkish Republic. That will not do. Here you shall not speak Kurdish. If you dare do it again, I will call the police and have you locked up." The father stood motionless, helpless, like a criminal, who had to be caught, with his head down, helpless. He would have preferred to go, but he could not move, his legs would not obey him. After a short silence the official said: "Berfîn will not do. But Fatma, Ayşe or Hatice would be possible." And so he started summing up names, all of which were Arabic, but had taken on top popularity as Turkish names. To put the discussion to an end, but also for their own state of mind, the father said, as if to put this impasse to an end as soon as possible: "Then she shall be called Fatê." "That will not do," the official said. "Can you not speak Turkish? Separatist names are not possible. " "Fatê, that is: Fatma. That's not separatist. We say Fatê to Fatma. " "Good. Now we understand each other. The girl's name is Fatma. Well, now go and don't come near me again." They took the identity card and set off immediately on the way to the village. On the way, Berfîn asked her dad about the discussion and the reasons behind it. Embarrassed, the father tried to explain in simple terms what had happened and that her name on the identity card is Fatê. The little girl left it at that, bearing in mind the constitution of her father in front of the official, even if she could not understand it. And so it was that on this day Berfîn became Fatma on paper, thanks to the initiative and selfsacrificing efforts of an official. After these experiences, Berfîn's anticipation to go to school had gone. At first she did not want to go. But when her father implored, she did what she was told. Because there was no school in the village, they had to go to the neighboring village, which was five kilometers away. Day after day they would walk together with their peers from their village, the five kilometers back and forth. It was early September. She slipped into her black school uniform, put on her white collar with crescent moon and star, and went with her parents to the village square, where the students gathered with their families. Then they made their way to the dusty paths to learn and to change the courses of their lives. Once they arrived in school, they stood around in the school yard and waited. Finally someone in a suit and tie began to speak in a language she did not understand. The classes should be set up before school. Berfîns father told her that she should go to the place that was assigned to her, bent down to her and kissed her on both cheeks. Berfîn was shy that day, standing in the courtyard in front of all the first graders. They lined up in rows, side by side, one behind the other. After a short while a march was sung that she did not know and, as she later learned, the "National Anthem" was inharmonious, discordant, confusing and incomprehensible. Some children only moved their mouths, while others shouted lustily. After the march a flag was hoisted that she knew from TV and had seen in Yüksekova, when they were in the city to get her identity card. Then an oath was raised which began with 'I am a Turk, sincere, hardworking' and ended with 'My being is dedicated to the Turkish beings', in an incomprehensible mess. Even now Berfîn looked around confused. Had her friends not been with her, the other children from her village, she would have thought that she was not in a neighboring village, but had ended up in a neighboring country. After this ceremony in the courtyard they were, group by group, taken to the classes. Berfîn sat down with two of her best friends at a school desk. When the teacher entered the classroom, an experienced student, who had not made it into the second class, shouted: "Get up!" Those who understood him, stood up. But the others, who did not understand him, Berfîn among them, remained seated. The teacher began to speak in this language she did not understand. Berfîns heart gradually sunk. She crouched in her seat and made herself as small as possible. With bated breath and an anxious look she watched the teacher. But the bell was rung, and she was freed for now from this horrible situation. She met with the other children from her village in the schoolyard. Together they made their way home. On the five kilometer route Berfîn did not speak a single word. When she arrived at home, she couldn't keep the tears in any longer: "I'm never going back to school." She had a fever and was sick. She did not eat, she didn't even drink a cup of water. When her father came home from the field, he found her in bed. He went to her and kissed her on the cheek. Silently he sat by her bed, until Berfîn began to speak: "I do not want to go to this school. I don't want to go anywhere. I want to stay in the village. I ..." Her last sentence was drowned out by renewed sobs. She pulled the blanket over her head and was gone. At night, she had nightmares and was wet with sweat. The next morning she remained in bed. Her dad went to the village square, to say that Berfin was ill and would therefore not go to school and returned home. The father did not go to the field, even though he had his hands full. The fields needed to be plowed and worked on before the rains began. "Work, field, school-nothing is as important as my Berfin. So what?", He decided, and sat with Berfin in bed. Berfin brought on the subject again. She told a few more times what they had experienced at school and that she had not understood a single word of what was said there. In simple terms, the father tried to explain again and again to Berfîn that she would soon learn Turkish, that she would have to continue her education, learn a trade and leave this painful life behind her, and that all the hopes of the family were in her education. Out of necessity Berfîn finally agreed, not least because it was her father, whom she loved very much and could not refuse anything. The father went out to look at the chickens. Finally, he decided on one, caught it and handed it to his wife. Berfîns mother understood and went to the stove at once to start the job. The next day they found themselves again in the village square. Together they ran over hill and dale and reached the school. Berfîn went with her friends in the class and sat down at her place. When the teacher entered, she stood up. The teacher stood in front of the blackboard and said, "You now repeat what I say." Apart from a few children, no one understood it. Word for word he cited the oath 'I am a Turk, sincere, hardworking' and the children had to repeat environment. Except during school holidays and national and religious holidays, we were not allowed to leave the school. At school, in the cafeteria, in the dormitories, in the schoolyard, in other words, everywhere, it was forbidden to speak Kurdish, I had to learn in a language I could not speak. As a wing lame and plucked bird, I was locked in a cage and my connection to nature, to life was broken. I was a little kid, I missed my parents, my siblings, and even the other kids and the lambs, and because I could not do anything about my homesickness, I went to bed at night, pulled the blanket over my head and cried and cried silently. Speaking Kurdish wasn't the only thing that was forbidden. Even crying was not allowed then. Before school, when I was still in the village, I had been a happy, lively child. Almost too lively, a real chatterbox ... But the regional boarding school made me a sealed, introspective child. Even when I was on vacation in the village, with my family, I did not say another word in Kurdish, fearing that someone might realize it and blacken me. The others asked me a question in Kurdish and I answered, as I had understood it, in Turkish. I had come to the conclusion that Kurdish was responsible for everything that I had gone through as a child. So if this language was causing all this, then I will banish it from my life, I thought. * I wrote this article five years ago. Berfîn was already banned, and it still is today. And I'm still a little angry, a little helpless and a little lonely.
Taking into consideration that emergency state was lifted in southeast of Turkey in-argued that t... more Taking into consideration that emergency state was lifted in southeast of Turkey in-argued that these changes will result in the wave of forced migration in the country. These processes can strengthen the atmosphere of insecurity in Turkey which will-oration of security in Turkey, and that can lead to the rise in forced migration. It starts closes with an attempt to search for some indicators of the beginning of a new wave of forced migration in Turkey.
Migration and the transmission of cultural patterns, ed: Janusz Mucha, 2016
The purpose of this paper is to analyze phenomena connected with transmission of cultural pattern... more The purpose of this paper is to analyze phenomena connected with transmission of cultural patterns between Turkey's South-Eastern (‘Kurdish’) region called by Kurds ‘Northerns Kurdistan’ and Istanbul. The chapter includes but also remarks on transmission between the communities of young Kurdish migrants and the host society of the multicultural metropolis. The latter itself consists in more than 80% of migrants born outside of the Istanbul (see: Akaraca and Tansel 2014). I will present partial results of an ongoing research project concerning social construction of ethnic identity among young Kurds internally migrating to the country’s capital city from other parts of Turkey . In the first part of the chapter some general information are provided concerning Kurdish culture and region perceived by them as homeland. I will also describe the specificity of the city of Istanbul seen from the point of view of internal migration in Turkey and a brief history of relations between the Turkish state and the Kurds. In the following parts, the Relative Acculturation Extended Model and Antonina Kłoskowska's theory of culturalization are cited as theoretical frameworks of the following analysis. The last paragraphs are devoted to examples of ways of cultural transmission among young Kurdish migrants in Istanbul.
The paper proposes a new approach to the study of Kurds in Turkey, it focuses on the new wave of ... more The paper proposes a new approach to the study of Kurds in Turkey, it focuses on the new wave of voluntary migration. The article begins with a general overview of theories on migration to provide scientific context, then, the history of forced Kurdish migration in Turkey is explained including its potential impact on new migration. The third part of the paper is devoted to the flow of voluntary migration in the Turkish Republic, their circumstances and significance. The fourth and final part defines the scheme of voluntary migration in Turkey and some characteristics of Kurdish migration in20th century.
The aim of the article is to present the results of content analysis of depiction of middle- east... more The aim of the article is to present the results of content analysis of depiction of middle- eastern protests often called the Arab Spring in Turkish daily newspapers published in English. Using agenda setting and framing theories supplemented by qualitative analysis, 225 articles from published from January to June 2011 in “Hürriyet Daily News” and “Today’s Zaman” were analyzed. The article begins with a short presentation of the Turkish press market, after which there is a description of methodology used in the research. Results of the analysis were divided into two parts devoted to quantitative and qualitative analysis.
Artykuł analizuje przemiany politycznej reprezentacji Kurdów w Republice Turcji. Zostały one prze... more Artykuł analizuje przemiany politycznej reprezentacji Kurdów w Republice Turcji. Zostały one przedstawione chronologicznie od czasów Imperium Osmańskiego po współczesne relacje Państwa Tureckiego z mniejszością kurdyjską. Dzieje aktywizmu kurdyjskiego w Turcji opisane są z perspektywy uznającej zmagania polityczne Kurdów za dążenie do obrony własnej tożsamości kulturowej i odpowiedź na politykę asymilacyjną państwa. Przedstawiono kontekst i przebieg najważniejszych wydarzeń związanych z: funkcjonowaniem księstw kurdyjskich w Imperium Osmańskim, powstaniamikurdyjskimi na początku istnienia Republiki, wyłonieniem się nowej kurdyjskiej klasy politycznej w latach sześćdziesiątych XX wieku, działalnością partyzancką Partii Pracujących Kurdystanu (PKK) oraz procesem pokojowym prowadzonym w XXI wieku. Uwzględniono współczesne oceny wydarzeń historycznych przez Kurdów i Turków, kładąc nacisk na różnice w ocenie traktatów z Sèvres i Lozanny. W końcowej części artykułu poruszono problematykę najnowszych wydarzeń związanych z relacjami pomiędzy rządem tureckim a mniejszością kurdyjską oraz przedstawiono prognozy przyszłości procesu pokojowego
![Research paper thumbnail of Praktyki językowe Kurdów w Turcji jako element obrony tożsamości kulturowej w: Idee i Myśliciele T. XVII [Language practices of Kurds in Turkey as an element of struggle for cultural identity]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/37162039/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](The aim of the article is to present complex situation of Kurdish speakers in Turkey, while menti... more The aim of the article is to present complex situation of Kurdish speakers in Turkey, while mentioning diversity of Kurdish language (or languages) and describing practices within the
dominating Turkish language which may be interpreted as means to protect ones cultural identity. In the beginning an anthropological approach to language is stressed and Bourdieu's struggle for legitimate language taken as theoretical background. General information about: Kurds, lands inhabited by them and their modes of living is given in order to explain
the broad variety of Kurdish dialects. In the end, shown are examples of usage of Turkish language that can be perceived as maintaining distinctiveness of Kurdish cultural identity.
The following article describes the main beliefs, theological ideas and religious pracfunctioning... more The following article describes the main beliefs, theological ideas and religious pracfunctioning in neighbouring religious groups of the Yezidis and Alevis.
Studia Humanistyczne AGH, 2015
Studia Humanistyczne AGH, 2015
M asowe protesty na Bliskim Wschodzie i w Afryce Pó nocnej, odbywaj ce si w pierwszej po owie 201... more M asowe protesty na Bliskim Wschodzie i w Afryce Pó nocnej, odbywaj ce si w pierwszej po owie 2011 roku, zosta y zapocz tkowane podpaleniem si ulicznego sprzedawcy w Tunezji. Po sukcesie protestów tunezyjskich (w postaci wydalenia prezydenta Zine El-Abidine Ben Aliego), ludno sprzeciwiaj ca si autorytarnym rz dom w Egipcie zacz a si gromadzi t umnie na kairskim placu Tahrir. Dzi ki relacjom telewizyjnym i internetowym niezadowoleni ze swojej sytuacji obywatele wielu innych pa stw regionu organizowali wyst pienia publiczne domagaj ce si zmian politycznych. Fenomen tych masowych przypadków niepos usze stwa obywatelskiego, pocz tkowo okre lanych jako niepokoje czy wrzenie w regionie, z czasem zyska w wi kszo ci globalnych mediów nacechowane pozytywnie miano Arabskiej Wiosny lub Arabskiego Przebudzenia. Obydwie nazwy nawi zywa y bezporednio do dziewi tnastowiecznej Wiosny Ludów i dwudziestowiecznej Jesieni Ludów. Niniejszy artyku przedstawia wyniki analizy tre ci artyku ów dotycz cych A...
Ideas, Ideologies, Action. Interviews with representatives of Kurdish cultural institutions of th... more Ideas, Ideologies, Action. Interviews with representatives of Kurdish cultural institutions of the left-wing and Muslim profile from Istanbul, Diyarbakir and Mardin. The paper presents four extensive interviews taken in Kurdish cultural institutions in Istanbul, Diyarbakir and Mardin in July, 2015. The interviewees represent both leftwing and Muslim organisations namely Navenda Çanda Mezopotamya (The Mesopotamia Cultural Centre/Istanbul), Sumerpark Gallery (Diyarbakir) and Nûbihar (Diyarbakir, Mardin). The interviews translated into Polish, are a part of our ongoing research on Kurdish cultural policy, institutions, ideas and values. The aim of the interviews was to study the role of both left-wing and Muslim ideology in shaping modern understanding of Kurdish culture and cultural policy. On the other hand, following Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt’s theory on multiple modernity we also concentrated on the way how Kurdish culture, difficult historical and social experience as well as multi-r...
This chapter presents findings of an ongoing project on the social construction of ethnic identit... more This chapter presents findings of an ongoing project on the social construction of ethnic identity among young Kurdish immigrants living in Turkey. The chapter begins with information on Kurdish culture. The second part overviews the difficult relations between the Turkish state and Kurds since establishment of the Republic in 1923. The third section describes the education system in the country and in Istanbul specifically. Historical ties between the Istanbul and Kurdish culture are also mentioned. The chapter closes with research that focuses on problems of Kurdish educational experiences in Turkey and preservation of their cultural identity in Istanbul. The study shows that on the one hand public education is perceived by the Kurds in Turkey as a discriminatory entity but on the other hand nonpublic educational opportunities in Istanbul help Kurdish migrants preserve and practice their cultural identity.
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
jest profesorem socjologii i myśli społeczno-politycznej w University of Sussex. Bada takie zjawi... more jest profesorem socjologii i myśli społeczno-politycznej w University of Sussex. Bada takie zjawiska jak nacjonalizm, tożsamości narodowe, ideologie. Zajmuje się też socjologią historyczną i filozofią nauki. Jego dotychczasowe liczne publikacje (własne i redagowane) dotyczyły tematyki z pogranicza socjologii i nauk politycznych. Tutaj interesuje nas przede wszystkim ostatni obszar zainteresowania Gerarda Delanty'ego-teoria krytyczna. Wydał on dotychczas cztery tomy krytycznych esejów na temat Theodora Adorno oraz podręcznik dotyczący tego podejścia. Delanty uważa, że współczesna teoria krytyczna przeszła od krytyki dominacji i ideologii, charakterystycznych dla pierwszych myślicieli z kręgu szkoły frankfurckiej, do komunikacyjnej teorii działania społecznego. Zniekształcona świadomość stała się więc ważniejsza niż świadomość fałszywa. Zdaniem Delanty'ego prace Jürgena Habermasa oraz Axela Honnetha można połączyć z tradycją kosmopolityzmu w szerokim zakresie obecną w kulturze europejskiej 1. Autor The Cosmopolitan Imagination chciałby, aby jego praca stanowiła wyzwanie zarówno dla myślenia w kategoriach narodowych, jak i dla niezachwianej wiary w rynek (s. 262). Jest to podejście nowatorskie również dlatego, że dotychczas tematyka kosmopolityzmu rzadko była autotelicznym przedmiotem analizy socjologicznej. Warto przypomnieć, że hasło "kosmopolityzm" nie zostało włączone na przykład do polskiej Encyklopedii socjologii.
The article aims at presenting trans-local aspects of Kurdish society and especially trans-local ... more The article aims at presenting trans-local aspects of Kurdish society and especially trans-local ties maintained by Kurds in Turkey, particularly in Istanbul. Inspired by transnational theories in migration and diaspora studies, the author proposes a categorization of Kurdish migration waves and waves of internal migration in Turkey. Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted with Kurds in Istanbul, the paper depicts ways of maintaining ties with the country’s Kurdish regions and types of social organizing around their culture and perceived needs. The paper also offers insights into contemporary Kurdish migration in Turkey, leading to the conclusion that although trans-locality has often been forced on Kurds, the socio-political situation in 2002–2015 led to the emergence of a new, trans-local, socially active Kurdish elite in Turkey
Studia Humanistyczne AGH, 2020
The article aims at presenting trans-local aspects of Kurdish society and especially trans-local ... more The article aims at presenting trans-local aspects of Kurdish society and especially trans-local ties maintained by Kurds in Turkey, particularly in Istanbul. Inspired by transnational theories in migration and diaspora studies, the author proposes a categorization of Kurdish migration waves and waves of internal migration in Turkey. Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted with Kurds in Istanbul, the paper depicts ways of maintaining ties with the country’s Kurdish regions and types of social organizing around their culture and perceived needs. The paper also offers insights into contemporary Kurdish migration in Turkey, leading to the conclusion that although trans-locality has often been forced on Kurds, the socio-political situation in 2002-2015 led to the emergence of a new, trans-local, socially active Kurdish elite in Turkey.
Living in Two Homes. Integration, Identity and Education of Transnational Migrants in a Globalized World, eds: Mariella Espinoza-Herold, Rina Manuela Contini, 2017
This chapter presents findings of an ongoing project on the social construction of ethnic ident... more This chapter presents findings of an ongoing project on the social construction of ethnic identity among young Kurdish immigrants living in Turkey. The chapter begins with information on Kurdish culture. The second part overviews the difficult relations between the Turkish state and Kurds since establishment of the Republic in 1923. The third section describes the education system in the country and in Istanbul specifically. Historical ties between the Istanbul and Kurdish culture are also mentioned. The chapter closes with research that focuses on problems of Kurdish educational experiences in Turkey and preservation of their cultural identity in Istanbul. The study shows that on the one hand public education is perceived by the Kurds in Turkey as a discriminatory entity but on the other hand nonpublic educational opportunities in Istanbul help Kurdish migrants preserve and practice their cultural identity.
Ez mafê xwe dizanim! I know my rights! - Manual on human rights education and the right to mother tongue education, 2016
He took off his cap, folded it, put it in his pocket and knocked excitedly on the door of the reg... more He took off his cap, folded it, put it in his pocket and knocked excitedly on the door of the registration office. His complexion had changed, his confidence was gone, his voice became shaky with excitement. "I want to register my daughter." "Name?" "Berfîn." "What?" "Berfîn" the father repeated with his trembling and fearful voice. "You cannot," the official said firmly. "With us, girls are usually named Berfin, Nergiz (marigold) or Sosin." "Berfîn is forbidden," the official said, and the tone of his voice brooked no argument. "Berfîn is a flower, a flower that grows through the snow." The father tried to explain that the name meant nothing wrong with his broken Turkish. "Berfîn is not possible. It is a separatist name. Where do you live? This is the Turkish Republic, there is no place for separatist names here", the official reproved him with a voice that was growing louder. Berfin stood beside her father, without understanding the discussion that was becoming lengthy. It was about her name, that much was clear, but she could not understand what was going on. Because her hand was in her father's, she noticed that his hand had become wet during the discussion. And she asked him quietly in Kurdish: "What's going on?" The father took his index finger to his mouth and let her know that she should be quiet. "What? Here, in the premises of a public authority, you speak Kurdish? What a lack of respect, what a joke!" the official complained. "She's a child. She just said a few words. She asked what's going on. That's all." "Listen well," the official said. "As if it were not enough that you want a forbidden name, now you even speak Kurdish in offices of the Turkish Republic. That will not do. Here you shall not speak Kurdish. If you dare do it again, I will call the police and have you locked up." The father stood motionless, helpless, like a criminal, who had to be caught, with his head down, helpless. He would have preferred to go, but he could not move, his legs would not obey him. After a short silence the official said: "Berfîn will not do. But Fatma, Ayşe or Hatice would be possible." And so he started summing up names, all of which were Arabic, but had taken on top popularity as Turkish names. To put the discussion to an end, but also for their own state of mind, the father said, as if to put this impasse to an end as soon as possible: "Then she shall be called Fatê." "That will not do," the official said. "Can you not speak Turkish? Separatist names are not possible. " "Fatê, that is: Fatma. That's not separatist. We say Fatê to Fatma. " "Good. Now we understand each other. The girl's name is Fatma. Well, now go and don't come near me again." They took the identity card and set off immediately on the way to the village. On the way, Berfîn asked her dad about the discussion and the reasons behind it. Embarrassed, the father tried to explain in simple terms what had happened and that her name on the identity card is Fatê. The little girl left it at that, bearing in mind the constitution of her father in front of the official, even if she could not understand it. And so it was that on this day Berfîn became Fatma on paper, thanks to the initiative and selfsacrificing efforts of an official. After these experiences, Berfîn's anticipation to go to school had gone. At first she did not want to go. But when her father implored, she did what she was told. Because there was no school in the village, they had to go to the neighboring village, which was five kilometers away. Day after day they would walk together with their peers from their village, the five kilometers back and forth. It was early September. She slipped into her black school uniform, put on her white collar with crescent moon and star, and went with her parents to the village square, where the students gathered with their families. Then they made their way to the dusty paths to learn and to change the courses of their lives. Once they arrived in school, they stood around in the school yard and waited. Finally someone in a suit and tie began to speak in a language she did not understand. The classes should be set up before school. Berfîns father told her that she should go to the place that was assigned to her, bent down to her and kissed her on both cheeks. Berfîn was shy that day, standing in the courtyard in front of all the first graders. They lined up in rows, side by side, one behind the other. After a short while a march was sung that she did not know and, as she later learned, the "National Anthem" was inharmonious, discordant, confusing and incomprehensible. Some children only moved their mouths, while others shouted lustily. After the march a flag was hoisted that she knew from TV and had seen in Yüksekova, when they were in the city to get her identity card. Then an oath was raised which began with 'I am a Turk, sincere, hardworking' and ended with 'My being is dedicated to the Turkish beings', in an incomprehensible mess. Even now Berfîn looked around confused. Had her friends not been with her, the other children from her village, she would have thought that she was not in a neighboring village, but had ended up in a neighboring country. After this ceremony in the courtyard they were, group by group, taken to the classes. Berfîn sat down with two of her best friends at a school desk. When the teacher entered the classroom, an experienced student, who had not made it into the second class, shouted: "Get up!" Those who understood him, stood up. But the others, who did not understand him, Berfîn among them, remained seated. The teacher began to speak in this language she did not understand. Berfîns heart gradually sunk. She crouched in her seat and made herself as small as possible. With bated breath and an anxious look she watched the teacher. But the bell was rung, and she was freed for now from this horrible situation. She met with the other children from her village in the schoolyard. Together they made their way home. On the five kilometer route Berfîn did not speak a single word. When she arrived at home, she couldn't keep the tears in any longer: "I'm never going back to school." She had a fever and was sick. She did not eat, she didn't even drink a cup of water. When her father came home from the field, he found her in bed. He went to her and kissed her on the cheek. Silently he sat by her bed, until Berfîn began to speak: "I do not want to go to this school. I don't want to go anywhere. I want to stay in the village. I ..." Her last sentence was drowned out by renewed sobs. She pulled the blanket over her head and was gone. At night, she had nightmares and was wet with sweat. The next morning she remained in bed. Her dad went to the village square, to say that Berfin was ill and would therefore not go to school and returned home. The father did not go to the field, even though he had his hands full. The fields needed to be plowed and worked on before the rains began. "Work, field, school-nothing is as important as my Berfin. So what?", He decided, and sat with Berfin in bed. Berfin brought on the subject again. She told a few more times what they had experienced at school and that she had not understood a single word of what was said there. In simple terms, the father tried to explain again and again to Berfîn that she would soon learn Turkish, that she would have to continue her education, learn a trade and leave this painful life behind her, and that all the hopes of the family were in her education. Out of necessity Berfîn finally agreed, not least because it was her father, whom she loved very much and could not refuse anything. The father went out to look at the chickens. Finally, he decided on one, caught it and handed it to his wife. Berfîns mother understood and went to the stove at once to start the job. The next day they found themselves again in the village square. Together they ran over hill and dale and reached the school. Berfîn went with her friends in the class and sat down at her place. When the teacher entered, she stood up. The teacher stood in front of the blackboard and said, "You now repeat what I say." Apart from a few children, no one understood it. Word for word he cited the oath 'I am a Turk, sincere, hardworking' and the children had to repeat environment. Except during school holidays and national and religious holidays, we were not allowed to leave the school. At school, in the cafeteria, in the dormitories, in the schoolyard, in other words, everywhere, it was forbidden to speak Kurdish, I had to learn in a language I could not speak. As a wing lame and plucked bird, I was locked in a cage and my connection to nature, to life was broken. I was a little kid, I missed my parents, my siblings, and even the other kids and the lambs, and because I could not do anything about my homesickness, I went to bed at night, pulled the blanket over my head and cried and cried silently. Speaking Kurdish wasn't the only thing that was forbidden. Even crying was not allowed then. Before school, when I was still in the village, I had been a happy, lively child. Almost too lively, a real chatterbox ... But the regional boarding school made me a sealed, introspective child. Even when I was on vacation in the village, with my family, I did not say another word in Kurdish, fearing that someone might realize it and blacken me. The others asked me a question in Kurdish and I answered, as I had understood it, in Turkish. I had come to the conclusion that Kurdish was responsible for everything that I had gone through as a child. So if this language was causing all this, then I will banish it from my life, I thought. * I wrote this article five years ago. Berfîn was already banned, and it still is today. And I'm still a little angry, a little helpless and a little lonely.
Taking into consideration that emergency state was lifted in southeast of Turkey in-argued that t... more Taking into consideration that emergency state was lifted in southeast of Turkey in-argued that these changes will result in the wave of forced migration in the country. These processes can strengthen the atmosphere of insecurity in Turkey which will-oration of security in Turkey, and that can lead to the rise in forced migration. It starts closes with an attempt to search for some indicators of the beginning of a new wave of forced migration in Turkey.
Migration and the transmission of cultural patterns, ed: Janusz Mucha, 2016
The purpose of this paper is to analyze phenomena connected with transmission of cultural pattern... more The purpose of this paper is to analyze phenomena connected with transmission of cultural patterns between Turkey's South-Eastern (‘Kurdish’) region called by Kurds ‘Northerns Kurdistan’ and Istanbul. The chapter includes but also remarks on transmission between the communities of young Kurdish migrants and the host society of the multicultural metropolis. The latter itself consists in more than 80% of migrants born outside of the Istanbul (see: Akaraca and Tansel 2014). I will present partial results of an ongoing research project concerning social construction of ethnic identity among young Kurds internally migrating to the country’s capital city from other parts of Turkey . In the first part of the chapter some general information are provided concerning Kurdish culture and region perceived by them as homeland. I will also describe the specificity of the city of Istanbul seen from the point of view of internal migration in Turkey and a brief history of relations between the Turkish state and the Kurds. In the following parts, the Relative Acculturation Extended Model and Antonina Kłoskowska's theory of culturalization are cited as theoretical frameworks of the following analysis. The last paragraphs are devoted to examples of ways of cultural transmission among young Kurdish migrants in Istanbul.
The paper proposes a new approach to the study of Kurds in Turkey, it focuses on the new wave of ... more The paper proposes a new approach to the study of Kurds in Turkey, it focuses on the new wave of voluntary migration. The article begins with a general overview of theories on migration to provide scientific context, then, the history of forced Kurdish migration in Turkey is explained including its potential impact on new migration. The third part of the paper is devoted to the flow of voluntary migration in the Turkish Republic, their circumstances and significance. The fourth and final part defines the scheme of voluntary migration in Turkey and some characteristics of Kurdish migration in20th century.
The aim of the article is to present the results of content analysis of depiction of middle- east... more The aim of the article is to present the results of content analysis of depiction of middle- eastern protests often called the Arab Spring in Turkish daily newspapers published in English. Using agenda setting and framing theories supplemented by qualitative analysis, 225 articles from published from January to June 2011 in “Hürriyet Daily News” and “Today’s Zaman” were analyzed. The article begins with a short presentation of the Turkish press market, after which there is a description of methodology used in the research. Results of the analysis were divided into two parts devoted to quantitative and qualitative analysis.
Artykuł analizuje przemiany politycznej reprezentacji Kurdów w Republice Turcji. Zostały one prze... more Artykuł analizuje przemiany politycznej reprezentacji Kurdów w Republice Turcji. Zostały one przedstawione chronologicznie od czasów Imperium Osmańskiego po współczesne relacje Państwa Tureckiego z mniejszością kurdyjską. Dzieje aktywizmu kurdyjskiego w Turcji opisane są z perspektywy uznającej zmagania polityczne Kurdów za dążenie do obrony własnej tożsamości kulturowej i odpowiedź na politykę asymilacyjną państwa. Przedstawiono kontekst i przebieg najważniejszych wydarzeń związanych z: funkcjonowaniem księstw kurdyjskich w Imperium Osmańskim, powstaniamikurdyjskimi na początku istnienia Republiki, wyłonieniem się nowej kurdyjskiej klasy politycznej w latach sześćdziesiątych XX wieku, działalnością partyzancką Partii Pracujących Kurdystanu (PKK) oraz procesem pokojowym prowadzonym w XXI wieku. Uwzględniono współczesne oceny wydarzeń historycznych przez Kurdów i Turków, kładąc nacisk na różnice w ocenie traktatów z Sèvres i Lozanny. W końcowej części artykułu poruszono problematykę najnowszych wydarzeń związanych z relacjami pomiędzy rządem tureckim a mniejszością kurdyjską oraz przedstawiono prognozy przyszłości procesu pokojowego
The aim of the article is to present complex situation of Kurdish speakers in Turkey, while menti... more The aim of the article is to present complex situation of Kurdish speakers in Turkey, while mentioning diversity of Kurdish language (or languages) and describing practices within the
dominating Turkish language which may be interpreted as means to protect ones cultural identity. In the beginning an anthropological approach to language is stressed and Bourdieu's struggle for legitimate language taken as theoretical background. General information about: Kurds, lands inhabited by them and their modes of living is given in order to explain
the broad variety of Kurdish dialects. In the end, shown are examples of usage of Turkish language that can be perceived as maintaining distinctiveness of Kurdish cultural identity.
The following article describes the main beliefs, theological ideas and religious pracfunctioning... more The following article describes the main beliefs, theological ideas and religious pracfunctioning in neighbouring religious groups of the Yezidis and Alevis.
Studia Humanistyczne AGH, 2015
Studia Humanistyczne AGH, 2015
Rediscovering Kurdistan’s Cultures and Identities: The Call of the Cricket offers insight into li... more Rediscovering Kurdistan’s Cultures and Identities: The Call of the Cricket offers insight into little-known aspects of the social and cultural activity and changes taking place in different parts of Kurdistan (Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran), linking different theoretical approaches within a postcolonial perspective. The first chapter presents the book’s approach to postcolonial theory and gives a brief introduction to the historical context of Kurdistan. The second, third and fourth chapters focus on the Kurdish context, examining ethical changes as revealed in Kurdish literary and cinema narratives, the socio-political role of the Kurdish cultural institutions and the practices of countering othering of Kurdish migrants living in Istanbul. The fifth chapter offers an analysis of the nineteenth-century missionary translations of the Bible into the Kurdish language. The sixth chapter examines the formation of Chaldo-Assyrian identity in the context of relations with the Kurds after the overthrow of the Ba’ath regime in 2003. The last chapter investigates the question of the Yezidis’ identity, based on Yezidi oral works and statements about their self-identification.
The aim of the article is to present partial results of ongoing research project devoted to exami... more The aim of the article is to present partial results of ongoing research project devoted to examining social construction of ethnic identity of young Kurdish voluntary migrants in Istanbul. In the first part of the paper theoretical context of the study is shortly explained, with emphasis on: importance of Istanbul for Kurdish culture, conceptualization of identity and migration. The second part depicts preliminary results of interviews with migrants. It presents respondents' attitudes towards Istanbul, perceived qualities and flaws of conditions that it provides, and potential relation of metropolis to Kurdish culture.