Grigory Vorobyev | Ghent University (original) (raw)
Theodore Gaza: animal names by Grigory Vorobyev
Philologia classica, 2023
The article discusses the origins of four Neo-Latin animal names, denoting a beetle, a bird, a fi... more The article discusses the origins of four Neo-Latin animal names, denoting a beetle, a bird, a fish and a mollusk, coined by the Greek scholar Theodore Gaza in the third quarter of the fifteenth century: two neologisms of form, or proper neologisms, gal(l)eruca and gallinago, and two neologisms of sense, cernua 'inclined forwards, head foremost' and patella 'plate, pan'. These words, still valid in today's zoological nomenclature, were first introduced in Gaza's Latin version of Aristotle's Historia animalium, where they stood, respectively, for μηλολόνθη, σκολόπαξ/ἀσκαλώπας, ὀρφώς/ὀρφός and λεπάς. Apparently, they owe their existence to Gaza's acquaintance with Italian dialectal vocabulary, as can be deduced from two sixteenth-century sources: Agostino Nifo's commentary to Aristotle's zoological writings and Ippolito Salviani's encyclopedic work on aquatic animals. Gaza's galleruca must have originated from the Lombard galeruca 'rose chafer' (the identification of μηλολόνθη with the latter probably due to the hapax legomenon χρυσομηλολόνθιον, Ar. Vesp. 1341), gallinago from the Emilian gallinazza 'woodcock' (since the only known characteristic of σκολόπαξ/ἀσκαλώπας is that it is similar to a hen, Arist. Hist. an. 617b24), cernua from the Calabrian cerna/cernia (identified with ὀρφώς/ὀρφός either due to Gaza's use of a bilingual glossary or due to his own experience in the Calabrian bilingual milieu) and patella from the Calabrian or Roman patella 'pan; limpet' (perhaps identified with λεπάς because Gaza kept in mind the name of a vessel, λεπαστή/ λεπάστη, considered deriving from λεπάς by Eustathius). All the said dialects correspond to the Italian regions where Gaza spent parts of his life.
G. Della Rocca de Candal, A. Grafton & P. Sachet (eds), Printing and Misprinting: A Companion to Mistakes and In-House Corrections in Renaissance Europe (1450–1650), 2023
This chapter explores the origin of the phantom word sargiacus, a fish 'species' born of a typo t... more This chapter explores the origin of the phantom word sargiacus, a fish 'species' born of a typo that made its first appearance in the influential editio princeps of Theodore Gaza’s Latin translation of Aristotle’s Historia animalium (1476). This study shows why the Greek manuscript tradition prevented most early modern natural scientists from considering sargiacus a typographical error. Several other examples of printing mistakes and inconsistencies in rare animal names are also discussed.
![Research paper thumbnail of Рыба-хвощ: к истории лат. equiselis (Arist. Hist. an. 543a22–24, 599b3) [A horsetail-fish. On Latin equiselis (Arist. Hist. an. 543a22–24, 599b3)]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103960600/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2022
Coryphaena equiselis (Linnaeus, 1758), known in English i.a. as pompano dolphinfish, is a fish sp... more Coryphaena equiselis (Linnaeus, 1758), known in English i.a. as pompano dolphinfish, is a fish species widespread in tropical and subtropical waters around the world. The specific epithet in its name, equiselis, is an obscure word. It turns out that it is a corrupted reading of the plant name equisaetum, attested in Pliny’s Natural History (18, 259, 8) and usually identified as horsetail. It was Theodore Gaza, a fifteenth-century humanist and translator, who, in his 1470s Latin version of Aristotle’s Historia animalium, transferred equiselis, the phantom plant name born from a scribe’s error, onto the fish known under the Greek name ἵππουρος (Arist. Hist. an. 543a22–24 and 599b3). That curious rendering was based on the fact that equisaetum/equiselis was provided by the Greek equivalent hippuris in Pliny’s text. The botanical origin of the fish name equiselis was noticed already by Julius Caesar Scaliger, who translated and commented upon Aristotle’s zoological writings in the first half of the sixteenth century. Still, the peculiar history of the fish name appears to have been neglected, so that modern works on the dolphinfish do not discuss its etymology and Pieter Beullens, in his 2008 article on the Latin versions of Aristotle’s zoological works as a source for modern ichthyological nomenclature, mentions only one word, cernua, that today’s ichthyologists owe to Gaza. Now, the word equiselis should be considered a second one, even though a ‘neologism of sense’ rather than a ‘neologism of form’.
Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2020
[bird names 3] This article continues a series of papers on Latin bird names coined by Theodore G... more [bird names 3] This article continues a series of papers on Latin bird names coined by Theodore Gaza in his translation of Aristotle’s Historia animalium.
Varro explains the etymology of the bird name motacilla as follows: “quod semper movet caudam” (LL 5, 76). Following this explanation, Theodore Gaza, the author of the Latin translation of Aristotle’s Historia animalium printed in 1476 and extremely authoritative in the sixteenth century, inferred the existence of the word cilla ‘bird tail, rump’. Perhaps he drew this idea from a medieval glossary. In any case, it was only for rendering Greek bird names with the component ‘rump’ or ‘tail’ that he coined neologisms in -cilla, namely πύγαργος (< πυγή+ἀργός, 618b9) — albicilla, πυρρουράς (< πυρρός+οὐρά, 592b22) — rubicilla, φοινίκουρος (< φοῖνιξ+οὐρά, 632b28–29) — ruticilla. At line 593b3, he rendered πύγαργος with a different neologism, albicula, which is to be considered, given the clear etymology of the Greek word, a compound formed from cūlus ‘the posteriors, fundament’ rather than a diminutive. Therefore, the word rubecula that Gaza coined translating the bird name ἐρίθακος should be, apparently, interpreted as a similar formation, from ἐρυθρός ‘red’ and θᾶκος ‘seat’.
The proposed etymology of these bird names sheds light upon Gaza’s method of treating variant readings in the Greek text. It turns out that, at least twice, he translated two variae lectiones of the same word and put both in his Latin text, one after another. Certainly, this could be explained by the presence of an incorporated gloss in one of Gaza’s Greek Vorlagen, not attested in manuscripts extant today, but it could also indicate a contaminative tendency in Gaza’s way of translating.
In the second part of the article, early modern reception of the aforementioned Greek and Latin bird names is traced. Namely, it is shown how William Turner’s 1544 Avium praecipuarum, quarum apud Plinium et Aristotelem mentio est, brevis et succincta historia influenced the formation of modern ornithological nomenclature. The studied cases show that Turner’s identifications of Aristotle’s bird names with contemporary vernacular ones defined the fate of the Greek words and their Neo-Latin equivalents. Together with the 1555 ornithological volume of Conrad Gessner’s Historia animalium where those identifications were taken over, Turner’s book launched the process of reassigning meanings, a process crucial for the establishment of modern animal nomenclature.
Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2019
[bird names 2] The article presents two addenda to the author’s recent study concerning the manus... more [bird names 2] The article presents two addenda to the author’s recent study concerning the manuscript variants πυρρούλας and πυρρὸς ὕλας in Arist. Hist. an. 592b22. In that previous work, an attempt was made to trace back the Latin fortune of the Greek ὕλας. Now, we scrutinize D’Arcy W. Thompson’s assertion that πυρρούλας means ‘bullfinch’ in Modern Greek. Thompson mistakenly refers to Theodor von Heldreich – it is apparently Demetrios Bikelas whom he is quoting. The latter, in turn, could have taken the “Modern Greek” bird name πυρρούλας from Skarlatos Vyzantios’ 1835 dictionary. Given Vyzantios’ purist and prescriptive approach to lexicography, he must have drawn the word from a learned source based on Aristotle rather than from a vernacular one close to the oral tradition. That is why Thompson’s “Modern Greek” argumentation for identifying Aristotle’s πυρρούλας with the bullfinch most probably results from a vicious circle. This corroborates Carl Jacob Sundevall’s identification of πυρρούλας with the robin and, furthermore, increases the plausibility of the reading πυρρὸς ὕλας.
The second part of the article analyzes all three testimonies of the rare bird name πυρρίας/πυρρία and of the homonymous denomination of a snake. Although apparently irrelevant for assessing the variant readings in Arist. Hist. an. 592b22, these words deserve examination. Namely, a comparison of manuscript readings and possible emendations in Ath. 2, 69, 3, Dionys. Per. Ixeut. 3, 13, 22 and Hsch. Π 4461 suggests that Claudius Salmasius’ conjecture in Ath. 2, 69, 3 should be rejected. Another conjecture is ventured instead.
Philologia classica, 2018
[bird names 1] The article aims at demonstrating that the Latin bird name sylvia used by modern z... more [bird names 1] The article aims at demonstrating that the Latin bird name sylvia used by modern zoologists originates from the Greek ὕλας, attested in several manuscripts of Aristotle’s Historia animalium (592b22). Working on his Latin translation of this treatise in the 1450s–1470s, Theodore Gaza preferred the variant “πυρρὸς ὕλας” to other readings. He rendered πυρρός with the neologism rubicilla and ὕλας with the word silvia, used only as a proper name before. As all the editions of the Greek text from the 1497 ed. princeps onwards take over Aldus Manutius’ emendation πυρρούλας, the origin of silvia has not been ascertained until now, even though modern editions have “πυρρὸς ὕλας” in their apparatus. Gaza’s sixteenth-century readers considered silvia (later mostly spelled sylvia) a synonym of the nearby word rubecula, another neologism of his coinage, identified arbitrarily since the late fifteenth century with robin redbreast. That is why in 1769 Giovanni Antonio Scopoli used the word sylvia as the name for his newly introduced bird genus comprising robin redbreast. In 1800 Georges Cuvier suggested leaving only the typical warblers in that genus (“typical warblers” is a problematic name, since also whitethroats and other birds belong to the genus; the German Grasmücken is taxonomically more convenient), whereas other species, including robin redbreast, were moved to new genera. Thus, the word silvia, coined as an equivalent for the Greek ὕλας (which was perhaps a scribal error), had been considered a name of robin redbreast for three centuries. Since 1800, spelled sylvia, it designates typical warblers.
St Petersburg State University, C.Sc. thesis, Jun 15, 2017
![Research paper thumbnail of Неологизмы Феодора Газы из его латинского перевода «De animalibus» Аристотеля в современной зоологической номенклатуре [Theodore Gaza’s Latin neologisms in his translation of Aristotle’s De animalibus and their reception in modern zoology]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103988938/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2015
Aristotle’s De animalibus had been the main source of scientific knowledge about animals till the... more Aristotle’s De animalibus had been the main source of scientific knowledge about animals till the eighteenth century, and Latin translations served as an important vehicle for its transmission. The first two Latin versions appeared in the thirteenth century. In the early 1450s another one, by the Greek scholar George of Trebizond, was made in Rome for Nicholas V, but it was considered of poor quality and soon fell into oblivion. It was another Byzantine, Theodore Gaza, who was commissioned to replace it with a new translation. Meeting the humanists’ taste, Gaza’s version, which appeared in print in 1476, became soon extremely popular. As John Monfasani has shown, this Latin text exercised a virtual monopoly in the field of Aristotelian zoology for more than two centuries and influenced both the constitutio textus of the Greek editions of Aristotle and the new scientific writings in Latin. Gaza’s translation has been studied from the historical and stylistic points of view, but its vocabulary has not been object of a thorough analysis yet. Taking into consideration the influence of Gaza’s version, we presumed the possibility of discovering traces of its vocabulary in the modern zoological taxonomy. To check this hypothesis, we attempted a classification of Gaza’s renderings of Aristotle’s animal names and suggested a list of neologisms of Gaza’s coinage that could be used as handy material to test the reception of his translation on. Indeed, 25 out of the 47 neologisms introduced by Gaza turned out to have been used by the biologists of the eighteenth–nineteenth centuries for new taxonomic names in the binomial nomenclature; 11 out of these 25 remain valid in the nomenclature accepted nowadays.
![Research paper thumbnail of Критика латинских переводов Феодора Газы в «Истории животных» Конрада Геснера [Theodore Gaza’s translations criticized in Conrad Gessner’s Historia animalium]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103988535/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Вестник РХГА, 2015
The article presents an attempt to shed light on the attitude of Conrad Gesner, the author of a f... more The article presents an attempt to shed light on the attitude of Conrad Gesner, the author of a fundamental zoological treatise of the early modern period, Historia animalium, towards Theodore Gaza’s Latin translations of Aristotle’s De animalibus and Theophrastus’ De plantis. Gesner’s main source of information on animals was the Greek text of Aristotle, which he collated constantly with Gaza’s translation; as for botany, he worked in the same way with the De plantis and its translation by Gaza. The vocabulary of Gesner’s book, depending to a certain extent on Gaza’s translations, in its turn, influenced the formation of modern Latin zoological and botanical terminology. Due to this fact it seems important to investigate which Gaza’s solutions he adopted and which ones he rejected. So, the attempt to classify the references to Gaza’s translations in the first book of Gesner’s Historia animalium gives a better idea of Theodore’s role in the formation of modern natural science.
Theodore Gaza: other by Grigory Vorobyev
M. Korenjak & I. Tautschnig (eds), Die antike Literatur und die wissenschaftliche Revolution, 2023
Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht zu zeigen, dass die Handschrift Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abba... more Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht zu zeigen, dass die Handschrift Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abbazia, ms. 649 nicht, wie in der Literatur zu lesen ist, Theodor Gazas eigenen Kommentar zu seiner lateinischen Übersetzung der Tierschriften von Aristoteles enthält, sondern eine frühe Fassung des Kommentars von Agostino Nifo zusammen mit dem Kommentar von Giovanni Andrea Bussi. Nifo hat wahrscheinlich in einer nun verschollenen Handschrift von Gazas Übersetzung Randnotizen von Bussi gefunden und seine eigenen Anmerkungen am Rand hinzugefügt. Die Handschrift aus Montecassino ist eine Kopie jener Marginalien von Bussi und Nifo, wobei die Paratexte der Vorlage zum Haupttext der Abschrift wurden. Als Nebenergebnis wird festgestellt, dass Nifo in der späteren, gedruckten Fassung seines Kommentars Bussis Bemerkungen zu Aristoteles stillschweigend benutzte.
![Research paper thumbnail of Гуманистический перевод в Италии. Письмо папы Николая V византийскому императору Константину XI 1451 года: история текста и новое издание [Humanist translation in Italy. Pope Nicholas V’s 1451 letter to the Byzantine emperor Constantine XI: History of the text and a new edition]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103988775/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](S. Ivanov (ed.), Перевод и языковая адаптация в литературных текстах средневековой Европы, 2021
This chapter aims at reassessing the textual transmission of the Latin letter written in autumn 1... more This chapter aims at reassessing the textual transmission of the Latin letter written in autumn 1451 by pope Nicholas V to the Byzantine emperor Constantine XI. The new edition offered here is based i.a. on a hitherto unknown source, MS Wrocław, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Rehdiger 36, as well as on the contemporary Greek version made by Theodore Gaza.
M. Kajava, T. Korhonen & J. Vesterinen (eds), Meilicha dôra. Poems and prose in Greek from Renaissance and Early Modern Europe (Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum 138), 2020
The Latin letter written in autumn 1451 by pope Nicholas V to the Byzantine emperor Constantine X... more The Latin letter written in autumn 1451 by pope Nicholas V to the Byzantine emperor Constantine XI is transmitted both in Latin and in Greek. This chapter discusses, firstly, the purpose and the date of Gaza’s translation. Secondly, Gaza’s method is explored: his Greek is often far from the Latin original both because of his humanist approach to the style and because of his diplomatic approach to the delicate subject of the letter, viz. the Church Union. Special attention is paid to the way Gaza renders a list of European countries. The enigmatic case of Sweden, allegedly absent from the Latin original, is explained paleographically; Gaza’s extravagant identification of the Danes with Ptolemy’s Δάμναι is apparently unique.
A. Gladkov & I. Cherniak (eds), Книга и книжная культура в Западной Европе и России до начала Нового времени. Сборник в честь Александра Хаймовича Горфункеля, 2019
The article attempts a critical assessment of sources on the writings and translations questionab... more The article attempts a critical assessment of sources on the writings and translations questionably ascribed to Theodore Gaza.
![Research paper thumbnail of Итальянская и греческая идентичность в трактовке Феодора Газы [Theodore Gaza’s view of Italian and Greek identity]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103988744/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](I. Medvedev et al. (eds), Италия и Европа. Сборник памяти В. И. Рутенбурга, 2014
Demetrius Chalcondyles’ manuscripts by Grigory Vorobyev
![Research paper thumbnail of О некоторых системах разлиновки в рукописях Димитрия Халкокондила [On some ruling systems in Demetrius Chalcondyles’ manuscripts]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103988849/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](M. Bibikov, Z. Oborneva & A. Bondach (eds), Монфокон: Исследования по палеографии, кодикологии и дипломатике (Montfaucon 8), 2022
In this article, I am applying the classifications of ruling systems developed by Jean Irigoin fo... more In this article, I am applying the classifications of ruling systems developed by Jean Irigoin for paper manuscripts and by Albert Derolez for mastara-ruled parchment manuscripts to the Greek paper codices copied by Demetrius Chalcondyles in Italy in the second half of the fifteenth century. It turns out that Chalcondyles, who ruled most of his paper manuscripts with a mastara, normally employed the system Irigoin 2*, but a group of manuscripts created between ca. 1475 and ca. 1485 in Florence were ruled according to the system Irigoin 5*. The books from this group also have other codicological parameters in common.
The correspondence between the first part of Chalcondyles' Florentine period with the use of a particular ruling system shows that the study of ruling systems in humanist paper manuscripts can be an important additional criterion for grouping and dating them.
Sapienza Università di Roma, PhD thesis, Feb 24, 2017
Oggetto della presente indagine sono la scrittura dell’umanista greco Demetrio Calcondila e i cod... more Oggetto della presente indagine sono la scrittura dell’umanista greco Demetrio Calcondila e i codici da lui vergati.
![Research paper thumbnail of Кодикологические замечания о двух аристотелевских рукописях Димитрия Халкокондила [Codicological remarks on two manuscripts of Aristotle copied by Demetrius Chalcondyles]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103989047/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2016
Identical physical features, hitherto unnoticed, of two manuscripts copied by Demetrius Chalcondy... more Identical physical features, hitherto unnoticed, of two manuscripts copied by Demetrius Chalcondyles, Par. suppl. gr. 333 and Ambr. L 117 sup., suggest the possibility of their common origin. The results of a codicological analysis of the manuscripts, compared with the available information about the textual tradition of their contents, make it possible to reconstruct the history of both books. In the 1470s, Chalcondyles copied Mech. (Par. suppl. gr. 333, ff. 163–176) from Matr. 4563. Then he transcribed IA, Somn. Vig., Ins., Div. Somn., MA, GA and most probably Sens. and Mem. (Par. suppl. gr. 333, ff. 79–162, 177–222; together with Mech. this part makes up the codicological block A) from the deperditus ς, which had been once copied from Par. gr. 1921, Par. gr. 1853, Vat. Urb. gr. 37 and a brother-manuscript of Laur. Plut. 81.1. Since Par. gr. 1921 is known to have belonged to Theodore Gaza, whose library arrived to Florence soon after 1476, ς may have been connected to this humanist. Afterwards Demetrius copied Met. (Ambr. L 117 sup., ff. 1–114: block B) from Vind. phil. gr. 64. PA (Ambr. L 117 sup., ff. 115–171: block C) could have been copied from ς or rather from the Viennese codex. The blocks A and C got into the hands of John Servopulos, who provided them with signatures; later on, he returned C to Demetrius and before 1484 took A to England. There, most probably in the 1490s, he supplemented A with two further blocks, containing PA, Long. and Spir. (Par. suppl. gr. 333, ff. 1–78, 223–244), which he copied himself following the page design and quire type of A; he also moved Chalcondyles’ quires containing GA from the end of A to its beginning. The owner and maybe commissioner of this compound codex was Thomas Linacre. In the meantime, the blocks B and C had remained in Demetrius’ hands at least until his move from Florence to Milan in 1491. At some moment in the 15th or 16th c. they were bound together to make up the codex Ambr. L 117 sup.
![Research paper thumbnail of Из истории ватиканского кодекса Urb. gr. 39: Анджело Вадио да Римини — читатель «Истории животных» Аристотеля [On the history of MS Vat. Urb. gr. 39: Angelo Vadio da Rimini as a reader of Arisotle’s Historia animalium]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103960347/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Вспомогательные исторические дисциплины, 2016
The article studies Angelo Vadio's annotations to the text of Aristotle's Historia animalium in M... more The article studies Angelo Vadio's annotations to the text of Aristotle's Historia animalium in MS Vat. Urb. gr. 39. For his corrections, variae lectiones, notabilia etc., Vadio used the editio princeps of Theodore Gaza's Latin translation instead of a Greek Kollationsvorlage; Vadio's copy of that Latin book was probably provided with variae lectiones from William of Moerbeke's translation. A thorough analysis of the annotations allows to reconstruct the history of the codex in a more precise way.
![Research paper thumbnail of Из рукописного наследия Димитрия Халкокондила. Глоссы к тексту «Истории животных» Аристотеля в рукописи Vat. Urb. gr. 39 [From Demetrius Chalcondyles’ manuscript legacy: Glosses to Aristotle’s Historia animalium in codex Vat. Urb. gr. 39]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103988865/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](L. Gerd (ed.), Spicilegium Byzantino-Rossicum. Сборник статей к 80-летию члена-корреспондента РАН И. П. Медведева, 2015
The article studies Demetrius Chalcondyles' corrections to the text of Aristotle's Historia anima... more The article studies Demetrius Chalcondyles' corrections to the text of Aristotle's Historia animalium in MS Vat. Urb. gr. 39. The author argues that Chalcondyles' Kollationsvorlage was a direct or indirect copy of the codex Par. gr. 1921 (less probably, the Parisian codex itself).
Varia by Grigory Vorobyev
![Research paper thumbnail of Научные справочники XVI века и книжная традиция: формы и функции библиографической информации [Sixteenth-century reference books and the learned tradition: Forms and functions of bibliographic information]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103989656/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Новое литературное обозрение [Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie], 2023
Статья посвящена определению научного справочника как особой разновидности печатной продукции ран... more Статья посвящена определению научного справочника как особой разновидности печатной продукции раннего Нового времени. Рассматриваются композиционные и формальные характеристики таких изданий, отвечавшие выполнению их важнейших задач: во-первых, преодоления информационной «перегрузки» и, во-вторых, компактного представления критически выверенного знания, охватывавшего возможно широкий спектр источников (от сочинений античных классиков до сообщений путешественников и местных информантов). Отдельно рассмотрены функции и особенности представления библиографической информации в разных частях издания: как в тексте статей, так и в разнообразных паратекстах, в том числе в специально выделенных библиографических разделах. В результате изучения значительного круга новолатинских научных справочников выявлены важнейшие принципы работы с источниками, характерные для таких изданий на протяжении всего XVI в. (но отличающие их от более ранних справочников и энциклопедий), а также некоторые исторические тенденции, развитие которых привело в конечном счете к формированию привычного нам устройства научного текста. Эти тенденции относятся к следующим принципам сбора, критики и представления информации. Во-первых, что касается репертуара источников, набор авторитетных предшественников постоянно пополнялся за счет современных авторов: начиная с середины XVI в. они занимали значительное место в библиографии; также делались попытки задокументировать сведения, полученные от информантов, из личного опыта и др. Во-вторых, вопрос о регулярности и обязательности ссылок все чаще решался в пользу тщательного и последовательного указания всех источников – не только при прямых цитатах из auctores, но и при цитировании переводов, пересказанных сведений, а также отдельных терминов. В-третьих, что касается формы ссылок в тексте статей, то на смену вариативности, обусловленной техникой компилирования или стилистическими потребностями, уже в XVI в. заметна тенденция к унификации библиографической информации (независимо от эпохи создания, языка или известности сочинения), которой сопутствует ее обособление от основного текста.
Philologia classica, 2023
The article discusses the origins of four Neo-Latin animal names, denoting a beetle, a bird, a fi... more The article discusses the origins of four Neo-Latin animal names, denoting a beetle, a bird, a fish and a mollusk, coined by the Greek scholar Theodore Gaza in the third quarter of the fifteenth century: two neologisms of form, or proper neologisms, gal(l)eruca and gallinago, and two neologisms of sense, cernua 'inclined forwards, head foremost' and patella 'plate, pan'. These words, still valid in today's zoological nomenclature, were first introduced in Gaza's Latin version of Aristotle's Historia animalium, where they stood, respectively, for μηλολόνθη, σκολόπαξ/ἀσκαλώπας, ὀρφώς/ὀρφός and λεπάς. Apparently, they owe their existence to Gaza's acquaintance with Italian dialectal vocabulary, as can be deduced from two sixteenth-century sources: Agostino Nifo's commentary to Aristotle's zoological writings and Ippolito Salviani's encyclopedic work on aquatic animals. Gaza's galleruca must have originated from the Lombard galeruca 'rose chafer' (the identification of μηλολόνθη with the latter probably due to the hapax legomenon χρυσομηλολόνθιον, Ar. Vesp. 1341), gallinago from the Emilian gallinazza 'woodcock' (since the only known characteristic of σκολόπαξ/ἀσκαλώπας is that it is similar to a hen, Arist. Hist. an. 617b24), cernua from the Calabrian cerna/cernia (identified with ὀρφώς/ὀρφός either due to Gaza's use of a bilingual glossary or due to his own experience in the Calabrian bilingual milieu) and patella from the Calabrian or Roman patella 'pan; limpet' (perhaps identified with λεπάς because Gaza kept in mind the name of a vessel, λεπαστή/ λεπάστη, considered deriving from λεπάς by Eustathius). All the said dialects correspond to the Italian regions where Gaza spent parts of his life.
G. Della Rocca de Candal, A. Grafton & P. Sachet (eds), Printing and Misprinting: A Companion to Mistakes and In-House Corrections in Renaissance Europe (1450–1650), 2023
This chapter explores the origin of the phantom word sargiacus, a fish 'species' born of a typo t... more This chapter explores the origin of the phantom word sargiacus, a fish 'species' born of a typo that made its first appearance in the influential editio princeps of Theodore Gaza’s Latin translation of Aristotle’s Historia animalium (1476). This study shows why the Greek manuscript tradition prevented most early modern natural scientists from considering sargiacus a typographical error. Several other examples of printing mistakes and inconsistencies in rare animal names are also discussed.
Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2022
Coryphaena equiselis (Linnaeus, 1758), known in English i.a. as pompano dolphinfish, is a fish sp... more Coryphaena equiselis (Linnaeus, 1758), known in English i.a. as pompano dolphinfish, is a fish species widespread in tropical and subtropical waters around the world. The specific epithet in its name, equiselis, is an obscure word. It turns out that it is a corrupted reading of the plant name equisaetum, attested in Pliny’s Natural History (18, 259, 8) and usually identified as horsetail. It was Theodore Gaza, a fifteenth-century humanist and translator, who, in his 1470s Latin version of Aristotle’s Historia animalium, transferred equiselis, the phantom plant name born from a scribe’s error, onto the fish known under the Greek name ἵππουρος (Arist. Hist. an. 543a22–24 and 599b3). That curious rendering was based on the fact that equisaetum/equiselis was provided by the Greek equivalent hippuris in Pliny’s text. The botanical origin of the fish name equiselis was noticed already by Julius Caesar Scaliger, who translated and commented upon Aristotle’s zoological writings in the first half of the sixteenth century. Still, the peculiar history of the fish name appears to have been neglected, so that modern works on the dolphinfish do not discuss its etymology and Pieter Beullens, in his 2008 article on the Latin versions of Aristotle’s zoological works as a source for modern ichthyological nomenclature, mentions only one word, cernua, that today’s ichthyologists owe to Gaza. Now, the word equiselis should be considered a second one, even though a ‘neologism of sense’ rather than a ‘neologism of form’.
Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2020
[bird names 3] This article continues a series of papers on Latin bird names coined by Theodore G... more [bird names 3] This article continues a series of papers on Latin bird names coined by Theodore Gaza in his translation of Aristotle’s Historia animalium.
Varro explains the etymology of the bird name motacilla as follows: “quod semper movet caudam” (LL 5, 76). Following this explanation, Theodore Gaza, the author of the Latin translation of Aristotle’s Historia animalium printed in 1476 and extremely authoritative in the sixteenth century, inferred the existence of the word cilla ‘bird tail, rump’. Perhaps he drew this idea from a medieval glossary. In any case, it was only for rendering Greek bird names with the component ‘rump’ or ‘tail’ that he coined neologisms in -cilla, namely πύγαργος (< πυγή+ἀργός, 618b9) — albicilla, πυρρουράς (< πυρρός+οὐρά, 592b22) — rubicilla, φοινίκουρος (< φοῖνιξ+οὐρά, 632b28–29) — ruticilla. At line 593b3, he rendered πύγαργος with a different neologism, albicula, which is to be considered, given the clear etymology of the Greek word, a compound formed from cūlus ‘the posteriors, fundament’ rather than a diminutive. Therefore, the word rubecula that Gaza coined translating the bird name ἐρίθακος should be, apparently, interpreted as a similar formation, from ἐρυθρός ‘red’ and θᾶκος ‘seat’.
The proposed etymology of these bird names sheds light upon Gaza’s method of treating variant readings in the Greek text. It turns out that, at least twice, he translated two variae lectiones of the same word and put both in his Latin text, one after another. Certainly, this could be explained by the presence of an incorporated gloss in one of Gaza’s Greek Vorlagen, not attested in manuscripts extant today, but it could also indicate a contaminative tendency in Gaza’s way of translating.
In the second part of the article, early modern reception of the aforementioned Greek and Latin bird names is traced. Namely, it is shown how William Turner’s 1544 Avium praecipuarum, quarum apud Plinium et Aristotelem mentio est, brevis et succincta historia influenced the formation of modern ornithological nomenclature. The studied cases show that Turner’s identifications of Aristotle’s bird names with contemporary vernacular ones defined the fate of the Greek words and their Neo-Latin equivalents. Together with the 1555 ornithological volume of Conrad Gessner’s Historia animalium where those identifications were taken over, Turner’s book launched the process of reassigning meanings, a process crucial for the establishment of modern animal nomenclature.
Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2019
[bird names 2] The article presents two addenda to the author’s recent study concerning the manus... more [bird names 2] The article presents two addenda to the author’s recent study concerning the manuscript variants πυρρούλας and πυρρὸς ὕλας in Arist. Hist. an. 592b22. In that previous work, an attempt was made to trace back the Latin fortune of the Greek ὕλας. Now, we scrutinize D’Arcy W. Thompson’s assertion that πυρρούλας means ‘bullfinch’ in Modern Greek. Thompson mistakenly refers to Theodor von Heldreich – it is apparently Demetrios Bikelas whom he is quoting. The latter, in turn, could have taken the “Modern Greek” bird name πυρρούλας from Skarlatos Vyzantios’ 1835 dictionary. Given Vyzantios’ purist and prescriptive approach to lexicography, he must have drawn the word from a learned source based on Aristotle rather than from a vernacular one close to the oral tradition. That is why Thompson’s “Modern Greek” argumentation for identifying Aristotle’s πυρρούλας with the bullfinch most probably results from a vicious circle. This corroborates Carl Jacob Sundevall’s identification of πυρρούλας with the robin and, furthermore, increases the plausibility of the reading πυρρὸς ὕλας.
The second part of the article analyzes all three testimonies of the rare bird name πυρρίας/πυρρία and of the homonymous denomination of a snake. Although apparently irrelevant for assessing the variant readings in Arist. Hist. an. 592b22, these words deserve examination. Namely, a comparison of manuscript readings and possible emendations in Ath. 2, 69, 3, Dionys. Per. Ixeut. 3, 13, 22 and Hsch. Π 4461 suggests that Claudius Salmasius’ conjecture in Ath. 2, 69, 3 should be rejected. Another conjecture is ventured instead.
Philologia classica, 2018
[bird names 1] The article aims at demonstrating that the Latin bird name sylvia used by modern z... more [bird names 1] The article aims at demonstrating that the Latin bird name sylvia used by modern zoologists originates from the Greek ὕλας, attested in several manuscripts of Aristotle’s Historia animalium (592b22). Working on his Latin translation of this treatise in the 1450s–1470s, Theodore Gaza preferred the variant “πυρρὸς ὕλας” to other readings. He rendered πυρρός with the neologism rubicilla and ὕλας with the word silvia, used only as a proper name before. As all the editions of the Greek text from the 1497 ed. princeps onwards take over Aldus Manutius’ emendation πυρρούλας, the origin of silvia has not been ascertained until now, even though modern editions have “πυρρὸς ὕλας” in their apparatus. Gaza’s sixteenth-century readers considered silvia (later mostly spelled sylvia) a synonym of the nearby word rubecula, another neologism of his coinage, identified arbitrarily since the late fifteenth century with robin redbreast. That is why in 1769 Giovanni Antonio Scopoli used the word sylvia as the name for his newly introduced bird genus comprising robin redbreast. In 1800 Georges Cuvier suggested leaving only the typical warblers in that genus (“typical warblers” is a problematic name, since also whitethroats and other birds belong to the genus; the German Grasmücken is taxonomically more convenient), whereas other species, including robin redbreast, were moved to new genera. Thus, the word silvia, coined as an equivalent for the Greek ὕλας (which was perhaps a scribal error), had been considered a name of robin redbreast for three centuries. Since 1800, spelled sylvia, it designates typical warblers.
St Petersburg State University, C.Sc. thesis, Jun 15, 2017
Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2015
Aristotle’s De animalibus had been the main source of scientific knowledge about animals till the... more Aristotle’s De animalibus had been the main source of scientific knowledge about animals till the eighteenth century, and Latin translations served as an important vehicle for its transmission. The first two Latin versions appeared in the thirteenth century. In the early 1450s another one, by the Greek scholar George of Trebizond, was made in Rome for Nicholas V, but it was considered of poor quality and soon fell into oblivion. It was another Byzantine, Theodore Gaza, who was commissioned to replace it with a new translation. Meeting the humanists’ taste, Gaza’s version, which appeared in print in 1476, became soon extremely popular. As John Monfasani has shown, this Latin text exercised a virtual monopoly in the field of Aristotelian zoology for more than two centuries and influenced both the constitutio textus of the Greek editions of Aristotle and the new scientific writings in Latin. Gaza’s translation has been studied from the historical and stylistic points of view, but its vocabulary has not been object of a thorough analysis yet. Taking into consideration the influence of Gaza’s version, we presumed the possibility of discovering traces of its vocabulary in the modern zoological taxonomy. To check this hypothesis, we attempted a classification of Gaza’s renderings of Aristotle’s animal names and suggested a list of neologisms of Gaza’s coinage that could be used as handy material to test the reception of his translation on. Indeed, 25 out of the 47 neologisms introduced by Gaza turned out to have been used by the biologists of the eighteenth–nineteenth centuries for new taxonomic names in the binomial nomenclature; 11 out of these 25 remain valid in the nomenclature accepted nowadays.
Вестник РХГА, 2015
The article presents an attempt to shed light on the attitude of Conrad Gesner, the author of a f... more The article presents an attempt to shed light on the attitude of Conrad Gesner, the author of a fundamental zoological treatise of the early modern period, Historia animalium, towards Theodore Gaza’s Latin translations of Aristotle’s De animalibus and Theophrastus’ De plantis. Gesner’s main source of information on animals was the Greek text of Aristotle, which he collated constantly with Gaza’s translation; as for botany, he worked in the same way with the De plantis and its translation by Gaza. The vocabulary of Gesner’s book, depending to a certain extent on Gaza’s translations, in its turn, influenced the formation of modern Latin zoological and botanical terminology. Due to this fact it seems important to investigate which Gaza’s solutions he adopted and which ones he rejected. So, the attempt to classify the references to Gaza’s translations in the first book of Gesner’s Historia animalium gives a better idea of Theodore’s role in the formation of modern natural science.
M. Korenjak & I. Tautschnig (eds), Die antike Literatur und die wissenschaftliche Revolution, 2023
Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht zu zeigen, dass die Handschrift Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abba... more Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht zu zeigen, dass die Handschrift Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abbazia, ms. 649 nicht, wie in der Literatur zu lesen ist, Theodor Gazas eigenen Kommentar zu seiner lateinischen Übersetzung der Tierschriften von Aristoteles enthält, sondern eine frühe Fassung des Kommentars von Agostino Nifo zusammen mit dem Kommentar von Giovanni Andrea Bussi. Nifo hat wahrscheinlich in einer nun verschollenen Handschrift von Gazas Übersetzung Randnotizen von Bussi gefunden und seine eigenen Anmerkungen am Rand hinzugefügt. Die Handschrift aus Montecassino ist eine Kopie jener Marginalien von Bussi und Nifo, wobei die Paratexte der Vorlage zum Haupttext der Abschrift wurden. Als Nebenergebnis wird festgestellt, dass Nifo in der späteren, gedruckten Fassung seines Kommentars Bussis Bemerkungen zu Aristoteles stillschweigend benutzte.
S. Ivanov (ed.), Перевод и языковая адаптация в литературных текстах средневековой Европы, 2021
This chapter aims at reassessing the textual transmission of the Latin letter written in autumn 1... more This chapter aims at reassessing the textual transmission of the Latin letter written in autumn 1451 by pope Nicholas V to the Byzantine emperor Constantine XI. The new edition offered here is based i.a. on a hitherto unknown source, MS Wrocław, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Rehdiger 36, as well as on the contemporary Greek version made by Theodore Gaza.
M. Kajava, T. Korhonen & J. Vesterinen (eds), Meilicha dôra. Poems and prose in Greek from Renaissance and Early Modern Europe (Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum 138), 2020
The Latin letter written in autumn 1451 by pope Nicholas V to the Byzantine emperor Constantine X... more The Latin letter written in autumn 1451 by pope Nicholas V to the Byzantine emperor Constantine XI is transmitted both in Latin and in Greek. This chapter discusses, firstly, the purpose and the date of Gaza’s translation. Secondly, Gaza’s method is explored: his Greek is often far from the Latin original both because of his humanist approach to the style and because of his diplomatic approach to the delicate subject of the letter, viz. the Church Union. Special attention is paid to the way Gaza renders a list of European countries. The enigmatic case of Sweden, allegedly absent from the Latin original, is explained paleographically; Gaza’s extravagant identification of the Danes with Ptolemy’s Δάμναι is apparently unique.
A. Gladkov & I. Cherniak (eds), Книга и книжная культура в Западной Европе и России до начала Нового времени. Сборник в честь Александра Хаймовича Горфункеля, 2019
The article attempts a critical assessment of sources on the writings and translations questionab... more The article attempts a critical assessment of sources on the writings and translations questionably ascribed to Theodore Gaza.
I. Medvedev et al. (eds), Италия и Европа. Сборник памяти В. И. Рутенбурга, 2014
M. Bibikov, Z. Oborneva & A. Bondach (eds), Монфокон: Исследования по палеографии, кодикологии и дипломатике (Montfaucon 8), 2022
In this article, I am applying the classifications of ruling systems developed by Jean Irigoin fo... more In this article, I am applying the classifications of ruling systems developed by Jean Irigoin for paper manuscripts and by Albert Derolez for mastara-ruled parchment manuscripts to the Greek paper codices copied by Demetrius Chalcondyles in Italy in the second half of the fifteenth century. It turns out that Chalcondyles, who ruled most of his paper manuscripts with a mastara, normally employed the system Irigoin 2*, but a group of manuscripts created between ca. 1475 and ca. 1485 in Florence were ruled according to the system Irigoin 5*. The books from this group also have other codicological parameters in common.
The correspondence between the first part of Chalcondyles' Florentine period with the use of a particular ruling system shows that the study of ruling systems in humanist paper manuscripts can be an important additional criterion for grouping and dating them.
Sapienza Università di Roma, PhD thesis, Feb 24, 2017
Oggetto della presente indagine sono la scrittura dell’umanista greco Demetrio Calcondila e i cod... more Oggetto della presente indagine sono la scrittura dell’umanista greco Demetrio Calcondila e i codici da lui vergati.
Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2016
Identical physical features, hitherto unnoticed, of two manuscripts copied by Demetrius Chalcondy... more Identical physical features, hitherto unnoticed, of two manuscripts copied by Demetrius Chalcondyles, Par. suppl. gr. 333 and Ambr. L 117 sup., suggest the possibility of their common origin. The results of a codicological analysis of the manuscripts, compared with the available information about the textual tradition of their contents, make it possible to reconstruct the history of both books. In the 1470s, Chalcondyles copied Mech. (Par. suppl. gr. 333, ff. 163–176) from Matr. 4563. Then he transcribed IA, Somn. Vig., Ins., Div. Somn., MA, GA and most probably Sens. and Mem. (Par. suppl. gr. 333, ff. 79–162, 177–222; together with Mech. this part makes up the codicological block A) from the deperditus ς, which had been once copied from Par. gr. 1921, Par. gr. 1853, Vat. Urb. gr. 37 and a brother-manuscript of Laur. Plut. 81.1. Since Par. gr. 1921 is known to have belonged to Theodore Gaza, whose library arrived to Florence soon after 1476, ς may have been connected to this humanist. Afterwards Demetrius copied Met. (Ambr. L 117 sup., ff. 1–114: block B) from Vind. phil. gr. 64. PA (Ambr. L 117 sup., ff. 115–171: block C) could have been copied from ς or rather from the Viennese codex. The blocks A and C got into the hands of John Servopulos, who provided them with signatures; later on, he returned C to Demetrius and before 1484 took A to England. There, most probably in the 1490s, he supplemented A with two further blocks, containing PA, Long. and Spir. (Par. suppl. gr. 333, ff. 1–78, 223–244), which he copied himself following the page design and quire type of A; he also moved Chalcondyles’ quires containing GA from the end of A to its beginning. The owner and maybe commissioner of this compound codex was Thomas Linacre. In the meantime, the blocks B and C had remained in Demetrius’ hands at least until his move from Florence to Milan in 1491. At some moment in the 15th or 16th c. they were bound together to make up the codex Ambr. L 117 sup.
Вспомогательные исторические дисциплины, 2016
The article studies Angelo Vadio's annotations to the text of Aristotle's Historia animalium in M... more The article studies Angelo Vadio's annotations to the text of Aristotle's Historia animalium in MS Vat. Urb. gr. 39. For his corrections, variae lectiones, notabilia etc., Vadio used the editio princeps of Theodore Gaza's Latin translation instead of a Greek Kollationsvorlage; Vadio's copy of that Latin book was probably provided with variae lectiones from William of Moerbeke's translation. A thorough analysis of the annotations allows to reconstruct the history of the codex in a more precise way.
L. Gerd (ed.), Spicilegium Byzantino-Rossicum. Сборник статей к 80-летию члена-корреспондента РАН И. П. Медведева, 2015
The article studies Demetrius Chalcondyles' corrections to the text of Aristotle's Historia anima... more The article studies Demetrius Chalcondyles' corrections to the text of Aristotle's Historia animalium in MS Vat. Urb. gr. 39. The author argues that Chalcondyles' Kollationsvorlage was a direct or indirect copy of the codex Par. gr. 1921 (less probably, the Parisian codex itself).
Новое литературное обозрение [Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie], 2023
Статья посвящена определению научного справочника как особой разновидности печатной продукции ран... more Статья посвящена определению научного справочника как особой разновидности печатной продукции раннего Нового времени. Рассматриваются композиционные и формальные характеристики таких изданий, отвечавшие выполнению их важнейших задач: во-первых, преодоления информационной «перегрузки» и, во-вторых, компактного представления критически выверенного знания, охватывавшего возможно широкий спектр источников (от сочинений античных классиков до сообщений путешественников и местных информантов). Отдельно рассмотрены функции и особенности представления библиографической информации в разных частях издания: как в тексте статей, так и в разнообразных паратекстах, в том числе в специально выделенных библиографических разделах. В результате изучения значительного круга новолатинских научных справочников выявлены важнейшие принципы работы с источниками, характерные для таких изданий на протяжении всего XVI в. (но отличающие их от более ранних справочников и энциклопедий), а также некоторые исторические тенденции, развитие которых привело в конечном счете к формированию привычного нам устройства научного текста. Эти тенденции относятся к следующим принципам сбора, критики и представления информации. Во-первых, что касается репертуара источников, набор авторитетных предшественников постоянно пополнялся за счет современных авторов: начиная с середины XVI в. они занимали значительное место в библиографии; также делались попытки задокументировать сведения, полученные от информантов, из личного опыта и др. Во-вторых, вопрос о регулярности и обязательности ссылок все чаще решался в пользу тщательного и последовательного указания всех источников – не только при прямых цитатах из auctores, но и при цитировании переводов, пересказанных сведений, а также отдельных терминов. В-третьих, что касается формы ссылок в тексте статей, то на смену вариативности, обусловленной техникой компилирования или стилистическими потребностями, уже в XVI в. заметна тенденция к унификации библиографической информации (независимо от эпохи создания, языка или известности сочинения), которой сопутствует ее обособление от основного текста.
J. Päll & I. Volt (eds), Hellenostephanos. Humanist Greek in Early Modern Europe. Learned communities between Antiquity and contemporary culture (Acta Societatis Classicae Morgensternianae 6–7), 2018
Matthew Devaris, one of the prominent Hellenists in sixteenth-century Rome, is known i.a. as an a... more Matthew Devaris, one of the prominent Hellenists in sixteenth-century Rome, is known i.a. as an author of Greek epigrams. Some of them were printed in the preface to his Liber de Graecae linguae particulis in 1588. As for the rest, several epigrams were published in 1962 by Faidon Bubulidis and a few other ones by Anna Meschini Pontani in 1978. Meschini Pontani supposed that the corpus of Devaris’ epigrams might turn out to be larger. Indeed, one of his unknown poems has recently come to light in an unexpected place. A paper leaf preserved in the Archives of the Saint Petersburg Institute of History (carton 671, No. 54) is a subscribed copy of his epigram dedicated to Guglielmo Sirleto, apparently an autograph. Its first publication is offered here, together with an introductory note and some remarks concerning Devaris’ possible sources.
C. Brockmann, D. Harlfinger & S. Valente (eds), Griechisch-byzantinische Handschriftenforschung. Traditionen, Entwicklungen, neue Wege. Greek manuscripts - From the past reaching out to the future, May 18, 2020
The article sheds light on the history of the palimpsest Saint Petersburg, Archives of the Instit... more The article sheds light on the history of the palimpsest Saint Petersburg, Archives of the Institute of History (Russian Academy of Sciences), carton 666, no. 1. The analysis of watermarks in its single paper quire allows to date the scriptio superior to the third quarter of the fourteenth century. Special attention is paid to the possessors of the codex in the fifteenth-eighteenth centuries.
Srednie veka, 2020
[report about the conference "Manuscripta saec. V-XVI in Europa Occidentali conscripta et nunc in... more [report about the conference "Manuscripta saec. V-XVI in Europa Occidentali conscripta et nunc in scriniis Petropolitanis asservata: quomodo exploranda, describenda et digitaliter edenda sint" (Saint Petersburg, 19-22.09.2019)]
Обзор посвящен недавно прошедшей в Санкт-Петербурге международной конференции по латинской палеографии и дипломатике. Она была организована Санкт-Петербургским институтом истории РАН и Германским историческим институтом в Москве и проводилась на четырех площадках: в Санкт-Петербургском научном центре РАН, в Российской национальной библиотеке, в Санкт-Петербургском институте истории РАН и в Государственном Эрмитаже. Около половины докладов были подготовлены российскими исследователями, около половины - палеографами из Европы. Доклады, вошедшие в программу конференции, можно условно разделить на три группы. Одни были посвящены изучению западноевропейских рукописей петербургских хранилищ и связанных с ними рукописей и фрагментов из других городов. Доклады второй группы касались документов и юридических рукописей. В докладах третьего рода освещалось функционирование текущих или недавно завершенных западноевропейских проектов, связанных с описанием рукописей. В ходе конференции западные и отечественные участники обсудили ряд совместных проектов по изучению фрагментов рукописей, а также по реставрации, исследованию и цифровой публикации древнейших грамот из собрания Санкт-Петербургского института истории РАН. Для участников конференции были подготовлены выставки рукописей в Библиотеке Российской академии наук, в Российской национальной библиотеке, в научно-историческом архиве Санкт-Петербургского института истории РАН и в Эрмитаже.
УДК 94(100) «653» ББК 63.3(0)4 В42 Составитель А.М. КРЮКОВ Рецензенты: доктор исторических наук A... more УДК 94(100) «653» ББК 63.3(0)4 В42 Составитель А.М. КРЮКОВ Рецензенты: доктор исторических наук A.B. ПОДОСИНОВ, доктор исторических наук И.С. ФИЛИППОВ Ежегодник основан академиком Василием Григорьевичем ВАСИЛЬЕВСКИМ в 1894 году Византийский временник = ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΑ ΧΡΟΝΙΚΑ / Ин-т всеобщей истории РАН. -М. : Наука, 1894-. ISSN 0132-3776. Т. 100 / отв. ред. С.П. Карпов. -2016. -383 с.; ил. -ISBN 978-0-0000000-0-0.
Medioevo greco, 2015
La scheda di recensione si riferisce agli atti di un simposio svoltosi nel 2010 a Dublino. Gli ar... more La scheda di recensione si riferisce agli atti di un simposio svoltosi nel 2010 a Dublino. Gli articoli del volume trattano l’immagine della società bizantina dal punto di vista della sua essenza multietnica
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](Проблемы итальянистики. Вып. 5: Итальянские архивы в России — российские архивы в Италии, 2013
Проблемы итальянистики. Вып. 4: Культура и литература Италии. Эпохи, стили, идеи, 2011
This book seeks to provide the first comprehensive and interdisciplinary guide into the complex r... more This book seeks to provide the first comprehensive and interdisciplinary guide into the complex relationship between textual production in print, technical and human faults and more or less successful attempts at emendation in the print shop. The 24 carefully selected contributors present new evidence on what we can learn from misprints in relation to publishers' practices, printing and pre-publication procedures, and editorial strategies between 1450 and 1650. They focus on texts, images and the layout of incunabula, sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century books issued throughout Europe, stretching from the output of humanist printers to wide-ranging vernacular publications.