Alexandra Filindra | University of Illinois at Chicago (original) (raw)

Guns and Gun Control by Alexandra Filindra

Heeding the call of the special issue, we look at the past decade's advances in our understanding... more Heeding the call of the special issue, we look at the past decade's advances in our understanding of the relationship between white racial identities and Presidential voting preferences. Following a short review of developments in the literature during the Obama years, we critically evaluate four theories explaining whites' support for Trump: racial resentment, xenophobia, sexism, and white identity. Using data from three ANES studies, we test the relative explanatory power of all four approaches in predicting a vote for Trump during the 2016 Republican primary, the 2016 election, and intent to vote for him in 2020. The results suggest that xenophobia had the most consistent and strongest effect across all models, followed by racial resentment and sexism. White identity appears to have influenced voting for Trump in the primary and it could also have an impact if Biden is the 2020 Democratic nominee, but its effect in the 2016 general election general election does not appear to have been consistent with theoretical expectations. Finally, we use these results to think critically about the state of the field and propose new questions and challenges for research. High in the tower, where I sit above the loud complaining of the human sea, I know many souls that toss and whirl and pass, but none that intrigue me more than the Souls of White Folk.

Our study investigates how and why racial prejudice can fuel white opposition to gun restrictions... more Our study investigates how and why racial prejudice can fuel white opposition to gun restrictions. Drawing on research across disciplines, we suggest that the language of individual freedom used by the gun rights movement utilizes the same racially meaningful tropes as the rhetoric of the white resistance to black civil rights that developed after WWII and into the 1970s. This indicates that the gun rights narrative is color-coded and evocative of racial resentment. To determine whether racial prejudice depresses white support for gun control, we designed a priming experiment which exposed respondents to pictures of blacks and whites drawn from the IAT. Results show that exposure to the prime suppressed support for gun control compared to the control, conditional upon a respondent’s level of racial resentment. Analyses of ANES data (2004-2013) reaffirm these findings. Racial resentment is a statistically significant and substantively important predictor of white opposition to gun control.

Does the threat of Black protest, violent or non-violent, influence whites' gun policy preference... more Does the threat of Black protest, violent or non-violent, influence whites' gun policy preferences? Extant research in political science and cognate disciplines suggest a relationship but disagree on the direction of effect. On the one hand, research in social movements suggests that whites may respond to violent Black protest with stronger support for social control, a form of which may be gun control. Studies also link fear of crime with white increased support for gun control. On the other hand, public opinion research on gun policy shows a negative correlation between racial prejudice and support for gun control. Leveraging the results from two survey experiments with white respondents, I show that whites' support for gun control increases when exposed to primes about either a violent or a non-violent Black Lives Matter protest compared to a non-violent Tea Party protest. However, exposure to a prime about a non-violent white nationalist protest produced null effects, though a story about a violent protest by the same group did boost support for gun control. There were no differences in support for gun control by the race of the victim. A second experiment, confirms that there are no differences in response to Black or white groups that are construed as " violent " , but the prospect of inter-group violence does increase support for gun control.

Theory: Research examining the factors shaping gun policy attitudes has focused on the general po... more Theory: Research examining the factors shaping gun policy attitudes has focused on the general population or whites. Little is known about how self-interest, political values, or racial prejudice shape the gun policy preferences of minorities. Objective: We seek to assess the effect of self-interest, political values and racial prejudice on the gun policy attitudes of whites, Latinos and Blacks. We also introduce a measure of prejudice-difference in group violence-which has not been previously used in the literature on gun policy opinion. Data: We use data from a new survey (2015) and analyze whites, Blacks and Latinos separately. Findings: We find that many of the drivers of support for gun control found in the general population apply to minorities as well, but the substantive effects vary across groups. Similar to prior general population findings, we find that for all groups concern about crime is associated with more support for gun control, and that gun ownership, being the victim of a crime and conservative political values are associated with less support. In contrast, we find that racial prejudice is negatively correlated with support for gun control among whites and Latinos, while one type of racial prejudice—racial resentment—increases support for gun control among Blacks. Surveys suggest the existence of substantial differences in gun policy preferences across racial groups. Generally, white Americans show far less support for restrictions on gun control than

Social Science Quarterly, 2020

Objective. We theorize that anxiety (fear) related to mass shootings and social violence increase... more Objective. We theorize that anxiety (fear) related to mass shootings and social violence increases support for gun control among the American public. Methods. We support our theory with a regression discontinuity analysis based on an actual mass shooting, observational analyses from the same data set testing the relationship between fear and support for gun control, and two survey experiments that prime anxiety in the context of mass shootings and social violence. Findings. We show that support for gun control increased on the day after an actual mass shooting. Observational analysis shows a positive correlation between fear of crime and support for gun control. One priming experiment shows that inducing anxiety about mass shootings increases support for gun control. A second priming experiment shows that exposure to a story about social violence activates anxiety and also increases support for gun control. Conclusions. Our analyses show that anxiety related to mass shootings and mass violence increases support for gun control. Recent studies of public opinion show that mass shootings can lead to an uptick in support for gun control. Specifically, Newman and Hartman (2017) find that proximity

Sociological Inquiry, 2020

Gun ownership is a key predictor of gun policy preferences, political advocacy on behalf of gun r... more Gun ownership is a key predictor of gun policy preferences, political advocacy on behalf of gun rights, and political engagement. Theories have linked both racial and gender ideologies to gun ownership among white Americans, but the evidence is spotty. Statistical analyses provide some limited confirmation that racial resentment is a key predictor of gun ownership, but the role of sexism has not been tested quantitatively especially in conjunction with racial resentment. We use the 2004-2016 ANES and a 2015 Gun Survey to statistically test the relative importance of racial resentment and sexism in predicting gun ownership, rationales for owning firearms, and NRA membership among whites. We find strong evidence that racial resentment is associated with gun ownership, rationales for owning firearms, and NRA membership, but the results for sexism are generally not consistent with expectations.

State immigration policy by Alexandra Filindra

This study critically evaluates the evidence for the racial threat and group power perspectives—t... more This study critically evaluates the evidence for the racial threat and group power perspectives—theories that are prominent in the literature—in the context of legislature-level immigration policy models. Using counts of hostile and welcoming immigration legislation enacted between 2005 and 2011, I demonstrate that out-group size measures correlate positively with both dependent variables. For the most part, the same is the case with measures of out-group growth rates. These results suggest that the use of legislature level models with demographic indicators does not allow us to gain a clear understanding if and how population dynamics influence immigration policymaking. Based on these findings, I recommend that when using demographic indicators as key explanatory variables, providing evidence of result stability across multiple model specifications and also test the models with both hostile and inclusive policy variables.

Policy Studies Journal, 2019

This essay provides a critical review of the field of immigration policy studies from the perspec... more This essay provides a critical review of the field of immigration policy studies from the perspective of measurement and modeling. It serves to contextualize and broaden the views presented in the special issue. As such, we combine insights from American and comparative politics, pinpoint key limitations and challenges in the field, and identify areas of strength within each subfield which could inform theory and measurement development for the other. Ultimately, the concerns about conceptualization, definition, and measurement that we identify and discuss herein, do not apply only to immigration policy studies but to policy studies writ large.

This article examines differences in the drivers of state Temporary Assistance for Needy Families... more This article examines differences in the drivers of state Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) and Medicaid immigrant eligibility policies, determined in the wake of the 1996 Welfare Reform. The findings show that differences in the
incentive structures of the two programs may affect the way race politics influence each. Specifically, race is a strong negative correlate for TANF inclusion of immigrants as states with large African American populations were more likely to exclude legal permanent residents from the program. In the case of Medicaid, the size of the immigrant population is a strong positive correlate for inclusion. The effect of the size of the black population, although negative, is small and not significant. The study confirms extant research findings that ideological factors play an important role in the formation of both policies.

International Migration, 2012

Immigration in the United States is traditionally thought of as a federal-level policy, but in re... more Immigration in the United States is traditionally thought of as a federal-level policy, but in recent years, states have been exceedingly active in this domain. We analyse the context and discourse of immigration-related legis-lative resolutions from Southern border-states, recipients of ...

Politics & Policy, 2013

ABSTRACT Studies of descriptive representation have focused on the ability of minority and female... more ABSTRACT Studies of descriptive representation have focused on the ability of minority and female legislators to push through legislation that is beneficial to these constituencies. However, little is known concerning the role of such legislators in preventing the enactment of bills noxious to their constituencies' interests. This research note investigates the role of Latino legislators in deterring the introduction and blocking the enactment of restrictive and punitive immigration legislation. Using state‐level data from 2007, our results suggest that the relationship between the size of the Latino caucus in a state legislature and the introduction of restrictive bills is not statistically significant, but there is a strong negative statistical correlation between the size of the Latino caucus and the enactment of such laws. The data suggest that descriptive representation may play a role in blocking the passage of legislation harmful to disadvantaged groups.

Abstract will be provided by author.

By all standard measures used in political science research, Rhode Island is one of the country’s... more By all standard measures used in political science research, Rhode Island is one of the country’s most Democratic and liberal states. Its size also makes its legislature and other elected officials the country’s most accessible. Rhode Island also has a large immigrant population: 12.5 percent of its residents are foreign born. Given its liberal politics, political accessibility and large immigrant population, one would expect that immigrant organizations must me quite successful in having pro-immigrant policies enacted. However, that is not the case and it has not been for a decade. So what explains the failure of the state’s immigrant rights advocacy community to sway policymakers? Using Robert Putnam’s (1988) concept of two-level games, I contend that organizations have two types of goals: internal goals, associated with satisfying the demands of the internal stakeholders (e.g., members, grantors, donors) and external goals, associated with policy change and shifting public opinio...

Public opinion and immigration attitudes by Alexandra Filindra

Social Science Quarterly, 2022

Objective: Scholars have reached conflicting results as to the relative importance of cultural an... more Objective: Scholars have reached conflicting results as to the relative importance of cultural and economic threat on majority group receptivity to immigrants and refugees. This study seeks to test whether cultural or economic threat has a stronger influence on white Americans' receptivity to Syrian refugees. Method: We designed a 2x2 priming experiment fielded among white Americans in 2015 that varies both the religion of Syrian refugees to be admitted to the United States (Christian v. Muslim) and the material costs of refugee admission (economic burden v. no economic burden). Results: Results show that cultural threat (Muslim religion) is not by itself sufficient to induce a decline in receptivity among white Americans. Instead, it is the combination of cultural and economic threat that leads to lower levels of refugee acceptance. Conclusion: Cultural threat, especially when it comes to religious "others," may not operate alone but in conjunction to material fears.

Objectives: Research has suggested that geosocial exposure to out-groups is associated with heigh... more Objectives: Research has suggested that geosocial exposure to out-groups is associated with heightened threat perceptions on the part of the dominant white majority. However, findings are not consistent. Methods: Drawing on Realistic Group Conflict Theory and research in political science that privileges the role of the economic context, we test if the effects of geosocial exposure are conditioned on individual expectations about the health of the macroeconomy using a unique dataset from the New England states. Results: We show that a perceived increase in the presence of immigrants in the community positively correlates with restrictionist immigration policy preferences (in this case support for Arizona’s anti- immigration law), but only when people are pessimistic about the future of the state’s economy. Conclusion: The information provided by the social context becomes relevant for people’s policy preference formation only when they experience or expect material loss.

Social Science Quarterly, 2015

ABSTRACT Objective Many studies investigating contact theory have suggested that contact effects ... more ABSTRACT Objective Many studies investigating contact theory have suggested that contact effects are not universal but rather conditional. In this article, we test one form of conditional contact effects. Our approach posits that contact with out-groups produces support for pro-minority public policies only when in-group members are not subject to contrary messages from co-partisans.Methods We use data from an original survey to test this theory in the immigration policy domain.ResultsWe find strong confirmatory evidence that the emergence of contact effects on support for a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants is dependent on party identification.Conclusion When information from the social environment and that from the party coincide, they reinforce each other, producing more tolerant policy preferences. However, when the two are not congruent, individuals may use partisanship to help interpret contextual information, thus canceling out the positive effects of intergroup contact on policy opinions.

This study shows that both race and perceptions about one’s personal economic situation can play ... more This study shows that both race and perceptions about one’s personal economic situation can play a role in how voters assess the likely future of the city under a racially-other mayor. Using the historic transition of the Providence mayoralty to a Latino mayor as the context, and new survey data collected in September 2010, our research show that Latinos –the ethnic “winners” of the contest, are more likely to express positive expectations about the city under Mayor Taveras. On the other hand, whites have a less positive outlook for the city. Both those who lost economically and those whose fortunes improved during the recession express more pessimistic expectations for the city. Our study also shows that blacks who have been affected by the downturn are more likely to have a less optimistic outlook of the city under Taveras, an indication that intra-minority competition is taking place in Providence among the city’s poor minorities.

Immigration and Normative Theory by Alexandra Filindra

The United States removes from its territory almost 400,000 noncitizens annually – Germany remove... more The United States removes from its territory almost 400,000 noncitizens annually – Germany removes about 50,000 people each year, France 26,000, and Canada 12,000. In this essay, we focus on the impact of removal, and we argue that many individuals – often those who are best integrated in their countries of long-term residence – will suffer significant physical, psychological, economic and social harm upon their return. Democratic states have normative reasons for taking the harm of deportation into consideration, and we also find qualified support for this position in existing refugee and immigration law. In response, we articulate jus noci as a normative principle for harm avoidance in deportation practice. According to jus noci, democratic states must take into consideration the expected harmful effects of territorial removal and refrain from deporting individuals whose removal is, all other things being equal, likely to impose significant harm.

Social Science Quarterly, 2020

Sociological Inquiry, 2020

Policy Studies Journal, 2019

International Migration, 2012

Politics & Policy, 2013

Abstract will be provided by author.

Social Science Quarterly, 2022

Social Science Quarterly, 2015

Kansas Journal of Law and Public Policy, 2012

In recent years, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has removed approximately 400,000 indi... more In recent years, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has removed approximately 400,000 individuals per fiscal year. This is a sharp increase from 2001, when approximately half that number were removed annually.' The removal of noncitizens is thus an integral and increasingly important part of the immigration policy of the United States. The thousands of removals that are processed annually pose a significant problem for the American democratic system. The United States has the privilege to determine the conditions under which noncitizens are granted group membership, and this includes the right to physically remove individuals who are already present but who do not meet such conditions. However, the United States has also enshrined in law, and holds as inviolable, a set of * This article borrows from the insight and information generally provided by the following sources: JUDITH GANS, IMMIGRANTS IN ARIZONA: FISCAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACTS (University of Arizona ed.

Regional Studies, 2019

Over the past two decades, US states differentially increased their involvement in immigration po... more Over the past two decades, US states differentially increased their involvement in immigration policy-making, producing both welcoming and restrictive legislation. This uptick allows for a systematic comparative analysis on how state-level policies affect immigrants' political attitudes and behaviour. This paper scrutinizes this question by drawing on the policy feedback literature and using a new immigration policy database and individual-level Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) survey data. The quantitative models reveal heterogeneous effects of state-level integration policies on voter turnout and governor approval among different ethnic and nativity groups. The study comprehensively documents regional integration policy outcomes and contributes to emerging theories on spillover effects.

The largest segment of United States school population growth is children of immigrant background... more The largest segment of United States school population growth is children of immigrant backgrounds: children who are immigrants themselves or were born to immigrant parents. The fundamental question that this study asks is whether the larger state political and policy climate, the context of political receptivity, not necessarily directed at school reform and sometimes not even at immigrants, nonetheless affects affect high school completion. The novelty of this work is its emphasis on the larger contextual level in analyzing the educational outcomes for children of immigrants. Our findings suggest that, first, policy matters: specifically, we find that the impact of the 1996 Welfare Reform extends to the educational outcomes of the children of immigrants. Children of immigrants living in states that chose to include legal permanent residents into their public assistance (TANF) and Medicaid programs are significantly more likely to graduate high school than those living in more restrictive states. Second, we also show that politics matters: children of immigrants living in states dominated by the Democratic Party have a higher chance of graduating high school than their counterparts in Republican-controlled states.

We present a theoretical framework to evaluate the effects of policies that target immigrants and... more We present a theoretical framework to evaluate the effects of policies that target immigrants and apply it to investigate how immigrant inclusion in the state social safety net affects educational attainment among Latino and Asian Americans. Following welfare reform in 1996, states gained considerable autonomy over welfare policy, including decisions about the eligibility of immigrant residents. Leveraging state-level data from before and after reform, we estimate a difference-in-difference model to identify the effect of variation in immigrant inclusivity on educational attainment. We find evidence that when states take steps to broaden the inclusivity of the social safety net to immigrants, young Latinos and Asians are more likely to persist in schooling and graduate from high school. This effect is present beyond the group of Latino and Asian residents who receive additional benefits, suggesting that policy decisions about immigrants communicate broader messages about social inclusion to racial and ethnic groups. We conclude that immigration related policy variation at the state level has consequences for the life prospects of the growing populations of Latino and Asian American youth.

ABSTRACT Abstract will be provided by author.

Drawing on the literature on the social construction of public policy, this article pinpoints the... more Drawing on the literature on the social construction of public policy, this article pinpoints the emergence of the trope of the “temporary Mexican,” that is the migrant farm laborer, to the 1920 Congressional hearings on the “Admission of Illiterate Mexican Laborers.” I argue that this construction was the brainchild of Southwestern agriculture and its Congressional supporters who sought to conceive of the Mexican laborer in terms consistent with the eugenic, liberal (in the traditional sense) and socially conservative sensibilities of the time. What resulted from this strategic creative process was the “temporary Mexican,” a new “breed” of “peon” who had free will and was biologically destined to return to Mexico. This “temporariness” which was what made this social construction palatable for the 1920s, a time of high anti-immigrant sentiment, has stayed with Mexicans to modern day, turning them into an “in-between” group whose membership is always suspect.

This study seeks to evaluate the relative merit of economic and political theories of immigration... more This study seeks to evaluate the relative merit of economic and political theories of immigration policy preferences. Our findings based on multinomial logit analysis, indicate that partisanship and political ideology provide stronger explanations for public support of the Arizona “attrition-through-enforcement” approach to undocumented immigration control, than do measures of economic vulnerability. Support for the Arizona approach is not driven by change in personal economic vulnerability resulting from the recession, nor economic competition, or concerns about the state’s economy. Rather, conservative ideology drives support for the Arizona approach while political liberalism and affiliation with the Democratic party explain opposition to Arizona’s immigration law.

Social Science Quarterly, 2022

In 2020, for the first time, a VP candidate was a Black woman of immigrant parentage. This articl... more In 2020, for the first time, a VP candidate was a Black woman of immigrant parentage. This article asks whether Kamala Harris's Vice Presidential candidacy may have motivated some white voters and especially those scoring high on racial resentment, anti-immigrant attitudes, or sexism to vote for Trump instead of Biden. Methods We conducted an online priming experiment with non-Hispanic white voters in August of 2020, shortly after Harris was announced as the Democratic vice-presidential nominee. Half of the sample were asked about their support for the president-vice presidential tickets, while the other half were only asked about support for a presidential candidate. Results Our results show that the Harris selection may have affected vote choice by pushing many whites, especially among the most racially conservative whites into the Trump column. We find mixed results for anti-immigrant attitudes and sexism. Conclusion We conclude that one aspect of Harris' identity-race-dominated the minds of voters relative to other aspects of her identity.

Journal of Race Ethnicity and Politics, 2021

Social Science Quarterly, Sep 2, 2022

London School of Economics and Political Science, Mar 8, 2018

The shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School last month has put the issue of gun control ... more The shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School last month has put the issue of gun control back on to the public and political agendas in the US. In light of this latest mass shooting, Alexandra Filindra and Loren Collingwood look at the relationship between the public's response to such events and their attitudes towards gun control. They find that after such shootings, there is an increase in public anxiety about crime, which is then linked to greater support for more restrictive gun laws. While this anxiety often goes away in time, they write that as mass shootings become more common-and more deadly-a sustained sense of public anxiety may lead to more long-lasting public support for gun control. On Valentine's Day, 2018 an eighteen year old man entered Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, FL armed with military-style weapons and opened fire on students and faculty. By the time he surrendered to police, he had killed 17 people, injuring others. The shooting put the issue of gun control back in focus. Over the past 12 months, other prominent shootings, such as the one in December 2017 that killed 26 people in a Texas church, and the September 2017 one in Las Vegas that fell 56 people, had re-ignited the same debate to little effect. "BSTK7249" by Barry Stock is licensed under CC BY SA 2.0 USApp-American Politics and Policy Blog: In the wake of the Parkland mass shooting, the public's now continual anxiety about gun crime may lead to a greater push for stricter gun laws.

Perspectives on Politics, 2022

have recognized, will require significant intervention in the existing relationship between marke... more have recognized, will require significant intervention in the existing relationship between markets and states. Second, although we may join Fraistat in his concern about the potential excesses of authority on the part of caretakers as "educators," we are more likely to worry about the potential exploitation of caretakers as nursing assistants or public school teachers under COVID. A more focused engagement with some of the recent work on care ethics would position Fraistat to speak to both sets of concerns.

Social Science Quarterly

Political Behavior

After publication of the original article, it came to the authors' attention that there were erro... more After publication of the original article, it came to the authors' attention that there were errors in figure caption and should have been the following information. The original article PDF has now been corrected.

Political Behavior, Jan 28, 2022

The Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics, 2021

The erosion of democratic norms and institutions continues to be top-of-mind for scholars of race... more The erosion of democratic norms and institutions continues to be top-of-mind for scholars of race and ethnic politics. In the United States, we witnessed a contested transition of the presidency from Republican Donald Trump to Democrat Joe Biden. Challenges to the 2020 election continue unabated. Democracy and inclusion are also the focus of several of the contributions in this issue of JREP. First, Sara W. Goodman and Hannah M. Alarian show that underlying notions of national identity and who should be included as a member of the polity also shape citizens' preferences for multiculturalism. Across 35 advanced democracies, the authors show that in places where national identity is defined in aspirational not ascriptive terms, the public supports multiculturalism. Steven V. Miller and Nicholas T. Davis focus the question on the United States, asking whether outgroup prejudice dampens the value that white Americans ascribe to democracy and its institutions. Prejudiced whites are more likely than less prejudiced whites to dismiss the values of separation of powers and even support military rule. Such findings underscore the fragility of American democracy when partisan elites notch up nativist and racist appeals as a means to win elections.

Social Science Research Network, 2021

SSRN Electronic Journal, 2022

Studies of prejudice and inter-group relations have resulted in conflicting findings: exposure to... more Studies of prejudice and inter-group relations have resulted in conflicting findings: exposure to minority groups has been shown to produce both increased prejudicial and nativist attitudes and tolerance and inclusionary attitudes. This study seeks to reconcile these contradictory findings by developing a theory of inter-group relations that is conditioned on the economic context. We argue that people’s responses to others are not static, but rather can change in response to material changes at the macro level. Our results show that the increased presence of immigrants in the community is an important factor in shaping restrictionist policy preferences (in this case support for Arizona’s anti- immigration law), but only when people are pessimistic about the future of the state’s economy.

Social Science Research Network, 2019

Theories of race norms suggest that, except for prejudiced people, individuals should recognize a... more Theories of race norms suggest that, except for prejudiced people, individuals should recognize and reject racially derogatory speech. The increase in derogation in politics, including by non-white candidates, suggests more complexity. We argue that the application of norms can be context dependent. Specifically, the race of the observer and the race of the speaker are critical to understanding when and how norms work: a history of discrimination allows Black voters to recognize derogation independent of contextual cues, but white voters rely on a speaker’s race to determine whether speech is derogatory. We test this theory using four experiments that compare reactions of white and Black respondents to white, Black, and Muslim candidates. The results confirm that Black voters are more likely to recognize and penalize racial derogation regardless of the race of the derogator, while white votes tend to recognize and penalize derogation only when issued by white candidates.

Introduction Recent years have witnessed the ascendance of states and localities as core componen... more Introduction Recent years have witnessed the ascendance of states and localities as core components in the immigration discourse, both among academics and in the public domain at large. There is good reason for this focus on sub-national governments: state legislatures and city councils have been busy regulating immigrants as part of their functional role in policies such as healthcare, welfare, education, crime, property rights, and the labor market among others. Many of these subnational responses have been far from welcoming. Maricopa County (Arizona) Sheriff Joe Arpaio has made the news for his extreme methods of dealing with undocumented immigrants. Sheriff Arpaio has 160 officers trained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to enforce national immigration law under the controversial 287(g) program. The officers are known to use racial profiling, stop Latinos for routine traffic violations and ask for identification and immigration status documentation and even conduct ...