Moeflich Hasbullah | State Islamic University of Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung (original) (raw)

Papers by Moeflich Hasbullah

Journal of Fatwa Management and Research, May 31, 2024

Halal issues are increasingly important to be discussed and implemented in Malaysia, particularly... more Halal issues are increasingly important to be discussed and implemented in Malaysia, particularly in terms of economic, social, legal and political issues. Halal is highlighted in Malaysia, among others, through the institutionalization of several institutions such as the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (JAKIM), the Halal Industry Development Corporation (HDC), as well as the government's strong support led to its rapid expansion. This halal phenomenon is also contributed by the changing process of the socio-political landscape of Malaysia, and is associated with the development of the Islamic revivalism since the 1970s. In addition, this development is also assisted by the increasingly strong relationship between science, technology and Islam. The objectives of this study are to study the relationship between Islamic revivalism and halal institutionalization, and to analyze the influence of science and technology as the catalyst in the development of halal institutio...

Direktorat Sejarah dan Nilai Budaya, 2015

ix, 441 hlm.; 30 c

&amp;quot;The development of Islam in Indonesia during the New Order period can be seen a... more &amp;quot;The development of Islam in Indonesia during the New Order period can be seen as cultural struggle between groups which Geertz called abangan (nominal Muslim with less Islamic concern), santri (the ‘pious’ Muslims) and priyayi (elite group). By the mid-1980s, abangan and priyayi were associated with Soeharto and his government who dominated Indonesian politics (Emmerson 1976; Anderson 1990). The santri, on the other hand, were powerless, marginalized and known as the ‘outsiders’ (McVey 1983). The rivalry between these groups emerged for the first time when, in the early New Order, Soeharto backed by the military, did not approve rehabilitation of the Islamic party, restricted Muslim political activists, and made alliances with non-santri political actors in running modernization and economic development. The New Order’s commitment to development through the economic growth paradigm resulted in restriction and suppression of any political group who developed a political ideology. Those who suffered most from this policy were the santri group. In the 1970s and 1980s, when there was Islam-phobia amongst government officials, the restriction applied to Muslim religious activities. Anyone who intended to expand Islamic influence in national life was suspected and accused of trying to establish an Islamic state and being anti-Pancasila. Dakwah activities were strictly controlled; criticizing authority was illegal and often condemned as subversion. Santri believed that the government was ‘hostile to Islam.’ The state was hegemonic and the New Order became an authoritarian regime. Restriction after restriction made the santri resentful as though they were outsiders in their own country. However, during the 1980s and 1990s, facilitated by the movement of ‘cultural Islam,’ a Muslim redefinition of their earlier ‘ideological or political Islam,’ Indonesia experienced an Islamization almost in every social group and all social levels, from students to government elite circle. There was a significant increase of religious activities within Muslim society. The agenda of ‘cultural Islam’ was that, the image of Islam should be changed from ‘ideological’ to ‘cultural’ through the activities of mass education, dakwah (religious predication), arts and anything that was not ‘political.’ Supported by the success of Indonesian economic development, the changing face of Islam and the problems of dislocation and identity crisis that accompanied the urbanization process, the result of cultural Islam was remarkable: there was an Islamic education boom, Islam was no longer linked to a political party but conversely viewed as ethical support for development. Through cultural Islam, ‘ideological Islam’ changed to be ‘benign Islam.’ Political orientation shifted to cultural orientation. After 1985, there was a ‘deideologization of Islam’ and Islam-phobia gradually disappeared. Various social and political communities started adopting Islamic teaching and applied it in their daily life. Identifying as Muslim identity became a trend among various groups of people from the students up to government elite. The abangan gradually declined in numbers and santri increased. Because of these changes, many believed that Geertz’s trichotomy was no longer useful in analysing Islam in Indonesia (Hefner 1997, 1998; Anwar 1998). The most interesting phenomenon in the emergence of religious revival is found amongst the middle class people. This thesis argues that in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a shaping of the Muslim middle class identified by five cultural traits: First, is the wearing of the veil. Beginning in university mosques, head-scarves spread to schoolgirls and middle class women. Since the 1980s, the veils have been worn by civil servants, government officers, business people, professional groups, actresses etc. For the middle class, veil wearing has become a religious means for catering to their psychological needs to escape from the problem of dislocation and identity crisis. Second, is the emergence of kasidah songs of Bimbo. The Muslim middle class is a class of people who have been urbanized and transformed into urban life and modernized whose aesthetic taste has also changed. Bimbo’s kasidah emerged to cater to the changing taste of the Muslim middle class. Third, the clearest evidence of the formation of a Muslim middle class was the establishment of ICMI in 1990 (Kuntowijoyo 1991; Ramage 1995; Hefner 1993, 1997; Vatikiotis 1997). ICMI was possible due to the Islamic education boom from the 1970s that has been the basis of Islamization in the New Order bureaucracy called ‘Islamization of bureaucracy.’ A huge number of university graduates became civil servants and government officials. The expansion of educated Muslims has an inevitable political impact, and this in the resulted establishment of ICMI. ICMI is the organization supported by qualified human resources with 75 per cent of its participants are university...

moefarticles.wordpress.com

... of Islamic resurgence by way of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashd Rida in Egypt or Sayyid ... more ... of Islamic resurgence by way of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashd Rida in Egypt or Sayyid Ahmad Khan in India, and Muhammad Iqbal in Indo ... the West, their moving into the West, or their access to the West such as Fazlur Rahman, Ismaصil al-Faruqi, Syed Hossen Nasr, Akbar ...

TEMALI : Jurnal Pembangunan Sosial, 2020

Artikel ini menganalisis peran intelektual ulama sebagai perantara budaya dalam masyarakat dari b... more Artikel ini menganalisis peran intelektual ulama sebagai perantara budaya dalam masyarakat dari beberapa tahap dalam sejarah Indonesia. Bab-bab terpenting dalam sejarah Indonesia secara umum dapat dibagi menjadi lima periode: Pertama, periode masuknya Islam dan perkembangan awal islamisasi. Kedua, masa penjajahan. Ketiga, era era modern, yaitu munculnya gerakan modern dalam Islam di awal abad ke-20. Keempat, periode kemerdekaan revolusioner, dan kelima, periode pasca-kemerdekaan. Artikel sosio-historis ini melihat bahwa ulama di setiap periode ini adalah aktor utama sejarah dan menentukan arah perkembangan bangsa Indonesia. Khusus untuk bagian 'pembangunan komunitas' dalam penelitian ini, kasus peran seorang ulama yang merupakan kepala desa di Rancapanggung, Cililin, Bandung Barat pada 1930-an.

Tulisan ini menyatakan adanya hubungan antara pengembangan sumber daya manusia yang dilakukan ole... more Tulisan ini menyatakan adanya hubungan antara pengembangan sumber daya manusia yang dilakukan oleh pesantren dengan hadirnya kelas menengah santri di tingkat nasional. Dengan kajian literatur dan lapangan, kajian ini menemukan bahwa pada akhirnya kelas menengah muslim itu pun kembali membangun pesantren yang notabene berada di pinggiran pembangunan nasional.

Kajian ini berusaha untuk mengidentifikasi dan menganalisis dua gerakan politik, yaitu dari pingg... more Kajian ini berusaha untuk mengidentifikasi dan menganalisis dua gerakan politik, yaitu dari pinggir ke tengah dan dari tengah ke pinggir. Yaitu, bagaimana kaum santri maju ke arena politik dan bagaimana politisi Muslim memberi kepada kelompok rujukannya, yaitu kelompok santri. Kajian ini, dengan demikian, bersifat perbandingan gerakan, dengan menggunakan metode analisis tindakan, yaitu menyelidiki makna gerakan dari peristiwa-peristiwa sosial politis. Dengan metode tersebut ditemukan bahwa kaum santri telah mendapatkan manifestasi politiknya melalui berbagai kesempatan sosial politis sehingga berada di tengah-tengah pusaran kekuasaan. Selanjutnya ditemukan pula bahwa keberadaan kaum santri di tengah-tengah kekuasaan itu memberikan ruang kepada mereka untuk membuat kebijakan-kebijakan yang menguntungkan tempat asal mereka datang, yaitu institusi pesantren.

This study analyzes two political movements, namely from the edge to the middle and from the midd... more This study analyzes two political movements, namely from the edge to the middle and from the middle to the edge. That is, how the santri advance to the political arena and how Muslim politicians give to their reference groups, namely the santri group. This study, thus, is a comparison of movements, using the method of action analysis, which investigates the meaning of the movement of social political events. With this method it was found that the santri had gained their political manifestations through various political and social opportunities so that they were in the midst of a vortex of power. Furthermore, it was also found that the existence of the santri in the midst of that power gave them space to make policies that benefited their place of origin, namely the pesantren institution.

ABSTRACT: One of the most tremendous events in the history of Southeast Asia is the massive wave ... more ABSTRACT: One of the most tremendous events in the history of Southeast Asia is the massive wave of Islamization, the process that still attracts big curiosity among the historians. Islamization has radically replaced the centuries-rooted pre-Islamic belief. Based on the fact that Islamization took place in the period of lively commerce of Southeast Asia, many have said that one of the strong motivations being Muslim was economic gains. Kingdoms and courts which mainly located in coastal ports whereby Islamization vigorously took place, gained much more state wealth from the 15-17 th commercial activities. This paper examines this conclusion by looking at the phenomena deeper into indigenous worldview from the psycho-social perspective. Exploring Southeast Asian religious conversion from psycho-social perspective has come to the conclusion that indigenous converters did not merely see Islam as a religion, as a set of doctrinal worship. Global community, international cooperation and...

Islamika Indonesiana, 2014

Islamic modernism represented by Muhammadiyah and Persatuan Islam and Islamic traditionalism symb... more Islamic modernism represented by Muhammadiyah and Persatuan Islam and Islamic traditionalism symbolized by Nahdlatul Ulama have lasted a century old in Indonesian history (1912-2014). The unavoidable tensions and conflicts between these two contrast Islamic movements occurred in various fields. The modernist has been trying to promote their modern views and to eradicate tradition. On the contrary, the traditionalist has been working hard to maintain their Islamic tradition and fight for the modernist mission in disseminating their ideas. To some extent, the modernist is quite successful, however by comparative study methods applied in this article to see the result of these two Islamic streams, I argue that in common Islamic modernism has failed to weaken and to eradicate tradition as their initiators firstly introduced it over a century ago. The modernist is only successful in its attempt to build its own empire of modernism but without vanishing tradition. Rather than weakening, let alone disappearing, what has been occuring shows the opposite result. Islamic traditionalism even grows larger than modernist group and develops more dynamic in various fields. More than that, Islamic neo-traditionalism has emerged as its new variant, an intellectual movement that found a new land on the problems of modern spiritual drought.

moefarticles.wordpress.com

... Also meeting this demand is Fenny Mustafa, an Islamic dress businesswoman from Bandung, West ... more ... Also meeting this demand is Fenny Mustafa, an Islamic dress businesswoman from Bandung, West Java, who has established two labels: Shafira, a product and trademark aimed at the upper middle class, and Syahida, targeting university students. ...

Journal of Fatwa Management and Research, May 31, 2024

Direktorat Sejarah dan Nilai Budaya, 2015

ix, 441 hlm.; 30 c

moefarticles.wordpress.com

TEMALI : Jurnal Pembangunan Sosial, 2020

Islamika Indonesiana, 2014

moefarticles.wordpress.com

The Australian National University, 1999

The development of Islam in Indonesia during the New Order period can be seen as cultural struggl... more The development of Islam in Indonesia during the New Order period can be seen as cultural struggle between groups which Geertz called abangan (nominal Muslim with less Islamic concern), santri (the ‘pious’ Muslims) and priyayi (elite group). By the mid-1980s, abangan and priyayi were associated with Soeharto and his government who dominated Indonesian politics (Emmerson 1976; Anderson 1990). The santri, on the other hand, were powerless, marginalized and known as the ‘outsiders’ (McVey 1983). The rivalry between these groups emerged for the first time when, in the early New Order, Soeharto backed by the military, did not approve rehabilitation of the Islamic party, restricted Muslim political activists, and made alliances with non-santri political actors in running modernization and economic development.

The New Order’s commitment to development through the economic growth paradigm resulted in restriction and suppression of any political group who developed a political ideology. Those who suffered most from this policy were the santri group. In the 1970s and 1980s, when there was Islam-phobia amongst government officials, the restriction applied to Muslim religious activities. Anyone who intended to expand Islamic influence in national life was suspected and accused of trying to establish an Islamic state and being anti-Pancasila. Dakwah activities were strictly controlled; criticizing authority was illegal and often condemned as subversion. Santri believed that the government was ‘hostile to Islam.’ The state was hegemonic and the New Order became an authoritarian regime. Restriction after restriction made the santri resentful as though they were outsiders in their own country.

However, during the 1980s and 1990s, facilitated by the movement of ‘cultural Islam,’ a Muslim redefinition of their earlier ‘ideological or political Islam,’ Indonesia experienced an Islamization almost in every social group and all social levels, from students to government elite circle. There was a significant increase of religious activities within Muslim society. The agenda of ‘cultural Islam’ was that, the image of Islam should be changed from ‘ideological’ to ‘cultural’ through the activities of mass education, dakwah (religious predication), arts and anything that was not ‘political.’

Supported by the success of Indonesian economic development, the changing face of Islam and the problems of dislocation and identity crisis that accompanied the urbanization process, the result of cultural Islam was remarkable: there was an Islamic education boom, Islam was no longer linked to a political party but conversely viewed as ethical support for development. Through cultural Islam, ‘ideological Islam’ changed to be ‘benign Islam.’ Political orientation shifted to cultural orientation. After 1985, there was a ‘deideologization of Islam’ and Islam-phobia gradually disappeared. Various social and political communities started adopting Islamic teaching and applied it in their daily life. Identifying as Muslim identity became a trend among various groups of people from the students up to government elite. The abangan gradually declined in numbers and santri increased. Because of these changes, many believed that Geertz’s trichotomy was no longer useful in analysing Islam in Indonesia (Hefner 1997, 1998; Anwar 1998).

The most interesting phenomenon in the emergence of religious revival is found amongst the middle class people. This thesis argues that in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a shaping of the Muslim middle class identified by five cultural traits: First, is the wearing of the veil. Beginning in university mosques, head-scarves spread to schoolgirls and middle class women. Since the 1980s, the veils have been worn by civil servants, government officers, business people, professional groups, actresses etc. For the middle class, veil wearing has become a religious means for catering to their psychological needs to escape from the problem of dislocation and identity crisis. Second, is the emergence of kasidah songs of Bimbo. The Muslim middle class is a class of people who have been urbanized and transformed into urban life and modernized whose aesthetic taste has also changed. Bimbo’s kasidah emerged to cater to the changing taste of the Muslim middle class. Third, the clearest evidence of the formation of a Muslim middle class was the establishment of ICMI in 1990 (Kuntowijoyo 1991; Ramage 1995; Hefner 1993, 1997; Vatikiotis 1997). ICMI was possible due to the Islamic education boom from the 1970s that has been the basis of Islamization in the New Order bureaucracy called ‘Islamization of bureaucracy.’ A huge number of university graduates became civil servants and government officials. The expansion of educated Muslims has an inevitable political impact, and this in the resulted establishment of ICMI. ICMI is the organization supported by qualified human resources with 75 per cent of its participants are university graduates. Fourth, print media is another means whereby the Muslim middle class articulated their taste and ideas. The journal Ulumul Qur’an (UQ), daily Republika and weekly Ummat were three Muslim media with similar traits: modern life oriented, professionally organized, and liberal. These were the media where educated Muslim middle class articulated themselves. Showing Islam as relevant to modern life, these media received an enthusiastic welcome from educated people. In short, these media emerged as the expression of the changing taste of knowledge of Muslim society. Lastly, the phenomenon of prestigious religious learning activities called “kelompok pengajian elit” was another trait of the Muslim middle class. Since the mid 1980s, there has been a new trend where religious learning activities overwhelmed the middle class people. Professional groups, businessmen, government officials etc. returned to religious devotion. The pengajian activities were regularly held in hotels and prestigious places. These five cultural phenomena —emerged during the same period— are put and analised in the context of Bourdieu’s concept of ‘habitus’ that is class codes that reinforced one another to link behaviour, ideology and identity. These cultural codes demonstrate the emergence of Muslim middle class during the New Order period. They indicate the decline of the abangan culture and symbolize the santri’s “cultural domination.”

Makalah diskusi, 2014

Tulisan ini adalah catatan kritis atas studi Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Nusa... more Tulisan ini adalah catatan kritis atas studi Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Nusantara. Selain keunggulan-keunggulannya yang dijelaskan dalam artikel ini, tentu saja, tidak ada gading yang tak retak. Catatan kritis harus diberikan. Karya ini, selain sumbangannya yang sangat besar, masih memerlukan penyempurnaan eksplorasi jaringan ulama dengan studi-studi susulan berikutnya, terutama jaringan-jaringan lokal, agar jaringan ulama tidak hanya terungkap dan terlihat sebagai fenomena di permukaan air laut sejarah tetapi menjadi sebuah peta sosiologis-historis yang masuk ke kedalaman struktur historis.

Sebagai warisan dari konflik-konflik politik yang berlangsung sejak zaman kolonial, Islam Indones... more Sebagai warisan dari konflik-konflik politik yang berlangsung sejak zaman kolonial, Islam Indonesia adalah sebuah entitas umat yang selalu berhadapan dengan kekuatan negara. Negara kolonial mempertahankan kekuasaan koloninya dengan berusaha meminimalisir pengaruh kekuatan Islam, sementara Islam sendiri menjadi "pembangkang birokrasi" dan inspirasi untuk melakukan perlawanan. Tradisi ini berlanjut hingga zaman Orde Baru yaitu saat pemerintahan Soeharto menempatkan diri sebagai negara yang memusuhi Islam. Perseteruan ini berimbas pada sejarah. Negara ingin menuliskan sejarah Indonesia berdasarkan versinya sendiri dengan perasaan sama dengan kaum kolonial: meminimalisir peranan Islam dan lebih menonjolkan peranannya sendirinya (Jawanisme abangan). Kalangan Islam menuntut sejarah ditulis apa adanya (history as it is) sesuai fakta yang ditemukam. Ketika sejarah bangsa ditulis dengan tidak diamini umat Islam, polemik sejarah pun terjadi. Muncullah istilah 'sejarawan istana' sebagai sebutan pada sejarawan yang menulis untuk kepentingan penguasa. Dalam banyak episode, sejarah Islam Indonesia tidak ditulis penuh rekayasa, mengalami distorsi dan pembelokkan. Sejak tahun 1960-an, sudah muncul gugatan-gugatan terhadap sejarah Indonesia dari beberapa kalangan, yang paling kuat muncul dari kalangan Muslim. Beberapa episode sejarah Islam yang dipersoalkan itu misalnya sejarah masuknya Islam ke Indonesia,[1] peranan etnis Cina dalam Islamisasi,[2] gerakan awal kebangkitan nasional,[3] peranan Islam (ulama) dalam kemerdekaan, kolonialisasi (Eropa-sentris) dalam penulisan sejarah,[4] deislamisasi dan hinduisasi kebudayaan Indonesia.[5]

Analisis dan beberapa catatan atas buku Jaringan Ulama karya Azyumardi Azra.

Syarat menjadi profesor itu semestinya dinilai dari kemanfaatan ilmunya, apalagi bagi dosen-dosen... more Syarat menjadi profesor itu semestinya dinilai dari kemanfaatan ilmunya, apalagi bagi dosen-dosen Perguruan Tinggi Islam, bukan dari eksklusifitas dan elitisitas dimuat di jurnal internasional tapi minim bahkan tidak dibaca orang. Ilmu bukan untuk ilmu an sich tapi untuk transformasi masyarakat dan kemajuan umat."

Akankah gerakan terorisme berakhir? Tidak ada tanda-tanda mengarah kesitu. Sebagai salah satu ben... more Akankah gerakan terorisme berakhir? Tidak ada tanda-tanda mengarah kesitu. Sebagai salah satu bentuk ekspresi dari potensi radikal manusia, selama masih ada kesewenang-wenangan kekuasaan, dominasi represif, ketidakpuasan atas ketidakadilan sosial dan rasa frustrasi atas aspirasi-aspirasi yang terhambat, terorisme tidak akan hilang. Terorisme pun multiwajah dari yang sederhana hingga yang kolosal. Banyak akar, latar dan altar yang memproduksinya, tapi yang sering muncul adalah pandangan simplifikasi. Diantara simplifikasi adalah pengkaitannya dengan agama karena memang agama, kata Marx dan Engles adalah saluran ideologi yang paling ekstrem. Tapi pengkaitan ini tidak selalu akurat mengingat persoalan terorisme sesunggugnya sangat kompleks. Konteks terorisme pun beragam. Paling tidak ada lima tipe terorisme yang bisa dikenali.

Perilaku korupsi sudah mendarah daging dalam tubuh bangsa Indonesia sejak bangsa ini mengalami ke... more Perilaku korupsi sudah mendarah daging dalam tubuh bangsa Indonesia sejak bangsa ini mengalami kemerdekaannya dan lepas dari cekraman kolonialisme. Korupsi telah menjadi penyakit yang menggerogoti dan menghancurkan bangsa ini selama setengah abad lebih. Puncaknya adalah masa pemerintahan Orde Baru. Melalui mekanisme kekuasaan, korupsi disemaikan, ditumbuhsuburkan dan dikulturkan dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan sampai akhirnya menjadi mentalitas bangsa yang kemudian meruntuhkan rezim Orde Baru itu sendiri. Korupsi nyaris sempurna terjadi pada setiap lapisan dan kelompok sosial di Indonesia. Inilah yang membuat korupsi di negeri ini sulit diberantas.

Republika,, Jul 2010

Munculnya era Reformasi yang menjanjikan perubahan dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan ternyata tidak ... more Munculnya era Reformasi yang menjanjikan perubahan dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan ternyata tidak banyak mewujudkan harapan, terutama dalam hal mengatasi penyakit yang paling kronis diidap bangsa Indonesia, yaitu korupsi. Ketimbang memberantas dan berkurang, era Reformasi malah membuka selubung-selubung mafia korupsi yang parah. Lebih parah lagi, bila zaman Orde Baru korupsi dilakukan oleh penguasa sentral, korupsi pada era Reformasi dilakukan oleh mafia para pejabat antar departemen. Korupsi sudah mendarah daging dalam tubuh bangsa Indonesia di berbagai lapisan sosial. Mulai dari pejabat tinggi di institusi-institusi negara, pengusaha dalam gerak bisnisnya, hingga rakyat kecil pada kehidupan sehari-hari. Pejabat negara, individu, atau mafia menilap uang rakyat di tingkat negara dengan menyelewengkan aturan dan jabatan atau melakukan mark up dan laporan untuk kepentingan diri serta mafianya.

Dalam sebuah kesempatan, seorang ulama bijak yang dikenal luas yaitu Buya Hamka (alm.) konon diha... more Dalam sebuah kesempatan, seorang ulama bijak yang dikenal luas yaitu Buya Hamka (alm.) konon dihadapkan pada pertanyaan 'nakal' seorang pemuda jama'ah pengajiannya: "Buya, bolehkan seseorang memandang gambar atau foto tubuh wanita bugil, semata-mata hanya untuk mentafakkuri kebesaran dan keagungan Tuhan yang ada pada indahnya tubuh wanita tersebut?" Sambil merenung sekilas, karena pertanyaannya diluar dugaan, Buya berfikir. Tak lama ia menjawab: "Boleh." "Tapi," segera beliau menegaskan, "semata-semata hanya untuk tujuan itu, tidak lain dari maksud itu. Awas, tidak lain dari itu." Jawaban seperti Buya tak akan pernah keluar bila beliau tidak mempelajari tasawuf. Apa hubungannya? Sebab dalam tasawuf tidak ada batasan, segala sesuatu bisa menjadi obyek dzikir. Pertanyaan pemuda tersebut menuntut jawaban hakikat bukan syariat (hukum, norma) dan hakikat adalah wilayah atau dunianya tasawuf. Norma atau syariat akan tegas-tegas melarang perbuatan itu sebagai perbuatan haram karena memandangi aurat. Norma tidak berurusan dengan sesuatu di luar formalitas bahwa di luar norma ada jalan menuju Tuhan. Esensi bugilitas tubuh wanita yang ditanyakan adalah keindahan. Nilai keindahan harus dibahas oleh estetika bukan hukum. Tapi, tentu estetika tidak bisa lepas dari norma/hukum. Norma harus meng-guide atau mengontrol estetika, tapi seringkali ini adalah persoalan rumit yang tak kunjung usai karena hubungan dan batasan antara norma dan estetika sering tidak sederhana. Norma atau hukum tidak bisa sederhana dalam menerapkan definisi-definisi norma pada estetika karena aktifitas rasa bukan untuk dihukumi tapi dirasakan. Norma/hukum berorientasi pada sah/valid tidaknya sebuah tindakan, sedangkan rasa/estetika berorientasi pada enak/indah tidaknya sesuatu. Jadi, memang wilayahnya berbeda. Ekspresi rasa/seni bisa menjadi wilayah hukum hanya bila sudah menjadi tindakan yang merugikan pihak lain secara material. Persoalan rumit ini pula yang telah menjadi kontroversi berabad-abad antara tasawuf (hakikat) dengan syariat (hukum/fiqh) dalam sejarah Islam. Tulisan ini bukan membahas kontroversi tersebut tapi akan menjelaskan bagaimana seni (rasa/estetika) bisa menjadi media dzikir, media merasakan kelezatan spiritual atau mempertebal keyakinan akan eksistensi Tuhan.

Keluarga Mahasiswa (KM) ITB akan menyelenggarakan debat kandidat Rektor ITB pada 21 November 2009... more Keluarga Mahasiswa (KM) ITB akan menyelenggarakan debat kandidat Rektor ITB pada 21 November 2009 di kampusnya. Penyelenggaraan itu sebagai bahan pertimbangan dalam memilih Rektor ITB yang baru masa kepemimpinan 2010-2014.

My Resume/Curriculum Vitae (Juli 2017)

Things on me, particularly intellectual career.

Madrasah Malem Reboan (MMR) & Pusat Penelitian dan Penerbitan LP2M UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung, 2018

Buku ini merupakan kumpulan tulisan yang telah dipresentasikan dalam acara diskusi Madrasah Malem... more Buku ini merupakan kumpulan tulisan yang
telah dipresentasikan dalam acara diskusi
Madrasah Malem Reboan (MMR), sebuah ajang
diskusi yang diselenggarakan oleh para dosen
UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung, setiap malam
Rabu. Judul buku di atas dapat dianggap mencerminkan tulisan-tulisan yang menjadi makalah diskusi. Empat artikel pertama merepresentasikan persoalan-persoalan yang menjadi tantangan bagi umat Islam pada umumnya. Sedangkan tiga artikel kemudian merepresentasikan harapan dalam pengembangan masyarakat Islam Indonesia khususnya.