Helge Blakkisrud | University of Oslo (original) (raw)

Papers by Helge Blakkisrud

Springer eBooks, Dec 31, 2017

To realize its ambitious goals of turning the Far East into Russia's gateway to the Asia-Pacific,... more To realize its ambitious goals of turning the Far East into Russia's gateway to the Asia-Pacific, the Kremlin in 2012 established the Ministry for the Development of the Far East. Structurally, this ministry is a hybrid, with offices at the federal and the regional levels, reflecting both Moscow's centralized take on policy formulation and the difficulties of micro-managing politics in a region distant in time and space. Analysing whether the new ministry has been a success, the author concludes that, while Moscow's primary goal has been to open a Far Eastern gateway, a side-effect might be that the Far East will become better integrated with the rest of the country, providing for more balanced development throughout the Federation.

Engaging Without Recognizing? Western Approaches to the Eurasian De Facto States

Journal of International Analytics

Territory, politics, governance, Mar 22, 2024

De facto states seek international recognition. But do patron states that extend such recognition... more De facto states seek international recognition. But do patron states that extend such recognition to their de-facto state clients treat them differently than they would have done otherwise? Will patrons, having extended official recognition, be more inclined to treat their clients as ‘regular’ states? Or does recognition only make the client more beholden to the patron? To investigate this, we explore whether granting recognition affects the degree of patron-state penetration of two sectors critical to the de facto state for retaining (internal) sovereignty and agency: the executive branch, and the military.

Arctic Review on Law and Politics, 2018

Russia Before and After Crimea

Edinburgh University Press, 2018

Explores the momentous changes that have taken place in the Russian national identity discourse s... more Explores the momentous changes that have taken place in the Russian national identity discourse since Putin’s return to the presidency Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 marked a watershed in post-Cold War European history and brought East–West relations to a low point. At the same time, by selling this fateful action in starkly nationalist language, the Putin regime achieved record-high popularity. This book shows how, after the large-scale 2011–2013 anti-Putin demonstrations in major Russian cities and the parallel rise in xenophobia related to the Kremlin’s perceived inability to deal with the influx of Central Asian labour migrants, the annexation of Crimea generated strong ‘rallying around the nation’ and ‘rallying around the leader’ effects. The contributors to this collection go beyond the news headlines, focusing on aspects of Russian society that have often passed under the radar, such as intellectual racism and growing xenophobia. These developments are contextualised b...

4, 2019

Over the past decade, the United States has paid increasing attention to Arctic politics, peaking... more Over the past decade, the United States has paid increasing attention to Arctic politics, peaking with the 2015-2017 US chairmanship of the Arctic Council. However, Alaska is the country's only foothold in the Arctic, and how the Arctic figures in Beltway politics is marked by the vast distances between Washington DC and Alaska. It is frequently argued that the USA lacks a specific national "Arctic identity," and approaches Arctic international issues in a broader global perspectivefor instance, as part of the country's global oceans politics. The centrality of the USA in Arctic politics is unquestionable. The U.S. was for example instrumental in transforming the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy into what became the Arctic Council in 1996. While

Edinburgh University Press eBooks, 2018

Book Reviews art actions and power to the competition between two "art groups working with the sa... more Book Reviews art actions and power to the competition between two "art groups working with the same director" (140)-an unintended allusion to Boris Groys's criticism of the historical avant-garde? Apparently, the new dialogue with and deference to the broad public of art consumers-as Viktoria Lomasko formulates it (147)-marks the actual agenda of socially-engaged Russian esthetics. The exploration of such (micro)practices that unveil a new, much more analytical, systematic, and non-spectacular way of artistic dissent is still lacking in this doubtlessly innovative and essential book. Future research will close this gap.

The Shifting Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region: Actors, Drivers, Challenges

Europe-Asia Studies, Apr 24, 2008

THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION DID NOT RESULT in an all-out conflagration, as some had feared, ... more THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION DID NOT RESULT in an all-out conflagration, as some had feared, but it did lead to several small and medium-sized wars on the periphery. In one of these wars-in Tajikistan between 1991 and 1993-the issue at stake was control over one of the emerging post-Soviet states; most of the others, however, concerned secession from one of the fledgling states. This was the case in Chechnya, Pridnestrovie, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. A third type of conflict involved war between two post-Soviet states, like that between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Also here, however, secession was at the centre of the dispute, as the two states were fighting for control over the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast', which wanted to secede from Azerbaijan. Five of these conflicts ended in the establishment of a non-recognised quasi-state that controlled all or most of the disputed territory.1 While the secessionist regime in Chechnya subsequently lost control over the territory to which it laid claim, four other quasi-states still exist in the territory of the former Soviet Union: the Pridnestrovskaya We would like to thank Svante Cornell for extensive comments on a previous version of this article. 1There is no established consensus in the scholarly literature on the most appropriate appellation for these political entities. Some authors use the terms 'unrecognised states' (King 2001) and 'de facto states' (Pegg 1998), while others prefer 'pseudo-states' (Kolossov & O'Loughlin 1999), 'para-states' or 'quasi-states' (Baev 1998). In accordance with the terminology established by Kolstø (2006), we will in this article use the term 'quasi-states'. Moldovskaya Respublika in Moldova (PMR); the Republic of Abkhazia and the Republic of South Ossetia, both in Georgia; and the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh (NKR) in Azerbaijan. On 2 September 2006, the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh celebrated its fifteenth anniversary as a separate state with the presence of, among others, visiting guests from the other three unrecognised states.2 Few other state leaders, however, bothered to come. Recognised states and unrecognised states do not play together. In this article we will set aside the thorny legal and moral issues of whether the victors of the post-Soviet secessionist wars ought to be rewarded with international recognition.3 Instead, we focus on whether the three quasi-states of the South Caucasus may be said to exist as functioning state entities.4 To what extent are the authorities able to provide the populace with the services expected of contemporary states, such as internal and external security, basic infrastructure, and welfare? Next, we note that all these putative states go one step further in their claims: they insist that they are not merely functioning states, but indeed nation-states that command the loyalty and allegiance of their population. We will thus discuss not only whether these quasi-states may be said to possess real 'stateness', but also their claim to embody real nationhood.5 In accordance with the terminology we have used in earlier studies (Kolstø 2000; Kolstø & Blakkisrud 2004, pp. 8-10), we define state-building as the establishment of the administrative, economic, and military groundwork of functional states. It includes the establishment of frontier control, securing a monopoly of coercive powers on the state territory, and putting into place a system for the collection of taxes and tolls. These are the 'hard' aspects of state construction, as it were. By contrast, nationbuilding concerns the 'softer' aspects of state consolidation, such as the construction of a shared identity and a sense of unity in a state's population, through education, propaganda, ideology, and state symbols. Such 'nation-building' is a process actively pursued by state leaders, intellectuals, educators, and others who try to give a state the qualities of a nation-state. Nation-building is intended to instil in the population a sense of being one common nation, to cultivate a sense of belonging to the particular state in which they live and no other. Very often this policy includes elements of cultural and linguistic homogenisation, as well as popular participation in political institutions and processes. In the modern world, statehood and nationhood are intimately related. If the citizens identify with the state they live in it will be much easier to get them to defend it 2NKR is the oldest of the South Caucasian quasi-states. South Ossetia formally declared its independence on

Dynamics of de facto statehood: the South Caucasian de facto states between secession and sovereignty

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, May 24, 2012

Scattered across the globe there exist a handful of unrecognized statelets. Although some such en... more Scattered across the globe there exist a handful of unrecognized statelets. Although some such entities have proven short-lived, others have demonstrated remarkable tenacity. The South Caucasian de facto states – Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh – have existed for almost 20 years now. This article offers a comparative analysis of how these statelets have attempted to consolidate statehood though processes of

Springer eBooks, Dec 31, 2017

Russia's border regions have had moments as open 'gateways' to cooperation. More often, however, ... more Russia's border regions have had moments as open 'gateways' to cooperation. More often, however, the border has been viewed as a 'garrison': an outpost of state power. This chapter places the Russian Far East in the broader context of Russia's pursuit of economic development and security concerns, noting that Russian foreign policy is not necessarily uniform: there are elements of compartmentalization/disaggregation along geographical vectors. The chapter broaches the question that informs all case studies in this volume: has Russia intensified its diplomatic and economic outreach to its eastern border areas and beyond because of the recent breakdown in relations with the West-or would such a shift have taken place anyway, given the economic pull of the Asia-Pacific region?

Nation-building, Nationalism and the New 'Other' in Today's Russia (NEORUSS), 2016

In "Nation-building, Nationalism and the New 'Other' in Today's Russia (NEORUSS)... more In "Nation-building, Nationalism and the New 'Other' in Today's Russia (NEORUSS), 2016" the aim was to analyze the new preconditions for nation-building in Russia and the formulation of policies on the 'national question'. Four issues were targeted: 1) Changes in the state's policies and political signals. We examined statements by Medvedev and Putin, as well as by leading members of Duma parties and Kremlin policy advisers. In particular, we analyzed the relative strength of state-oriented and ethnicity-oriented vectors in the nationality concept. As a target topic we chose to focus on federal migration policies. To what degree do the state authorities explain to the public that the immigration is an indispensable necessity in the Russian economy? 2) The nationality issue in the opposition. What alternative does the anti-system opposition represent when it comes to the formulation of a national idea? Is there a tug of war going on in this movement ...

The Shifting Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region: Actors, Drivers, Challenges

The New Russian Nationalism. Imperalism, ethnicity and authoritarianism 2000-15

US Arctic politics Over the past decade, the United States has paid increasing attention to Arcti... more US Arctic politics Over the past decade, the United States has paid increasing attention to Arctic politics, peaking with the 2015–2017 US chairmanship of the Arctic Council. However, Alaska is the country’s only foothold in the Arctic, and how the Arctic figures in Beltway politics is marked by the vast distances between Washington DC and Alaska. It is frequently argued that the USA lacks a specific national “Arctic identity,” and approaches Arctic international issues in a broader global perspective— for instance, as part of the country’s global oceans politics.

Slavic Review, 2019

9. ‘Restore Moscow to the Muscovites’: Othering ‘the migrants’ in the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections

Russia Before and After Crimea, 2018

Regime Development and Patron–Client Relations: The 2016 Transnistrian Presidential Elections and the “Russia Factor”

Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, 2017

Abstract: In December 2016, Transnistria held presidential elections in which, after an exception... more Abstract: In December 2016, Transnistria held presidential elections in which, after an exceptionally loud and dirty campaign, the incumbent yielded power to his main opponent. This article explores regime evolution in the breakaway republic through the prism of these elections. First, drawing on the literature on hybrid regimes, we ask what the recent campaign can tell us about regime evolution in Transnistria. Second, arguing that, in the case of Eurasian de facto states, this literature must be complemented by a discussion of the role of the patron state, we then turn to the importance of the “Russia factor.” We conclude by arguing that, due to Transnistria’s dependency on its Moscow patron, this factor always looms large – but not necessarily in the ways that might be expected.

• The conflict transformation literature highlights the role of trade in fostering trust and, hen... more • The conflict transformation literature highlights the role of trade in fostering trust and, hence, conflict transformation. In the context of contested statehood, however, the correlation between trade and trust, and thereby between trade and conflict transformation, may be less straightforward. When a state does not enjoy formal recognition, we should not assume that increased trade necessarily leads to increased trust, and vice versa. • A case study of Abkhazia, a de facto state situated in the contested neighborhood between Russia and the EU, shows that economic interaction can develop and thrive also in post-conflict conditions of mutual distrust. However, as long as such trade remains informal and shadowy, it will not contribute to building trust at the state level. The conflicting parties should be encouraged to explore ways to legalize existing informal, mutually beneficial trade.

Nations and Nationalism, 2019

To overcome the traumas of the 1992-1997 civil war, the Tajik authorities have turned to history ... more To overcome the traumas of the 1992-1997 civil war, the Tajik authorities have turned to history to anchor their post-independence nation-building project. This article explores the role of the National Museum of Tajikistan, examining how the museum discursively contributes to 'nationalising' history and cultural heritage for the benefit of the current Tajik nation-building project. Three main discursive strategies for such (re)construction of Tajik national identity are identified: (1) the representation of the Tajiks as a transhistorical community; (2) implicit claims of the site-specificity of the historical events depicted in the museum, by representing these as having taken place within the territory of present-day Tajikistan, thereby linking the nation to this territory; and (3) meaning-creation, endowing museum objects with meanings that fit into and reinforce the grand narrative promulgated by the museum. We conclude that the National Museum of Tajikistan demonstrates a rich and promising, although so far largely unexplored, repertoire of representing Tajik nationness as reflected in historical artefacts and objects of culture: the museum is indeed an active participant in shaping discursive strategies for (re)constructing the nation. KEYWORDS: national identity, national museums, nation-building, Tajikistan, use of history 'The museum is a shining mirror that reflects the life and history of the people, its rises and falls, scientific and cultural achievements and the destiny of the famous and glorious sons of the Fatherland.' (Tajik President Emomali Rahmon 2013)

Springer eBooks, Dec 31, 2017

Engaging Without Recognizing? Western Approaches to the Eurasian De Facto States

Journal of International Analytics

Territory, politics, governance, Mar 22, 2024

Arctic Review on Law and Politics, 2018

Russia Before and After Crimea

Edinburgh University Press, 2018

4, 2019

Edinburgh University Press eBooks, 2018

The Shifting Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region: Actors, Drivers, Challenges

Europe-Asia Studies, Apr 24, 2008

Dynamics of de facto statehood: the South Caucasian de facto states between secession and sovereignty

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, May 24, 2012

Springer eBooks, Dec 31, 2017

Nation-building, Nationalism and the New 'Other' in Today's Russia (NEORUSS), 2016

The Shifting Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region: Actors, Drivers, Challenges

The New Russian Nationalism. Imperalism, ethnicity and authoritarianism 2000-15

Slavic Review, 2019

9. ‘Restore Moscow to the Muscovites’: Othering ‘the migrants’ in the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections

Russia Before and After Crimea, 2018

Regime Development and Patron–Client Relations: The 2016 Transnistrian Presidential Elections and the “Russia Factor”

Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, 2017

Nations and Nationalism, 2019

Nordic-Baltic connectivity with Asia via the Arctic: Assessing opportunities and risks, 2021

Russia’s turn to the Arctic has been characterised by lofty ideas and grandiose plans. This chapt... more Russia’s turn to the Arctic has been characterised by lofty ideas and
grandiose plans. This chapter takes stock of Russia’s ambitions for
domestic Arctic development as well as some of the constraints and
challenges – the harsh climate, dwindling population, underdeveloped
infrastructure and lingering budget constraints – in order to
assess what ramifications domestic Russian developments may have
for the expansion of East–West connectivity.

This book explores if and how Russian policies towards the Far East region of the country – and ... more This book explores if and how Russian policies towards the Far East region of the country – and East Asia more broadly – have changed since the onset of the Ukraine crisis and Russia’s annexation of Crimea. Following the 2014 annexation and the subsequent enactment of a sanctions regime against the country, the Kremlin has emphasized the eastern vector in its external relations. But to what extent has Russia’s 'pivot to the East' intensified or changed in nature – domestically and internationally – since the onset of the current crisis in relations with the West? Rather than taking the declared 'pivot' as a fact and exploring the consequences of it, the contributors to this volume explore whether a pivot has indeed happened or if what we see today is the continuation of longer-duration trends, concerns and ambitions.

Today, the Russian Federation has the second largest migrant population in the world in absolute ... more Today, the Russian Federation has the second largest migrant population in the world in absolute numbers. The chapter looks at what role these migrants – and migrantophobia – play in Russian contemporary identity discourse through the lens of the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections. On the eve of these elections, Muscovites identified the large numbers of labour migrants in the capital as the most important campaign issue. This chapter explores how 'the migrant issue' was addressed at the candidate level as well as how it was perceived by ordinary Muscovites. First, it traces what images of 'the migrant' the candidates presented; how they assessed the potential for integration into Russian society; and what measures they proposed for regulating the flow of new migrants. Next, drawing on survey data, the chapter discusses to what extent campaign promises reflected the positions of the electorate on the same issues. It concludes that the Moscow electoral experiment of allowing semi-competitive elections contributed to pushing the borders of what mainstream politicians in Russia perceived as acceptable positions on migrants and migration policy, for at least two reasons: Firstly, incumbent mayor Sobianin faced stiff competition from the rising star of the non-systemic opposition, liberal-nationalist Aleksei Navalnyi, and had to find a way of outbidding him on the migrant issue. Second, in this more competitive environment, Sobianin could not rely on administrative resources alone, but had to respond to popular demands, to ensure an acceptable win: therefore, he had to appear as 'tough' on migrants. The experiment with semi-competitive elections in Moscow in 2013 thus demonstrated the limits of the Kremlin’s ability to fully control Russian nationalist discourse and also contributed to reinforcing the idea of 'the migrant' as the new 'Other' in Russian identity discourse.