Arkadiusz Adamczyk | Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce (original) (raw)
Papers by Arkadiusz Adamczyk
Horyzonty Polityki
CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie uwarunkowań i przebiegu kryzysów prezydenckich z ... more CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie uwarunkowań i przebiegu kryzysów prezydenckich z punktu widzenia autoryzacji legalizmu i legitymizacji przywództwa politycznego. Dodatkowym celem jest określenie skali wpływu, jaki na proces legitymizacji i stosowania przepisów konstytucji kwietniowej z 1935 roku, miała tzw. „umowa paryska” z 1939 roku. PROBLEM i METODY BADAWCZE: Autor zamierza potwierdzić względnie zakwestionować hipotezę, według której w autorytarnym systemie władzy nie było możliwości legitymizacji rzeczywistego politycznego autorytetu i objęcia przez ten autorytet najwyższego urzędu w państwie bez autoryzacji decyzji politycznych ze strony osoby faktycznie sprawującej kontrolę nad tym urzędem. W tym celu zamierza wykorzystać metodę opisową, analizę sytuacyjną wraz z elementami analizy systemowej. PROCES WYWODU: W naukach o polityce niemal nieobecna pozostaje kwestia funkcjonowania władz Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej po agresji niemieckiej i sowieckiej we wrześniu 1939 ...
Dzieje Najnowsze Kwartalnik Poświecony Historii Xx Wieku, 1992
Dzieje Najnowsze Kwartalnik Poświecony Historii Xx Wieku, 2014
Bogusław Miedziński - one of the most famous political activists and publicists of the interwar p... more Bogusław Miedziński - one of the most famous political activists and publicists of the interwar period - greatly contributed to the final shape of the April constitution. His role as a creator of that constitution is so far overlooked by the historians. Miedziński used to be elected a general budget referent during the third cadence of the Polish parliament and became the main author of those articles of the constitution that concerned the budget’s matters. Probably it was also him who created the articles connected with the superior authority over the military forces. A lot of his valuable remarks influenced the final text of the constitution. Both in parliament and out of it Bogusław Miedziński, played the roll of the defender of the constitution in the debates with the opposition. He successfully faced his antagonists who were often even better educated and much more politically experienced than he. As an editor-in-chief of semi-official governmental newspaper “Gazeta Polska” he ...
Many of his contemporaries as well as many present-day historians considered F. Sławoj Składkowsk... more Many of his contemporaries as well as many present-day historians considered F. Sławoj Składkowski to be incompetent to manage government affairs. Prime Minister’s lack of political independence and performing some actions exceeded his regular duties became the main points of the accustations against him. These opinions, however, did not take into an account of political conditions, which had occured after Piłsudski’s death. In such eventful period, F. Sławoj Składkowski turned out to be an efficient Prime Minister and his cabinet the longest active of inter-war Poland.Zadanie pt. Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki nr 885/P-DUN/2014 zostało dofinansowane ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej naukę
Przegląd Sejmowy
The publication by Jerzy Jaskiernia (Dyplomacja parlamentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń ... more The publication by Jerzy Jaskiernia (Dyplomacja parlamentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2022, p. 975) is subject to a scientific review. The author presented the content of the dissertation, trying to argue with its author, from the position of a representative of political science. The informative values of the fourth chapter were emphasised, along with the inspirational and organisational features characteristic of the remaining parts of the work. The polemic focused on the definitional view of the term diplomacy and the relationship of “parliamentary diplomacy” with the executive and legislative powers.
"The Cross is our sign"
is one of the many towns and villages in the western part of Slovakia that, in the course of the ... more is one of the many towns and villages in the western part of Slovakia that, in the course of the stormy history of these lands, have been constantly changing their name together with the change of their nationality. During the period when the Nitra District, a municipality founded in the thirteenth century (and was known as Ujlak), was a part of Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the town itself was called Nyitraúljak, Veľké Zálužie became the birthplace of the most famous and recognizable person in the political life of Czechoslovakia and the history of the Slovak state. On 14 March 1901, Elżbieta Esterházy de Galántha gave birth to her second child who, according to the Hungarian tradition, was named after his father-János. The Hungarian roots of the future politician date back to the beginning of the twelfth century. The Esterházy family originates from commander Michael de Solomuon and his son, commander Ladislas (László) de Salomon, who set the beginning of family Salamon de Salamon-Watha. The male descendants of the Esterházys follow from this line. Although Franciszek (Franz) Esterházy (1532-1604) is generally considered a progenitor of the family and the line that descended from him known as Esterházy de (or zu) Galántha, originating from the family roots located on the territory of modern Slovakia, the actual forefather of this family was Bendykt (Benedek) Ezterhás de Ezterhásház (born approximately in 1500) who married Ilona Bessenyey de Galántha. Their son Franciszek's descendants Michael (Nicolaus, 1583-1645), Daniel (1585-1654) and Paul (1587-1645) set the beginning of three lines of the Esterházy family: Forchtenstein, Csesznek and Zvolen. 1 It was thanks to the military skills of Michael that the Esterházys became magnates. 2 The political significance of the Esterházys arose partly from their relation to the most famous families of the European aristocracy, 3 and partly due to the location of their family treasures on the unstable borderland. By defending their territories against the Turks, they earned credit for the defence of the Empire. As a result, in 1687, Emperor Leopold I awarded Paul, one of the representatives of the family, the title of knight, which became a hereditary title in the Forchtenstein line since 1712. Other members of the family were ranked barons, and in the eighteenth century, they won the title of count. The representatives of the Csesznek line, from which János Esterházy originated, considered two features to be absolutely important: pride to be of Hungarian origin and attachment to the small homeland-Felvidék (which stands for Upper Hungary
Zadanie pt. Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji... more Zadanie pt. Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki nr 885/P-DUN/2014 zostało dofinansowane ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej naukę
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio K, Politologia, 2010
Artykul z: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska. Sectio K, Politologia. Vol. 17, 1 s. 8-... more Artykul z: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska. Sectio K, Politologia. Vol. 17, 1 s. 8-21 ; streszcz. ang.
"The Cross is our sign", 2021
The withdrawal of Germans and occupation of Bratislava by the Red Army (3 April 1945) did not bri... more The withdrawal of Germans and occupation of Bratislava by the Red Army (3 April 1945) did not bring any improvement to the position of Hungarians in the Slovak state. Despite the efforts of the leaders of the Hungarian Party, aimed at avoiding responsibility for the political decisions made by the Cabinets of Tiso and Szálasi, the new rulers of the Czechoslovak state, which was being created according to the orders from Moscow, 1 were rather inclined to put an equals sign between Hungarians and the supporters of national socialism. This approach was evidenced by the declaration of the newly appointed government of Zdeněk Fierlinger, on 5 April 1945, called the Košice Program. 2 The members of the Hungarian Party were by no means pleased with the announcement of the return to the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks, often associated with the organ functioning at the price of post-Trianon Hungary. They were also deeply concerned about the fact that the new state would be closely connected with the USSR, with the new democratic and people's regime, which would be so close to communism that would fundamentally contradict the ideological basis of the party. 3 With even more distress, they reacted to the content of Chapter VIII of the declaration about the necessity to deprive collaborators of their property and expel Hungarians and Germans from Czechoslovakia, primarily those who arrived after the Munich Agreement. 4 These far-reaching declarations became a clear signal for the Hungarian community about the political course of the new authorities. Aiming at minimization of repressions, Hungarian elites wrote a memorandum (19 April 1945), the essential element of which was the offer of participation in the building of the new state. 5 1 In March 1945, representatives of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, headed by E. Beneš, concluded agreement with the representatives of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and the representatives of the Slovak National Council about the distribution of powers in the new Czechoslovak state.
"The Cross is our sign", 2021
The announcement of the Slovak independence 1 opened a new period in the life of János Esterházy.... more The announcement of the Slovak independence 1 opened a new period in the life of János Esterházy. Most likely, the steps that the Slovaks had taken were not a big surprise for him. An attentive and well-informed observer of the international events of that period could not but notice the actions of the Germans aimed at establishing protectorate over Czechia and Moravia. 2 Esterházy was also aware that the decisions made by the Slovak authorities were directly dependent on the approval of the Reich politicians, 3 and in this particular case, in accordance with the earlier declarations of the leaders of Hlinka's party and their national interests, they took full advantage of the opportunity. The count's official reaction to this political change was a statement issued on his behalf as a member of-already sovereign-parliament, and on behalf of the Hungarian minority. In addition to the offer of cooperation, he expressed his satisfaction with the gaining of independence by the Slovak nation, supplementing it with his belief that the new situation would bring the improvement to the fate of Hungarians living in Slovakia. 4 Despite the change of the political conditions, after the declaration of independence, the Slovak authorities did not consider it appropriate to hold elections and create a new national representation. They merely accepted the formal confirmation of willingness to serve the new state from the current members, which took place during the second sitting of the Sejm. János Esterházy also retook the oath on 25 April 1939, reciting the solemn formula Esküszöm. 5 Nevertheless, already the first days of work of the count, under the conditions of the new political reality, brought not only formal but also actual confirmation of the decline of his parliamentary status. Taking into consideration the fact that in Tiso's authoritarian state, the parliament did not play a significant role and remained an institution, merely approving the moves of the legislative branch of power, Esterházy faced a dilemma. The main problem seemed to be the answer to the question, whether under the new conditions, sitting of the parliament was legal at all. Since Hungarians lived in Slovakia, the parliamentarian mandate in the hands of a Hungarian was of intrinsic value. Despite the restrictions resulting from the policy of the Slovak state, they had
"The Cross is our sign", 2021
Ład wschodnio-europejski w polskiej myśli politycznej w XX wieku, tom I, 2020
Uwzględnienie obecności państw bałtyckich i krain kresowych, przede wszystkim Ukrainy i w mniejsz... more Uwzględnienie obecności państw bałtyckich i krain kresowych, przede wszystkim Ukrainy i w mniejszym stopniu Białorusi, w rozważaniach polskich intelektualistów w okresie poprzedzającym wybuch II wojny światowej, jak również w jej trakcie, było traktowane jako oczywistość. Sąsiedzi Rzeczypospolitej budzili zrozumiałe zainteresowanie przede wszystkim z racji swej bliskości, stając się stałym elementem rozważań antropologicznych, historycznych, geograficznych i kulturowych. Ziemie wschodnie stały się też przedmiotem implementowanym do wielkich koncepcji geopolitycznych, kreowanych głównie przez przedstawicieli lewicy niepodległościowej i otoczenia Józefa Piłsudskiego. Wydarzenia lat 1918-1923 sprawiły, iż projekty te straciły na aktualności. W kwestii ziem białoruskich i ukraińskich ostateczne rozstrzygnięcie przyniósł traktat zawarty 18 marca 1921 r. w Rydze między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a (oficjalnie) republikami socjalistycznymi: ukraińską i rosyjską. Kwestia litewska pozostała formalnie nierozstrzygnięta do 1938 r., choć w sensie faktycznym ziemie zajęte przez Polskę w wyniku tzw. buntu Żeligowskiego zostały w 1922 r. bezpośrednio włączone do państwa polskiego i stan ten został utrzymany do 1939 r. Spośród państw, które w wyniku rozstrzygnięć zapadłych po I wojnie światowej zdołały wybić się na niepodległość, w mniejszym stosunkowo stopniu uwagę polskich elit przykuwały Łotwa i Estonia. Nie znaczy to jednak, iż pozostawały zupełnie nieobecne. Świadectwem zainteresowania Rzeczypospolitej obiema późniejszymi republikami sowieckimi pozostawało podpisanie porozumienia o stworzeniu (17 marca 1922 r.) Związku Bałtyckiego, w skład którego-oprócz Polski i wymienionych państw-wchodziła również Finlandia. Niemniej świadomość znikomego znaczenia obu krajów jako czynnika
2 To the present day, one of the examples of the failure to agree on the common position regardin... more 2 To the present day, one of the examples of the failure to agree on the common position regarding the count is the matter of rehabilitation of János Esterházy. Although it might seem that after 1989 (or rather after the Autumn of Nations), the issue of rehabilitation of victims of the communist regime should be one of the pillars of moral compensation to the families of convicts of that time, the case of Esterházy is an exception from the general norms. It becomes even more confusing, considering the fact that the count was rehabilitated by the successor of the Soviet Union judicial apparatus.
Horyzonty Polityki
CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie uwarunkowań i przebiegu kryzysów prezydenckich z ... more CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie uwarunkowań i przebiegu kryzysów prezydenckich z punktu widzenia autoryzacji legalizmu i legitymizacji przywództwa politycznego. Dodatkowym celem jest określenie skali wpływu, jaki na proces legitymizacji i stosowania przepisów konstytucji kwietniowej z 1935 roku, miała tzw. „umowa paryska” z 1939 roku. PROBLEM i METODY BADAWCZE: Autor zamierza potwierdzić względnie zakwestionować hipotezę, według której w autorytarnym systemie władzy nie było możliwości legitymizacji rzeczywistego politycznego autorytetu i objęcia przez ten autorytet najwyższego urzędu w państwie bez autoryzacji decyzji politycznych ze strony osoby faktycznie sprawującej kontrolę nad tym urzędem. W tym celu zamierza wykorzystać metodę opisową, analizę sytuacyjną wraz z elementami analizy systemowej. PROCES WYWODU: W naukach o polityce niemal nieobecna pozostaje kwestia funkcjonowania władz Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej po agresji niemieckiej i sowieckiej we wrześniu 1939 ...
Dzieje Najnowsze Kwartalnik Poświecony Historii Xx Wieku, 1992
Dzieje Najnowsze Kwartalnik Poświecony Historii Xx Wieku, 2014
Bogusław Miedziński - one of the most famous political activists and publicists of the interwar p... more Bogusław Miedziński - one of the most famous political activists and publicists of the interwar period - greatly contributed to the final shape of the April constitution. His role as a creator of that constitution is so far overlooked by the historians. Miedziński used to be elected a general budget referent during the third cadence of the Polish parliament and became the main author of those articles of the constitution that concerned the budget’s matters. Probably it was also him who created the articles connected with the superior authority over the military forces. A lot of his valuable remarks influenced the final text of the constitution. Both in parliament and out of it Bogusław Miedziński, played the roll of the defender of the constitution in the debates with the opposition. He successfully faced his antagonists who were often even better educated and much more politically experienced than he. As an editor-in-chief of semi-official governmental newspaper “Gazeta Polska” he ...
Many of his contemporaries as well as many present-day historians considered F. Sławoj Składkowsk... more Many of his contemporaries as well as many present-day historians considered F. Sławoj Składkowski to be incompetent to manage government affairs. Prime Minister’s lack of political independence and performing some actions exceeded his regular duties became the main points of the accustations against him. These opinions, however, did not take into an account of political conditions, which had occured after Piłsudski’s death. In such eventful period, F. Sławoj Składkowski turned out to be an efficient Prime Minister and his cabinet the longest active of inter-war Poland.Zadanie pt. Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki nr 885/P-DUN/2014 zostało dofinansowane ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej naukę
Przegląd Sejmowy
The publication by Jerzy Jaskiernia (Dyplomacja parlamentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń ... more The publication by Jerzy Jaskiernia (Dyplomacja parlamentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2022, p. 975) is subject to a scientific review. The author presented the content of the dissertation, trying to argue with its author, from the position of a representative of political science. The informative values of the fourth chapter were emphasised, along with the inspirational and organisational features characteristic of the remaining parts of the work. The polemic focused on the definitional view of the term diplomacy and the relationship of “parliamentary diplomacy” with the executive and legislative powers.
"The Cross is our sign"
is one of the many towns and villages in the western part of Slovakia that, in the course of the ... more is one of the many towns and villages in the western part of Slovakia that, in the course of the stormy history of these lands, have been constantly changing their name together with the change of their nationality. During the period when the Nitra District, a municipality founded in the thirteenth century (and was known as Ujlak), was a part of Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the town itself was called Nyitraúljak, Veľké Zálužie became the birthplace of the most famous and recognizable person in the political life of Czechoslovakia and the history of the Slovak state. On 14 March 1901, Elżbieta Esterházy de Galántha gave birth to her second child who, according to the Hungarian tradition, was named after his father-János. The Hungarian roots of the future politician date back to the beginning of the twelfth century. The Esterházy family originates from commander Michael de Solomuon and his son, commander Ladislas (László) de Salomon, who set the beginning of family Salamon de Salamon-Watha. The male descendants of the Esterházys follow from this line. Although Franciszek (Franz) Esterházy (1532-1604) is generally considered a progenitor of the family and the line that descended from him known as Esterházy de (or zu) Galántha, originating from the family roots located on the territory of modern Slovakia, the actual forefather of this family was Bendykt (Benedek) Ezterhás de Ezterhásház (born approximately in 1500) who married Ilona Bessenyey de Galántha. Their son Franciszek's descendants Michael (Nicolaus, 1583-1645), Daniel (1585-1654) and Paul (1587-1645) set the beginning of three lines of the Esterházy family: Forchtenstein, Csesznek and Zvolen. 1 It was thanks to the military skills of Michael that the Esterházys became magnates. 2 The political significance of the Esterházys arose partly from their relation to the most famous families of the European aristocracy, 3 and partly due to the location of their family treasures on the unstable borderland. By defending their territories against the Turks, they earned credit for the defence of the Empire. As a result, in 1687, Emperor Leopold I awarded Paul, one of the representatives of the family, the title of knight, which became a hereditary title in the Forchtenstein line since 1712. Other members of the family were ranked barons, and in the eighteenth century, they won the title of count. The representatives of the Csesznek line, from which János Esterházy originated, considered two features to be absolutely important: pride to be of Hungarian origin and attachment to the small homeland-Felvidék (which stands for Upper Hungary
Zadanie pt. Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji... more Zadanie pt. Digitalizacja i udostępnienie w Cyfrowym Repozytorium Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego kolekcji czasopism naukowych wydawanych przez Uniwersytet Łódzki nr 885/P-DUN/2014 zostało dofinansowane ze środków MNiSW w ramach działalności upowszechniającej naukę
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio K, Politologia, 2010
Artykul z: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska. Sectio K, Politologia. Vol. 17, 1 s. 8-... more Artykul z: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska. Sectio K, Politologia. Vol. 17, 1 s. 8-21 ; streszcz. ang.
"The Cross is our sign", 2021
The withdrawal of Germans and occupation of Bratislava by the Red Army (3 April 1945) did not bri... more The withdrawal of Germans and occupation of Bratislava by the Red Army (3 April 1945) did not bring any improvement to the position of Hungarians in the Slovak state. Despite the efforts of the leaders of the Hungarian Party, aimed at avoiding responsibility for the political decisions made by the Cabinets of Tiso and Szálasi, the new rulers of the Czechoslovak state, which was being created according to the orders from Moscow, 1 were rather inclined to put an equals sign between Hungarians and the supporters of national socialism. This approach was evidenced by the declaration of the newly appointed government of Zdeněk Fierlinger, on 5 April 1945, called the Košice Program. 2 The members of the Hungarian Party were by no means pleased with the announcement of the return to the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks, often associated with the organ functioning at the price of post-Trianon Hungary. They were also deeply concerned about the fact that the new state would be closely connected with the USSR, with the new democratic and people's regime, which would be so close to communism that would fundamentally contradict the ideological basis of the party. 3 With even more distress, they reacted to the content of Chapter VIII of the declaration about the necessity to deprive collaborators of their property and expel Hungarians and Germans from Czechoslovakia, primarily those who arrived after the Munich Agreement. 4 These far-reaching declarations became a clear signal for the Hungarian community about the political course of the new authorities. Aiming at minimization of repressions, Hungarian elites wrote a memorandum (19 April 1945), the essential element of which was the offer of participation in the building of the new state. 5 1 In March 1945, representatives of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, headed by E. Beneš, concluded agreement with the representatives of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and the representatives of the Slovak National Council about the distribution of powers in the new Czechoslovak state.
"The Cross is our sign", 2021
The announcement of the Slovak independence 1 opened a new period in the life of János Esterházy.... more The announcement of the Slovak independence 1 opened a new period in the life of János Esterházy. Most likely, the steps that the Slovaks had taken were not a big surprise for him. An attentive and well-informed observer of the international events of that period could not but notice the actions of the Germans aimed at establishing protectorate over Czechia and Moravia. 2 Esterházy was also aware that the decisions made by the Slovak authorities were directly dependent on the approval of the Reich politicians, 3 and in this particular case, in accordance with the earlier declarations of the leaders of Hlinka's party and their national interests, they took full advantage of the opportunity. The count's official reaction to this political change was a statement issued on his behalf as a member of-already sovereign-parliament, and on behalf of the Hungarian minority. In addition to the offer of cooperation, he expressed his satisfaction with the gaining of independence by the Slovak nation, supplementing it with his belief that the new situation would bring the improvement to the fate of Hungarians living in Slovakia. 4 Despite the change of the political conditions, after the declaration of independence, the Slovak authorities did not consider it appropriate to hold elections and create a new national representation. They merely accepted the formal confirmation of willingness to serve the new state from the current members, which took place during the second sitting of the Sejm. János Esterházy also retook the oath on 25 April 1939, reciting the solemn formula Esküszöm. 5 Nevertheless, already the first days of work of the count, under the conditions of the new political reality, brought not only formal but also actual confirmation of the decline of his parliamentary status. Taking into consideration the fact that in Tiso's authoritarian state, the parliament did not play a significant role and remained an institution, merely approving the moves of the legislative branch of power, Esterházy faced a dilemma. The main problem seemed to be the answer to the question, whether under the new conditions, sitting of the parliament was legal at all. Since Hungarians lived in Slovakia, the parliamentarian mandate in the hands of a Hungarian was of intrinsic value. Despite the restrictions resulting from the policy of the Slovak state, they had
"The Cross is our sign", 2021
Ład wschodnio-europejski w polskiej myśli politycznej w XX wieku, tom I, 2020
Uwzględnienie obecności państw bałtyckich i krain kresowych, przede wszystkim Ukrainy i w mniejsz... more Uwzględnienie obecności państw bałtyckich i krain kresowych, przede wszystkim Ukrainy i w mniejszym stopniu Białorusi, w rozważaniach polskich intelektualistów w okresie poprzedzającym wybuch II wojny światowej, jak również w jej trakcie, było traktowane jako oczywistość. Sąsiedzi Rzeczypospolitej budzili zrozumiałe zainteresowanie przede wszystkim z racji swej bliskości, stając się stałym elementem rozważań antropologicznych, historycznych, geograficznych i kulturowych. Ziemie wschodnie stały się też przedmiotem implementowanym do wielkich koncepcji geopolitycznych, kreowanych głównie przez przedstawicieli lewicy niepodległościowej i otoczenia Józefa Piłsudskiego. Wydarzenia lat 1918-1923 sprawiły, iż projekty te straciły na aktualności. W kwestii ziem białoruskich i ukraińskich ostateczne rozstrzygnięcie przyniósł traktat zawarty 18 marca 1921 r. w Rydze między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a (oficjalnie) republikami socjalistycznymi: ukraińską i rosyjską. Kwestia litewska pozostała formalnie nierozstrzygnięta do 1938 r., choć w sensie faktycznym ziemie zajęte przez Polskę w wyniku tzw. buntu Żeligowskiego zostały w 1922 r. bezpośrednio włączone do państwa polskiego i stan ten został utrzymany do 1939 r. Spośród państw, które w wyniku rozstrzygnięć zapadłych po I wojnie światowej zdołały wybić się na niepodległość, w mniejszym stosunkowo stopniu uwagę polskich elit przykuwały Łotwa i Estonia. Nie znaczy to jednak, iż pozostawały zupełnie nieobecne. Świadectwem zainteresowania Rzeczypospolitej obiema późniejszymi republikami sowieckimi pozostawało podpisanie porozumienia o stworzeniu (17 marca 1922 r.) Związku Bałtyckiego, w skład którego-oprócz Polski i wymienionych państw-wchodziła również Finlandia. Niemniej świadomość znikomego znaczenia obu krajów jako czynnika
2 To the present day, one of the examples of the failure to agree on the common position regardin... more 2 To the present day, one of the examples of the failure to agree on the common position regarding the count is the matter of rehabilitation of János Esterházy. Although it might seem that after 1989 (or rather after the Autumn of Nations), the issue of rehabilitation of victims of the communist regime should be one of the pillars of moral compensation to the families of convicts of that time, the case of Esterházy is an exception from the general norms. It becomes even more confusing, considering the fact that the count was rehabilitated by the successor of the Soviet Union judicial apparatus.