EKWEALOR Chinedu Thomas, PhD | University of KwaZulu-Natal (original) (raw)

Papers by EKWEALOR Chinedu Thomas, PhD

Embedded in the plethora of scholarly literature on youth and migration is the postulation that t... more Embedded in the plethora of scholarly literature on youth and migration is the postulation that the litany of migration crises across the globe are precipitated by the youth — African youth. Assuredly, 1.2 billion youth aged 15-24 constitutes earth's population of 7.125 billion people. This study recognizes African youth as direct victims of nationally-crafted constitutions and laws across the region that, have selectively prohibited the youth from active national leadership of their relevant countries. The paper however, advocates that African youth should step up to occupy political spaces of responsibility in Africa to avert discontent amongst the youth that could lead to volatile migration and deepened political instability. This paper adopts a desktop literature review as source of data and finds that: over-age and tenure-ship; desertion of population strength; biased constitution; and lack of awareness in conflict transformation serve part of Africa's problem, suggested policy models are predicated on the findings.

Unity is an essential ingredient for Africa's progress; a necessity if the continent is to develo... more Unity is an essential ingredient for Africa's progress; a necessity if the continent is to develop. Pro-unity African leaders and scholars believe that Africa's backwardness is tied to its disintegration at the 1884 Berlin Conference in Germany. This school of thought has under different dais, voted for a unified and visa-free Africa, holding that when the 54 African states undo the arbitrary colonial borders and its attendant consequences, Africa will reconnect self with natural strength, destiny, and will succeed. Another school of thought holds that the African Union and African Heads of States are two sources of Africa's problem. Through a review of literature, this paper finds that the conundrum behind achieving the United States of Africa (USA) is not connected to bad policy per se but poor implementation. The paper concludes that Africa should unite through regional economic organisations.

Journal Peace Review A Journal of Social Justice , 2017

Implicit in recent scholarly debates about conflicts in Africa and the nature of warfare is the p... more Implicit in recent scholarly debates about conflicts in Africa and the nature of warfare is the postulation that most conflicts are either externally generated for economic gains, or internally motivated due to bad governance. Those who hold external actors accountable suggest that countries such as the United States, Britain, and France are conflict entrepreneurs, creating conflicts for financial gains. This school of thought holds that the precipitation of conflicts in Africa allows for sales of arms, which in turn increase revenue for the external actors and permits control of domestic affairs of the affected African State by the alien state. Despite the plausibility of these assumptions, another group of authors whose focus is on internal good governance and Africa’s security, have contending views. They argue that an ineffective African Union (AU), the successor of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), has allowed a space for foreign actors’ operations in the continent. Extant literature provides explanations as to why the AU’s campaigns for implementation of its goals as articulated in the AU’s Constitutive Act during conflict have been frustrated. The literature, however, has not sufficiently addressed the AU-external actors’ conundrums during interventions. This essay aims to systemically present the AU’s efforts toward ownership of Africa’s resources and conflicts and the challenges thereof.

At the inceptions of the United Nations (UN) on October 24 1945 and the Organisation of African U... more At the inceptions of the United Nations (UN) on October 24 1945 and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) on May 25 1963 — the OAU later changed to African Union (AU) in 2001— the common denominator between the AU and the UN is peace and security. While the UN created and enabled the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to function as the harbinger for global peace and security and serves as a neutral arbiter among brawled member nations, the O/AU values unity among member through the agency of the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC). The UNSC has carried out several intervention projects on African nations as elsewhere since 1945 with a view to enforcing peace and security on resistant population or transformation of existing conflicts through adoption of resolutions or direct military interventions. The conflict records of Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, and Libya only lent credence to Michael Doyle's assertion that peace cannot be enforced on any resistant population. As such, UNSC intervention tactics have actually enabled acrimonies between the organ and the affected countries and sometimes the AU, especially, in Africa's security affairs. This paper presses further the account that conflicts in Africa have enjoyed the combined support of the AU and the UNSC.

Scholars are divided over the African Union's unity on Libya conflict in 2011, they however agree... more Scholars are divided over the African Union's unity on Libya conflict in 2011, they however agree that the United Nations (UN)-backed North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) intervention in Libya was successful because the African Union was truly divided and lacking in leadership. They contend that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) intervention in Libya was a dishonest act which was politically and economically motivated in pursuit of the national interests of some UNSC's permanent five (P5) states. Although the AU was unequivocal in its condemnation of the indiscriminate use of force and lethal weapons in Libya, the reaffirmation of its strong commitment to respect the unity and territorial integrity of Libya, and its rejection of any foreign military intervention in Libya, were suffocated by African disunity. Therefore, this paper is anchored on the thesis that Africa's persistent political marginalization on major issues is the net effect not only of global power disparity but also of African disunity. To this end, this paper grapples with the following questions: why is Africa not truly united? Why was the AU divided on Libya? What lessons can be learnt from the Libyan crisis?

Africa is the ‘Royal House’. Scholars of African security and strategy underscore that Africa’s p... more Africa is the ‘Royal House’. Scholars of African security and strategy underscore that Africa’s peace and security hinges on an Africacentredness outlook of regional leaders and good governance. These scholars argue that wherever the regional hegemons have genuinely
cooperated, and intervened in African conflicts,a return to peace has been assured. They, therefore, insist that, regional hegemonic antagonism and bad leadership are the forces of insecurity and factors driving on-going conflicts in Africa.
These scholars blame poor agenda setting and strategy for the shortage of development on the continent. However, despite the believability of the justification that holds African leadership accountable for Africa’s failure,another group of authors who linked Africa’s paralyses to its asymmetrical encounter with Europe has contending views. They hold that Africa’s insecurity and dependency factors are tied to Western (neo) imperialism. The latter authors maintain that, often, the African Union has been unable to execute any modicum of order in resolving conflicts in the region, not because, the hegemonic powers wanted it, but due largely to colonial masters’ perfidy.

The UN and Africa: Acrimony and Anarchy in Libya is a book that extends the frontiers and horizon... more The UN and Africa: Acrimony and Anarchy in Libya is a book that extends the frontiers and horizons of knowledge on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions in African conflicts. Developed through a systematic collation of the UNSC variegated resolutions on conflict-affected African states of: Angola, Cote d’ Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Libya, and Rwanda, the book is resourced in the UNSC interventions and conflicts strategies that have actually stoked insecurity in Africa. Explicitly, the book is apt in understanding conflict trends in Africa and how the UNSC Resolutions 1970 and especially 1973 were used instrumentally to advance pecuniary and political interest of the veto wielding states of the UNSC in Libya. Assuredly, it emplaced emphasis not only on where the interest-laden UN resolution momentum will carry Libya and Africa, but also what are the possible consequences of post-conflict acrimony and anarchy the Resolution 1973 has entrenched. The book has edge in the field following the floating veto system reform tactics it canvassed and intervention ethics it built for the African Union and the UN in resolving African conflicts.

Abstract: this paper purports to present the account of twin phenomena of age and constitution th... more Abstract: this paper purports to present the account of twin phenomena of age and constitution that anointed the relegation of African youth to the wastebasket of oppression.
African youth have been studied by various scholars; and social, economic, and political statistical analyses of the youth were habitually deduced from [un]employment quotient. According to National Treasury discussion paper1 this
instrument may not be a reliable tool in either understanding insecurity regimes threatening the youth in Africa and may not suffice in championing policy course for a secured African youth. [Un]employment are only symptoms of asymmetrical laws
governing many African states. The principal problems are the constitution, and age limitations respectively (Ombagi 2012). In this guide, the instrument valid for testing and indeed, observing the true condition of young Africans are: the roles of state’s
constitution; and the Age Grade limitation factors. These, are critical in the development and security of the youth. George McGovern cited in Jeanette Rankin (2012) noted that he [was] fed up to the ears with old men dreaming up wars for young people to die. Two salient factors, rudimentary to youth insecurity in the region in McGovern’s assertions are the law which authorises war and the age grade legally targeted
in the war. In assortment of ways, constitutions provide the basis for definition, qualification and categorisation of the youth, who in turn are the direct sufferers of numerous human and state insecurity conditions forced on them by law. Constitution, therefore, plays exclusivist roles and enables the central authority to enforce rules on, and dictate norms for the youth. Despite the need for the state to adjust its behavior
to reflect the actual or anticipated preferences of all citizens through a process of policy coordination, laws deprive the youth.

Founded on October 24 1945, the United Nations (UN), especially, its Security Council organ is bu... more Founded on October 24 1945, the United Nations (UN), especially, its Security Council organ is built on the altar and planks of power which straddled the veto mechanism. The veto power substantially gives to a few countries: China, France, Russian Federation, United Kingdom, and United States — the permanent five (P5) —the absolute power to include and protect their relevant national in interests in the agenda of global politics while excluding the already marginalised regions such as Africa. This power has been one of the main impediments against the much needed reform of the Security Council. While the UN is the most representative global organisation, its Security Council permanent seat (PS) is configured unrepresentatively — lacking geographic representativity. Therefore, this study is anchored on the thesis that the UN Security Council permanent seat and veto power constitution is used instrumentally to advance and protect both political and economic interest of the P5.

Proceedings of 3rd International Conference on Economics and Social Sciences (ICESS-2014). ISSN 2307-7549, 2014

Founded on October 24 1945, the United Nations (UN), especially, its Security Council organ is b... more Founded on October 24 1945, the United Nations (UN), especially, its Security Council organ is built on the altar and planks of power which straddled the veto mechanism. The veto power substantially gives to a few countries: China, France, Russian Federation, United Kingdom, and United States — the permanent five (P5) the absolute power to include and protect their relevant national in interests in the agenda of global politics while excluding the already marginalised regions such as Africa. This power has been one of the main impediments against the much needed reform of the Security Council. While the UN is the most representative global organisation, its Security Council permanent seat (PS) is configured unrepresentatively — lacking geographic representativity. Therefore, this study is anchored on the thesis that the UN Security Council permanent seat and veto power constitution is used instrumentally to advance and protect both political and economic interest of the P5.

Security Sector Reform (SSR) agenda emerged within a development, peacebuilding and security poli... more Security Sector Reform (SSR) agenda emerged within a development, peacebuilding and security policy circles in the late 1990s from the speech of Clare Short at the Centre for Defence Studies in King’s College London. Since then, the United Nations Security Council has (UNSC) sought to ensconce SSR that will lend itself to the local ownership of security activities in the political and economic lives of countries, especially those recovering from conflict, for the purpose of good governance. However, the multiplicities of interpretation and actual application of the principle of SSR by individual UN Member Nations tampers with the plank — local ownership — upon which the concept is constructed. While SSR for the African Union (AU) is anchored on the thesis of homegrown proprietorship of reform process, British and United States Governments approaches to SSR are variant of Africa’s outlook. This modification implicated not only the core values and meaning of SSR, and serves application and governance problems in Africa, but in fact, deflates Africa’s perspectives on peacebuilding, security and development.

Since October 24, 1945 the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has assumed the responsibility ... more Since October 24, 1945 the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has assumed the responsibility of guardian for global peace and security. Accordingly, the UNSC has mediated in conflict affected states through its resolutions and direct military interventions. It is within this context that the UNSC adopted Resolution 1973 to intervene in the 2011 Libyan conflict. Through Resolution 1973, the UNSC contended that there was evidence of threats to human security, and invoked the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine that ineluctably ushered in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) allies in Libya. However, some scholars argue that the R2P doctrine is an idea used instrumentally by the UNSC to justify external intervention in Libya's domestic politics. Against this backdrop, the paper explores whether the Resolution 1973 was indeed adopted to protect Libya's citizenry, or to serve the Western interests of regime change in Libya.

Journal Peace Review A Journal of Social Justice , 2017

Proceedings of 3rd International Conference on Economics and Social Sciences (ICESS-2014). ISSN 2307-7549, 2014