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Articles & Book Chapters by Alexandre Pelletier

Perspective on Politics, 2024

This article explores the strategic decision making of armed groups during war-to-peace transitio... more This article explores the strategic decision making of armed groups during war-to-peace transitions-critical time frames during which militant leaders must reconcile their commitment to armed survival with the imperative of postwar civilian conversion. We specify the internal organizational risks rebel groups confront, as well as the menu of strategies from which they select, in navigating the uncertainty inherent in these perilous periods. Our approach broadens the analysis of war-to-peace transitions, offering new insights into the question of why rebels sometimes successfully integrate into postconflict politics, economies, and society, while at other times they forgo participation in the postconflict state. It represents the first step in a wider research program-one that promises to open a number of new directions in the study of insurgent organizations, transitional societies, and postwar outcomes.

Asian Politic & Policy, 2021

Why do regional identities develop (or not)? While we know about the institutional incentives tha... more Why do regional identities develop (or not)? While we know about the institutional incentives that make some identities more salient than others, we know much less about the conditions that make nation‐builders more or less successful. To fill this gap, this paper examines the organizational dimensions of identity formation and the peripheries of Kachin nationalism in Myanmar. It argues that identity formation is shaped by political entrepreneurs’ capacity to (1) create inclusive inter‐elite alliances and (2) turn individuals into “citizens” of a larger ensemble. Empirically, it seeks to understand why we find resistance to a pan‐Kachin identity among two “Kachin” subgroups: Rawang and Lisu. The article shows that their conditional Kachin identity is the outcome of (1) incomplete inter‐elite alliances due to the uneven spread of Christian networks through which nation‐builders worked; and (2) the KIO’s variable and declining capacity to provide public goods inclusively across all Kachin groups.

Comparative Politics, 2021

This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that ... more This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that Islamist groups do better where competition for religious authority is intense. These religious "markets" are conducive to Islamist success because they 1) lower the barriers of entry to new religious entrepreneurs, 2) incentivize established leaders to support Islamist mobilization, and 3) push moderate leaders into silence. The article develops this theory by examining sub-regional variations in Islamist mobilization on the Indonesian island of Java. Using newly collected data on Java's 15,000 Islamic schools, it compares religious institutions across more than 100 regencies in Java. In addition, it uses dozens of field interviews with Indonesian Islamists and Muslim leaders to show where market structures have facilitated the growth of Islamist groups.

Asian Security, 2018

The article argues that “first movers” and the bandwagoning effect they trigger can undermine the... more The article argues that “first movers” and the bandwagoning effect they trigger can undermine the dynamics that perpetuate civil war and enable a multiparty cease-fire agreement. It looks at the unprecedented “nationwide” cease-fire in Myanmar reached between the government and several ethnic armed organizations in 2015. It shows that democratization and unilateral concessions by the Myanmar government were instrumental in overcoming the commitment problem and provided the necessary incentives for “first movers” to set the stage for a broad cease-fire agreement.

South East Asia Research, 2017

Why do some episodes of violence escalate while others do not? While the micro-foundations of com... more Why do some episodes of violence escalate while others do not? While the micro-foundations of communal violence are well known, the micro-foundations of " peace mon-gering " are under-studied. This article studies attempts at de-escalating violence in Maluku, Indonesia. It finds that the actions of non-state elites are crucial for de-escalating conflict. However, the efficacy of peace-oriented action is largely determined by the presence or absence of " institutionalized de-escalation systems. " These institutions are directly geared towards conflict prevention and de-escalation and are distinct from inter-communal asso-ciational and business networks. While attitudes favourable to peace and stability are found in many post-conflict contexts, they do not always translate into the emergence of institu-tionalized de-escalation systems. This article argues that such systems emerge only where a specific political economy of peace exists. In such an economy, some non-state actors see an opportunity in peace mongering to fulfill their material and social interests.

Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2017

This article seeks to understand why monks played a central role in anti-Muslim violence in trans... more This article seeks to understand why monks played a central role in anti-Muslim violence in transitional Myanmar (2013–2014). We argue that scapegoating is one of many strategies used by monks to gain visibility, to strengthen their autonomous networks, and to increase their social credentials. By analyzing two episodes of monks' participation in religious violence (1930s and 2013–2014), we identify two factors that make scapegoating strategies more likely: (a) decentralized religions foster a multiplicity of organizations and provide incentives for leaders to be entrepreneurial and compete for followers; while (b) the rapid pluralization of the public sphere explains the timing, because it intensifies competition among religious leaders and between religious and secular leaders for social ascendency and power.

Review essay of Jan Breman's book "Mobilizing Labour for the Global Coffee Market: Profits from a... more Review essay of Jan Breman's book "Mobilizing Labour for the Global Coffee Market: Profits from an Unfree Work Regime in Colonial Java" (2015).

Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2014

This article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions ... more This article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions about private healthcare options. Data indicates that respondents in the nine predom- inantly English-speaking provinces are more likely to oppose private hospitals than Quebeckers. No one province or region in “English Canada” drives these results: aversion to private hospitals is con- sistent across the nine provinces. Research on welfare states slots Canada into the “liberal” category, which is indicative of a preference for market solutions to welfare problems, which makes this finding perplexing. The argument presented here is that universal healthcare has become bound up with the national identity of English Canada, resulting in a general aversion to private healthcare initiatives outside of Quebec.

D. Karmis et F. Rocher. La dynamique confiance / méfiance dans les démocraties multinationales., 2012

Le présent chapitre suggère que la confiance est un préalable à la coopération et, surtout, à l’a... more Le présent chapitre suggère que la confiance est un préalable à la coopération et, surtout, à l’accom- modement mutuel des groupes. Dans une société plurinationale, les relations entre groupes semblent reposer sur quatre principaux équilibres: la confiance substantive, la confiance instrumentale, la coopération sans confiance, et l’absence de coopération (« good fences make good neighbors »). Or, c’est la confiance substantive qui semble la mieux à même de combiner efficacement coopération et accommodement. La confiance mutuelle n’est évidemment pas un phénomène qui se réduit aux contacts entre groupes au sein des associations. Le contexte politique et social, le cadrage des questions débattues et la nature des réseaux sociaux influent également sur ces relations. La confiance mutuelle apparaît toutefois comme une condition nécessaire, certes insuffisante, pour la coopération entre les groupes.

Papers by Alexandre Pelletier

Canadian Foreign Policy Journal

Trust, Distrust, and Mistrust in Multinational Democracies

Comparative Politics, 2020

This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that ... more This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that Islamist groups do better where competition for religious authority is intense. These religious "markets" are conducive to Islamist success because they 1) lower the barriers of entry to new religious entrepreneurs, 2) incentivize established leaders to support Islamist mobilization, and 3) push moderate leaders into silence. The article develops this theory by examining sub-regional variations in Islamist mobilization on the Indonesian island of Java. Using newly collected data on Java's 15,000 Islamic schools, it compares religious institutions across more than 100 regencies in Java. It also uses dozens of field interviews with Indonesian Islamists and Muslim leaders to show where market structures have facilitated the growth of Islamist groups.

South East Asia Research, 2017

Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2017

Development and Change, 2016

This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Condition... more This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving. How to cite TSpace items Always cite the published version, so the author(s) will receive recognition through services that track citation counts, e.g. Scopus. If you need to cite the page number of the author manuscript from TSpace because you cannot access the published version, then cite the TSpace version in addition to the published version using the permanent URI (handle) found on the record page. This article was made openly accessible by U of T Faculty. Please tell us how this access benefits you. Your story matters.

Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2014

This article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions ... more This article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions about private healthcare options. Data indicates that respondents in the nine predominantly English-speaking provinces are more likely to oppose private hospitals than Quebeckers. No one province or region in “English Canada” drives these results: aversion to private hospitals is consistent across the nine provinces. Research on welfare states slots Canada into the “liberal” category, which is indicative of a preference for market solutions to welfare problems, which makes this finding perplexing. The argument presented here is that universal healthcare has become bound up with the national identity of English Canada, resulting in a general aversion to private healthcare initiatives outside of Quebec.

The Ways of Federalism in Western Countries and the Horizons of Territorial Autonomy in Spain, 2013

This chapter identifies a lacuna in the literature on consociational accommodation in multination... more This chapter identifies a lacuna in the literature on consociational accommodation in multinational societies. We argue that civil society is discussed in “bottom-up” theories of peace-building, but often overlooked in classical approaches to political accommodation. We seek to address this gap by looking at the dynamics of accommodation from a civil society perspective, stressing the importance of relational structures across social actors and segments in explaining accommodative outcomes at the political level. The chapter is organized into two parts. First, we look at civil society in the context of divided societies, and develop a framework that connects relational topography with elite-level dynamics. Second, we consider recent Canadian political history and the role of civil society in two efforts at recognition and accommodation with divergent outcomes: the Meech Lake Accord and the official apology to Indigenous survivors of residential schools. These cases illustrate the impact of civil society segmentation, the nature of horizontal linkages, and the oppositional potential of civil society groups. By addressing the structural conditions that promote or constrain cooperative behavior, this chapter intends to contribute to our theoretical understanding of accommodative outcomes in divided societies.

Perspective on Politics, 2024

This article explores the strategic decision making of armed groups during war-to-peace transitio... more This article explores the strategic decision making of armed groups during war-to-peace transitions-critical time frames during which militant leaders must reconcile their commitment to armed survival with the imperative of postwar civilian conversion. We specify the internal organizational risks rebel groups confront, as well as the menu of strategies from which they select, in navigating the uncertainty inherent in these perilous periods. Our approach broadens the analysis of war-to-peace transitions, offering new insights into the question of why rebels sometimes successfully integrate into postconflict politics, economies, and society, while at other times they forgo participation in the postconflict state. It represents the first step in a wider research program-one that promises to open a number of new directions in the study of insurgent organizations, transitional societies, and postwar outcomes.

Asian Politic & Policy, 2021

Why do regional identities develop (or not)? While we know about the institutional incentives tha... more Why do regional identities develop (or not)? While we know about the institutional incentives that make some identities more salient than others, we know much less about the conditions that make nation‐builders more or less successful. To fill this gap, this paper examines the organizational dimensions of identity formation and the peripheries of Kachin nationalism in Myanmar. It argues that identity formation is shaped by political entrepreneurs’ capacity to (1) create inclusive inter‐elite alliances and (2) turn individuals into “citizens” of a larger ensemble. Empirically, it seeks to understand why we find resistance to a pan‐Kachin identity among two “Kachin” subgroups: Rawang and Lisu. The article shows that their conditional Kachin identity is the outcome of (1) incomplete inter‐elite alliances due to the uneven spread of Christian networks through which nation‐builders worked; and (2) the KIO’s variable and declining capacity to provide public goods inclusively across all Kachin groups.

Comparative Politics, 2021

This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that ... more This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that Islamist groups do better where competition for religious authority is intense. These religious "markets" are conducive to Islamist success because they 1) lower the barriers of entry to new religious entrepreneurs, 2) incentivize established leaders to support Islamist mobilization, and 3) push moderate leaders into silence. The article develops this theory by examining sub-regional variations in Islamist mobilization on the Indonesian island of Java. Using newly collected data on Java's 15,000 Islamic schools, it compares religious institutions across more than 100 regencies in Java. In addition, it uses dozens of field interviews with Indonesian Islamists and Muslim leaders to show where market structures have facilitated the growth of Islamist groups.

Asian Security, 2018

The article argues that “first movers” and the bandwagoning effect they trigger can undermine the... more The article argues that “first movers” and the bandwagoning effect they trigger can undermine the dynamics that perpetuate civil war and enable a multiparty cease-fire agreement. It looks at the unprecedented “nationwide” cease-fire in Myanmar reached between the government and several ethnic armed organizations in 2015. It shows that democratization and unilateral concessions by the Myanmar government were instrumental in overcoming the commitment problem and provided the necessary incentives for “first movers” to set the stage for a broad cease-fire agreement.

South East Asia Research, 2017

Why do some episodes of violence escalate while others do not? While the micro-foundations of com... more Why do some episodes of violence escalate while others do not? While the micro-foundations of communal violence are well known, the micro-foundations of " peace mon-gering " are under-studied. This article studies attempts at de-escalating violence in Maluku, Indonesia. It finds that the actions of non-state elites are crucial for de-escalating conflict. However, the efficacy of peace-oriented action is largely determined by the presence or absence of " institutionalized de-escalation systems. " These institutions are directly geared towards conflict prevention and de-escalation and are distinct from inter-communal asso-ciational and business networks. While attitudes favourable to peace and stability are found in many post-conflict contexts, they do not always translate into the emergence of institu-tionalized de-escalation systems. This article argues that such systems emerge only where a specific political economy of peace exists. In such an economy, some non-state actors see an opportunity in peace mongering to fulfill their material and social interests.

Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2017

This article seeks to understand why monks played a central role in anti-Muslim violence in trans... more This article seeks to understand why monks played a central role in anti-Muslim violence in transitional Myanmar (2013–2014). We argue that scapegoating is one of many strategies used by monks to gain visibility, to strengthen their autonomous networks, and to increase their social credentials. By analyzing two episodes of monks' participation in religious violence (1930s and 2013–2014), we identify two factors that make scapegoating strategies more likely: (a) decentralized religions foster a multiplicity of organizations and provide incentives for leaders to be entrepreneurial and compete for followers; while (b) the rapid pluralization of the public sphere explains the timing, because it intensifies competition among religious leaders and between religious and secular leaders for social ascendency and power.

Review essay of Jan Breman's book "Mobilizing Labour for the Global Coffee Market: Profits from a... more Review essay of Jan Breman's book "Mobilizing Labour for the Global Coffee Market: Profits from an Unfree Work Regime in Colonial Java" (2015).

Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2014

This article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions ... more This article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions about private healthcare options. Data indicates that respondents in the nine predom- inantly English-speaking provinces are more likely to oppose private hospitals than Quebeckers. No one province or region in “English Canada” drives these results: aversion to private hospitals is con- sistent across the nine provinces. Research on welfare states slots Canada into the “liberal” category, which is indicative of a preference for market solutions to welfare problems, which makes this finding perplexing. The argument presented here is that universal healthcare has become bound up with the national identity of English Canada, resulting in a general aversion to private healthcare initiatives outside of Quebec.

D. Karmis et F. Rocher. La dynamique confiance / méfiance dans les démocraties multinationales., 2012

Le présent chapitre suggère que la confiance est un préalable à la coopération et, surtout, à l’a... more Le présent chapitre suggère que la confiance est un préalable à la coopération et, surtout, à l’accom- modement mutuel des groupes. Dans une société plurinationale, les relations entre groupes semblent reposer sur quatre principaux équilibres: la confiance substantive, la confiance instrumentale, la coopération sans confiance, et l’absence de coopération (« good fences make good neighbors »). Or, c’est la confiance substantive qui semble la mieux à même de combiner efficacement coopération et accommodement. La confiance mutuelle n’est évidemment pas un phénomène qui se réduit aux contacts entre groupes au sein des associations. Le contexte politique et social, le cadrage des questions débattues et la nature des réseaux sociaux influent également sur ces relations. La confiance mutuelle apparaît toutefois comme une condition nécessaire, certes insuffisante, pour la coopération entre les groupes.

Canadian Foreign Policy Journal

Trust, Distrust, and Mistrust in Multinational Democracies

Comparative Politics, 2020

This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that ... more This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that Islamist groups do better where competition for religious authority is intense. These religious "markets" are conducive to Islamist success because they 1) lower the barriers of entry to new religious entrepreneurs, 2) incentivize established leaders to support Islamist mobilization, and 3) push moderate leaders into silence. The article develops this theory by examining sub-regional variations in Islamist mobilization on the Indonesian island of Java. Using newly collected data on Java's 15,000 Islamic schools, it compares religious institutions across more than 100 regencies in Java. It also uses dozens of field interviews with Indonesian Islamists and Muslim leaders to show where market structures have facilitated the growth of Islamist groups.

South East Asia Research, 2017

Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2017

Development and Change, 2016

This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Condition... more This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving. How to cite TSpace items Always cite the published version, so the author(s) will receive recognition through services that track citation counts, e.g. Scopus. If you need to cite the page number of the author manuscript from TSpace because you cannot access the published version, then cite the TSpace version in addition to the published version using the permanent URI (handle) found on the record page. This article was made openly accessible by U of T Faculty. Please tell us how this access benefits you. Your story matters.

Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2014

This article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions ... more This article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions about private healthcare options. Data indicates that respondents in the nine predominantly English-speaking provinces are more likely to oppose private hospitals than Quebeckers. No one province or region in “English Canada” drives these results: aversion to private hospitals is consistent across the nine provinces. Research on welfare states slots Canada into the “liberal” category, which is indicative of a preference for market solutions to welfare problems, which makes this finding perplexing. The argument presented here is that universal healthcare has become bound up with the national identity of English Canada, resulting in a general aversion to private healthcare initiatives outside of Quebec.

The Ways of Federalism in Western Countries and the Horizons of Territorial Autonomy in Spain, 2013

This chapter identifies a lacuna in the literature on consociational accommodation in multination... more This chapter identifies a lacuna in the literature on consociational accommodation in multinational societies. We argue that civil society is discussed in “bottom-up” theories of peace-building, but often overlooked in classical approaches to political accommodation. We seek to address this gap by looking at the dynamics of accommodation from a civil society perspective, stressing the importance of relational structures across social actors and segments in explaining accommodative outcomes at the political level. The chapter is organized into two parts. First, we look at civil society in the context of divided societies, and develop a framework that connects relational topography with elite-level dynamics. Second, we consider recent Canadian political history and the role of civil society in two efforts at recognition and accommodation with divergent outcomes: the Meech Lake Accord and the official apology to Indigenous survivors of residential schools. These cases illustrate the impact of civil society segmentation, the nature of horizontal linkages, and the oppositional potential of civil society groups. By addressing the structural conditions that promote or constrain cooperative behavior, this chapter intends to contribute to our theoretical understanding of accommodative outcomes in divided societies.

Asian Politics & Policy, 2021

Why do regional identities develop (or not)? While we know about the institutional incentives tha... more Why do regional identities develop (or not)? While we know about the institutional incentives that make some identities more salient than others, we know much less about the conditions that make nation‐builders more or less successful. To fill this gap, this paper examines the organizational dimensions of identity formation and the peripheries of Kachin nationalism in Myanmar. It argues that identity formation is shaped by political entrepreneurs’ capacity to (1) create inclusive inter‐elite alliances and (2) turn individuals into “citizens” of a larger ensemble. Empirically, it seeks to understand why we find resistance to a pan‐Kachin identity among two “Kachin” subgroups: Rawang and Lisu. The article shows that their conditional Kachin identity is the outcome of (1) incomplete inter‐elite alliances due to the uneven spread of Christian networks through which nation‐builders worked; and (2) the KIO’s variable and declining capacity to provide public goods inclusively across all Kachin groups.

Comparative Politics, 2021

This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that ... more This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that Islamist groups do better where competition for religious authority is intense. These religious "markets" are conducive to Islamist success because they 1) lower the barriers of entry to new religious entrepreneurs, 2) incentivize established leaders to support Islamist mobilization, and 3) push moderate leaders into silence. The article develops this theory by examining sub-regional variations in Islamist mobilization on the Indonesian island of Java. Using newly collected data on Java's 15,000 Islamic schools, it compares religious institutions across more than 100 regencies in Java. In addition, it uses dozens of field interviews with Indonesian Islamists and Muslim leaders to show where market structures have facilitated the growth of Islamist groups.

Tea Circle, 2020

Jae Park and Alexandre Pelletier call attention to gender in thinking about conflict in Myanmar. ... more Jae Park and Alexandre Pelletier call attention to gender in thinking about conflict in Myanmar. Despite the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015, Myanmar is still at war with itself as fighting in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan states shows no sign of ending. The loss of human life, as well as the material destruction and shattering of local communities caused by the 70-year-long conflict, continues to incur heavy social and economic costs in the country. While war affects all, it affects men and women differently. In any conflict setting, gender creates expectations and exposes individuals to different dangers and vulnerabilities. In Myanmar's conflict areas, many boys and men have had first-hand experience of violence as soldiers and live with its physical and psychological consequences. In these regions as well, many girls and women face an acute danger of gender-based violence as their bodies are objectified for war purposes and human trafficking. The different impacts of war on women and men have to be taken seriously to move the peace process forward and to design policies that address the long-lasting consequences of war. In Myanmar as elsewhere, decentralization is considered as a democratization tool, a means to achieving better government accountability in the delivery of public services and a gateway to women's participation. The conflict and its political and economic legacies not only perpetuate, but may also reinforce gender practices, inequalities, and discrimination. If gender needs and inequalities are not addressed, the very success of democracy, the peace process, and decentralization in Myanmar will remain unequal for men and women. In this piece, we bring together evidence from local communities to examine some of the impact of conflict on Gender, Violence and Ethnic Conflict in Myanmar

Southeast Asia Program Bulletin, 2019

Seated on the porch of a small bamboo Islamic boarding school, or pesantren, in Garut, West Java,... more Seated on the porch of a small bamboo Islamic boarding school, or pesantren, in Garut, West Java, sipping perhaps what was the strongest coffee I had ever had, I began to understand the focus of my dissertation. I was well into my fifth month of fieldwork as a PhD candidate in political science at University of Toronto, investigating how mainstream Muslim leaders had responded to new Islamist groups since Indonesia's transition to democracy more than a decade earlier.

Why are some regions, like West Java, more vulnerable to the emergence of vigilante anti-minority... more Why are some regions, like West Java, more vulnerable to the emergence of vigilante anti-minority mobilization than others? This paper argues that vigilante mobilization is a symptom of West Javanese weak Muslim elite integration. Vigilante organizations provide a quick and efficient means to get access and increase influence in a region where mainstream organizations do not provide such access and power. The paper develops the concept of "religious elite structure" to account for cross-regional differences. It argues that religious elite structures developed as a result of conflict peculiar to each region. In West Java, state co-option of Islam and choices made by ulama in 1952 account for the weak integration of religious elites. The legacies of this structure, still visible today, account for the propensity of the region to experience vigilante mobilization.

Since the late colonial period, West Java has always stood out as a region where Islam is more re... more Since the late colonial period, West Java has always stood out as a region where Islam is more readily mobilized. I argue that radicalism is due to West Java's weak integration within national moderate Islamic networks. This paper traces the origins of that situation to the ways in which the colonial state extended its administrative reach to that region. Driven by economic imperatives, the colonial state inadvertently shaped Islamic leadership in a way inimical to the development of moderate Islamic organizations in the region.

* This paper was awarded the 2016 ITLSC Student Paper Prize.

This edited volume brings together contributions from some well-seasoned and respected experts of... more This edited volume brings together contributions from some well-seasoned and respected experts of Myanmar. In itself, the book is an important achievement and the result is readable and highly informative. The pieces in the book are eclectic, but this is a strength. The authors delve into new and original research questions, such as MP behavior in parliaments or the role of Buddhist nuns in Myanmar; and also present original data and use fruitful methods, such as a textual study of protesters' signboards and chants.

Open Access, 2023

လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်အလိုက် အနိုင်ရခြင်းသည် လွတ်လပ်သော အစိုးရ၊ တနိုင်ငံလုံး အပစ်အခတ်ရပ်စဲရေး စာချုပ်၊ ပြည်န... more လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်အလိုက် အနိုင်ရခြင်းသည် လွတ်လပ်သော အစိုးရ၊ တနိုင်ငံလုံး အပစ်အခတ်ရပ်စဲရေး စာချုပ်၊ ပြည်နယ်နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား လူနည်းစုများကြား ဘက်စုံ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး ဆွေးနွေးမှုများ ရှိနေသော်လည်း ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်သည် ၂၀၁၁ ခုနှစ်မှ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်အတွင်း အဘယ်ကြောင့် ရပ်တန့်နေသနည်းဟု မေးသည်။

လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်အားဖြင့် အနိုင်ရခြင်းသည် ရပ်တန့်နေသော ပဋိပက္ခများသည် ခေတ္တရပ်ခြင်း သို့မဟုတ် ရှေ့မတိုးနောက်မဆုတ်သာဖြစ်ကြောင်း စောဒကတက်သည်။ စစ်ပွဲ သို့မဟုတ် သဘောတူညီချက်ဖြင့် အနိုင်ရခြင်းအား ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်အနေဖြင့် "လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ဖြင့်အနိုင်ရခြင်း" သည် ညှိနှိုင်းမှု၊ ညှိနှိုင်းမှုလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်နှင့် အာဏာနှင့် အရင်းအမြစ်များ၏ နေရာများကို အသုံးချခြင်းဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အသာစီးရနိုင်မှုကို ကိုယ်စားပြုသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အဆိုပါ ဗျူဟာငါးခုသည် သော့ခတ်ခြင်း၊ စည်းကြပ်ခြင်း၊ အလွှာလိုက်ခြင်း၊ ဘေးကင်းခြင်း နှင့် သေနတ်ပစ်ခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်ခဲ့သည်။ ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ကို ချုပ်ငြိမ်းစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်သည့် စေ့စပ်ညှိနှိုင်းမှုတွင် အာဏာချိန်ခွင်လျှာကို မည်ကဲ့သို့ ကူးပြောင်းနိုင်သည်ကို မြန်မာကိစ္စက ဖော်ပြသည်။ ပြီးခဲ့သည့်ဆယ်စုနှစ်များအတွင်း မြန်မာ နိုင်ငံနှင့် တပ်မတော်သည် အဆိုပါ လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို ထိန်းချုပ်ခဲ့ပြီး တိုင်းရင်းသားလူနည်းစုများကို ဘက်မလိုက်ဘဲ ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ်ကို ပံ့ပိုးပေးနေသည့်တိုင် ဗဟိုချုပ်ကိုင်မှုရှိသော ပြည်နယ်အဖြစ် ၎င်းတို့၏ အမြင်ကို ဆက်လက်ချမှတ်ခဲ့သည်။