Phil Ramsey | University of Ulster (original) (raw)
Journal Articles by Phil Ramsey
Javnost-The Public, 2024
Public Service Media remains at the centre of the public sphere in Northern Ireland. Public Servi... more Public Service Media remains at the centre of the public sphere in Northern Ireland. Public Service Media organisations such as the BBC broadcast in a society that remains politically and culturally divided. This has been the case for decades, even if the worst of the violence in Northern Ireland has now dissipated. The Northern Ireland media system includes local media provision, along with provision from the rest of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. This article identifies Northern Ireland’s media system as sharing characteristics with what Puppis (2009) defines as a small media system, under slightly different conditions. This article takes a Critical Political Economy approach to Public Service Media organisations operating in Northern Ireland, in order to argue that while there is prominence in the place of PSM in the media system, there is also vulnerability inherent.
Journal of Digital Media & Policy, 2022
This article assesses the viability of RTÉ, Ireland’s main public service media (PSM) organizatio... more This article assesses the viability of RTÉ, Ireland’s main public service media (PSM) organization, as an institution and media organization against the backdrop of the largest challenges affecting PSM today. It questions the extent (1) the presence of global platforms, (2) shifting media use and (3) (continued) government support have affected the programming, structure and legitimacy of the Irish public broadcaster. The analytical framework that serves as the basis for our analysis combines a media policy and political economy approach with cultural-sociological analysis. Using expert interviews and document analysis, we show that many of the challenges of RTÉ are generalizable in a European context and a wider international context. We argue that while the government may not be directly undermining RTÉ, its funding position may become so eroded that it would no longer be able to deliver what one of our interviewees describes as a ‘BBC-sized mission in a small jurisdiction’.
Media, Culture and Society, 2019
Written with Stephen Baker and Robert Porter: The publicly funded screen development agency, Nor... more Written with Stephen Baker and Robert Porter:
The publicly funded screen development agency, Northern Ireland Screen, has been the key institutional actor in the exponential growth of the screen industries in Northern Ireland. The most prominent production to be based in Northern Ireland has been Home Box Office’s Game of Thrones, which had much of its eight seasons filmed in the region. Significant amounts of public finance have been offered to the screen industries, with direct funding provided to augment United Kingdom-wide tax breaks. However, there has been a lack of critical analysis of the recipients of this finance, on the precarious nature of many of the jobs that have been created, or on the stated benefits to the economy. This article subjects the role of Northern Ireland Screen to policy analysis to attempt to fill this scholarly gap. Setting the subject into the context of public support for film and television across the United Kingdom, it is argued that the economic argument for providing direct financial support to the screen industries needs to be viewed in the context of the overall impact on society.
While the United Kingdom (UK) government has renewed the BBC Royal Charter until 2027 and confirm... more While the United Kingdom (UK) government has renewed the BBC Royal Charter until 2027 and confirmed that the television licence fee will last for this period, a medium-term shift from the television licence fee to a household levy is still a policy option. Drawing on the German experience, we discuss the probable difficulties, possible benefits and the overall implications of such a shift in the UK. The article employs a comparative media policy analysis. After a brief history of public service broadcasting funding in the UK, we provide an outline of the recent German public service media funding reform. We point out the difficulties from the German model to predict the future total revenues and elaborate on the suitability of it in the UK context, contrasting the possibilities of policy transfer and policy failure.
Radio Journal: International Studies in Broadcast and Audio Media, 2017
Between 2007 and 2017 in the United Kingdom, BBC radio services were regulated by the BBC Trust, ... more Between 2007 and 2017 in the United Kingdom, BBC radio services were regulated by the BBC Trust, with the performance of BBC radio stations monitored against the so-called ‘drivers of public value’. Utilizing the Reach, Quality, Impact and Value for Money performance framework (RQIV), periodical reviews of BBC Radio Service Licences were carried out. This article considers two such reviews, of BBC radio stations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and BBC Local Radio services in England. The use of the public value approach in the governance of public service radio in the United Kingdom is assessed. It is argued that the public value approach places a serious focus on audience responses, but that the use of the RQIV framework is problematic when considering the cultural nature of broadcasting. It is suggested that the BBC is increasingly being forced to make decisions for political-economic reasons, rather than for reasons of public value.
The commercial public service broadcasters (PSBs) in the United Kingdom (UK) make a significant c... more The commercial public service broadcasters (PSBs) in the United Kingdom (UK) make a significant contribution to the country’s public service television system, alongside the BBC. Operating under the UK communications regulator Ofcom, the commercial PSB channels ITV, Channel 4, and Channel 5 are required to broadcast varying levels of public service content. This places these channels in a different category to all other market broadcasters in the UK. By taking a critical political economy of communication approach, this article examines how the regulatory system functions to secure public service provision in television. A particular focus is placed on the first-run originations quotas, which govern the levels of programming that are originally produced or commissioned by a commercial PSB, and broadcast for the first time in the UK. It is argued that while fulfilling the public service remit, the commercial PSBs gain significant benefits that contribute to the underpinning of their business models.
In November 2015, the BBC Trust gave its final approval for BBC Three to cease broadcasting on te... more In November 2015, the BBC Trust gave its final approval for BBC Three to cease broadcasting on television in the United Kingdom and become an online-only entity. The decision is a landmark moment in the history of BBC Television and has significant implications for BBC planning in relation to the continued transition from broadcast television to streaming and download services. In this article, the original proposals for moving BBC Three online are assessed and discussed within the wider context of current BBC policy. It is argued that the rationale used for moving BBC Three online is based on arguments that vary in the extent to which they are backed by evidence. It is also argued that the plans have significant regulatory implications for the future of BBC Television and for the television licence fee in the United Kingdom.
Journal of Radio & Audio Media, 2016
BBC radio has been broadcast in Northern Ireland since shortly after the establishment of the cou... more BBC radio has been broadcast in Northern Ireland since shortly after the establishment of the country in the early 1920s. Throughout this period it has been faced by the challenge of how to deliver public service radio in a divided society, one that has for many years experienced violent conflict. Today as BBC Radio Ulster, the station has the highest audience reach of any BBC network radio service or those nations services in Scotland and
Wales. This article outlines how BBC policy serves to deliver this performance, by examining a BBC Trust Service Review in relation to culture and diversity.
Media, Culture & Society, 2015
The possibility that broadcasting powers could be devolved from the UK government to the Northern... more The possibility that broadcasting powers could be devolved from the UK government to the Northern Ireland (NI) Assembly has been a matter for political discussion in NI. During a 2013 debate in the Assembly on the matter, the dominant Irish nationalist political party called for such devolution to increase the levels of programming that reflect ‘life and culture as we know it’. The subject is discussed in relation to wider debates over the devolution of broadcasting powers that have taken place in Wales and Scotland and in relation to the challenges surrounding the formation of media policy for a divided society such as NI. This article suggests that while it is possible under current legislation to devolve broadcasting powers to NI, it is likely that implementation would lead to major changes to public service media provision in NI.
International Journal of Cultural Policy, Jan 2015
This paper charts the turn in the UK New Labour government’s (1997–2010) creative industries poli... more This paper charts the turn in the UK New Labour government’s (1997–2010) creative industries policy from an early focus on encouraging wider access to the arts to an increasingly instrumentalist emphasis on self-funding and the generation of wealth from intellectual property. The paper demonstrates the effect of this policy primarily through the case of the teaching of media and communications in UK universities. Focusing on the Skillset Media Academy Network, the authors ask whether this is both the best approach to teaching media and communications in UK universities and appropriate that many of these courses appear to be solely geared towards preparing graduates for jobs in the creative industries.
Journal of Public Affairs, Nov 2014
The Engage programme was launched in April 2006 by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in ... more The Engage programme was launched in April 2006 by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in the UK. As a civil service body supporting those in government working as press officers and in marketing roles, the GCN under the New Labour government in the period 2006–2010 was involved with the extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication. This article charts this process by examining key government policy documents from this period. The rationale for Engage rested on the assumption that government in the UK needed to adapt its communication approach to reach what were perceived as individualised consumers in society. The extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication that happened under Engage is shown to be consistent with the New Public Management approach to public services under New Labour.
Media, Culture & Society, 2013
Debates surrounding democracy and the internet are of central importance to the future of public ... more Debates surrounding democracy and the internet are of central importance to the future of public service broadcasting. Some of these debates have led a group of scholars to argue for the establishment of a civic commons online, in response to the commercial nature of the internet and its limited support of deliberative democracy. General features of a civic commons online include the formation of a deliberative space free from corporate and state influence, yet that receives some form of public funding. Given their long and relatively successful history, some scholars have argued that existing public service broadcasters might provide the best chance for the establishment of such a commons. This article evaluates existing BBC Online policy in the UK in light of these arguments, and assesses the extent to which existing policy might allow space for the establishment of such a civic commons. The article concludes by arguing that while existing BBC Online policy would allow the basic grounds for the establishment of a civic commons online, there are significant obstacles to its full realization.
Space and Polity, Jul 2013
The ongoing development of Titanic Quarter in Belfast, Northern Ireland, has already made signifi... more The ongoing development of Titanic Quarter in Belfast, Northern Ireland, has already made significant changes to the area. The site on which the Titanic was built has been redeveloped as an area for tourism, business, education and the creative industries. The site has been developed following a significant inflow of private capital, and with the additional support of local government and public finance. This article outlines how economic and political forces have coalesced in Belfast to the point that the violent period of the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland can be said to have created a ‘pleasingly blank canvas for regeneration’.
Cultural Trends, Jul 2013
This is a review of the Arts Council of Northern Ireland’s (ACNI) Arts and Older People Strategy ... more This is a review of the Arts Council of Northern Ireland’s (ACNI) Arts and Older People Strategy 2010–2013, which sets out the council’s policy on improving rates of access for older people in the arts in Northern Ireland (NI). Set in the context of falling rates of participation, the strategy seeks to address key social justice issues such as poverty, isolation, loneliness and mental health. This review article establishes the context of the arts in NI in relationship to creative industries policy, the roles of arts in enabling a more integrated society, and the demographics of older people. It suggests that while the Arts and Older People Strategy has a strong social democratic agenda, the ACNI overlooks key threats to such a policy direction that come from the influence of the market, and an over reliance on the Internet for promotion.
Javnost-The Public, 2010
This article addresses theories of deliberative democracy, the public sphere and government commu... more This article addresses theories of deliberative democracy, the public sphere and government communication, and investigates the ways in which government communication might be carried out to strengthen and improve deliberative democracy, within the wider context of journalism. The article begins by undertaking an extended survey of the normative model of the public sphere, as outlined by Jürgen Habermas, and takes account of his later work on the centrality of the deliberative process to the public sphere. In the second half, the article applies Held’s conceptions of the role of government communication in the strengthening of deliberative democracy, and attempts to make normative arguments about certain forms of government communication. In doing so, it addresses three areas: the problems with the standing “lobby” system of briefing journalists in the UK; ways in which government communication might be held to greater account in the public sphere; ways in which the improved communication of Parliament might impact upon deliberative democracy.
Networking Knowledge: Journal of the MeCCSA PGN, 2010
Discussing Public Service Broadcasting from the perspective of the public sphere has both histori... more Discussing Public Service Broadcasting from the perspective of the public sphere has both historical form and theoretical rationale. This article surveys some of the arguments forwarded on the commonality between the theoretical category of the public sphere, and Public Service Broadcasting (PSB). Drawing from scholarly work over the past three decades, it also addresses the problems with this approach, outlining an argument against applying public sphere theory in this setting. This article then applies normative arguments drawn from Habermasian theory to the subject, arguing that public sphere theory remains a critical tool for studying PSB. This article suggests that on the public sphere principles of inclusion, deliberation and opinion formation, PSB helps sustain the notion of the public sphere, and indeed provides one of the most important realisations of it. In particular, this article focuses on PSB in the UK, and gives evidence from the case of the BBC to support its claims.
International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences, 2010
The 2010 Audit of Political Engagement (Hansard Society) found evidence of low levels of ʻpolitic... more The 2010 Audit of Political Engagement (Hansard Society) found evidence of low levels of ʻpolitical engagementʼ amongst Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) participants compared to white respondents. This included categories such as ‘knowledge of politicsʼ, ʻpropensity to voteʼ, ʻdiscussing politicsʼ, ʻpresenting views to a local councillor or MP.ʼ We argue that this provides a substantial basis for contending that BMEs are politically disenfranchised and disconnected. This article sets the findings of the Audit into the theoretical context of Civic Culture and Social Capital, and outlines the potential problems with these theories with regard to BME Communities. It also seeks to show how UK policies have created an environment which is not conducive to the promotion of civic engagement for ethnic minorities in the UK. Inclusion through multiculturalism was once considered an inherent part of the policy culture in the UK, however recent policy has shown a shift in discourse away from these principles, replaced by social cohesion and integration. With more emphasis on language including ‘citizenship’ and ‘Britishness,’ multiculturalism and the onus on government to involve BMEs in society has given way to personal responsibility and active citizenship. This article seeks to explore the impact of this shift on an already low level of political engagement amongst the effected communities. It finishes by discussing the problems with UK policy which leads to the one of the poorest rates of political participation for migrants in Western Europe.
Book Chapters by Phil Ramsey
The Values of Public Service Media in the Internet Society, 2021
This chapter focuses on the relationship between Public Service Media (PSM) and the market throug... more This chapter focuses on the relationship between Public Service Media (PSM) and the market through the lens of risk. Much discussion of PSM posits their positive cultural and social influence, while discussions of ‘market impact’ have often functioned to tighten control on PSM organisations and limit their remit and scale. Indeed, the discussion of market impact has often been deployed strategically as a rationale to slim down organisations perceived as bloated and slow. However, discussing the market role of PSM organisations is important for a number of reasons, not least as a useful discursive frame for the financing of PSM and, for instance, their impact on national advertising markets. A discussion of market impact also recognises the increasingly blurred line between linear broadcasting and digital media, with PSM activities increasingly focused on the latter. Seismic changes have happened in the infrastructure of broadcasting and audiences today expect interactivity and online services. Whereas in the past regulators such as the European Commission were more ‘restrictive’ of PSMs’ online efforts, today it seems archaic to approach public media as relating to ‘off-line’ content distribution alone. Therefore, it is a matter of public value and of survival for PSM to engage with the opportunities and challenges of the digital market.
Routledge Companion to Local Media and Journalism, 2020
Public service media in Northern Ireland has long been a focus for scholarly attention, in partic... more Public service media in Northern Ireland has long been a focus for scholarly attention, in particular focusing on how the BBC reported on the “Troubles”, a period in history that led to more than 3,500 people being killed. In addressing local public service media services, and those which are accessible in Northern Ireland from the Republic of Ireland, this chapter outlines how public service media maintain and support local journalism in the face of a decline in local newspapers, and discusses the role that they play in supporting cultural minorities through broadcasting for Irish language and Ulster-Scots communities. Theoretically, we primarily draw on Christopher Ali’s argument that local journalism should be considered as a merit good, rather than as a public good, and by applying this to public service media the argument is made for its continued role in maintaining local news provision and in protecting minority languages.
Northern Ireland (NI) is a small region of the United Kingdom with a history of violent conflict ... more Northern Ireland (NI) is a small region of the United Kingdom with a history of violent conflict associated with the national and religious identities of its inhabitants. Post-conflict societies face complex challenges in the development of cultural policy, particularly where some cultural markers have become associated with antagonism or political affiliation. This chapter will focus on how the social, spatial, educational, religious and political divisions in NI – coupled with deep socio-economic deprivation and a lack of political consensus – mean that many issues relating to cultural policy are neglected. We chart how the history of NI has left significant barriers to shared culture within NI, leading to inertia on policy in relation to community relations and social cohesion. That being the case, we show how the government Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure (DCAL), and the Arts Council of Northern Ireland (ACNI), the main arm’s length body for funding, have clear policies relating to how the arts and culture can alleviate socio-economic problems.
Javnost-The Public, 2024
Public Service Media remains at the centre of the public sphere in Northern Ireland. Public Servi... more Public Service Media remains at the centre of the public sphere in Northern Ireland. Public Service Media organisations such as the BBC broadcast in a society that remains politically and culturally divided. This has been the case for decades, even if the worst of the violence in Northern Ireland has now dissipated. The Northern Ireland media system includes local media provision, along with provision from the rest of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. This article identifies Northern Ireland’s media system as sharing characteristics with what Puppis (2009) defines as a small media system, under slightly different conditions. This article takes a Critical Political Economy approach to Public Service Media organisations operating in Northern Ireland, in order to argue that while there is prominence in the place of PSM in the media system, there is also vulnerability inherent.
Journal of Digital Media & Policy, 2022
This article assesses the viability of RTÉ, Ireland’s main public service media (PSM) organizatio... more This article assesses the viability of RTÉ, Ireland’s main public service media (PSM) organization, as an institution and media organization against the backdrop of the largest challenges affecting PSM today. It questions the extent (1) the presence of global platforms, (2) shifting media use and (3) (continued) government support have affected the programming, structure and legitimacy of the Irish public broadcaster. The analytical framework that serves as the basis for our analysis combines a media policy and political economy approach with cultural-sociological analysis. Using expert interviews and document analysis, we show that many of the challenges of RTÉ are generalizable in a European context and a wider international context. We argue that while the government may not be directly undermining RTÉ, its funding position may become so eroded that it would no longer be able to deliver what one of our interviewees describes as a ‘BBC-sized mission in a small jurisdiction’.
Media, Culture and Society, 2019
Written with Stephen Baker and Robert Porter: The publicly funded screen development agency, Nor... more Written with Stephen Baker and Robert Porter:
The publicly funded screen development agency, Northern Ireland Screen, has been the key institutional actor in the exponential growth of the screen industries in Northern Ireland. The most prominent production to be based in Northern Ireland has been Home Box Office’s Game of Thrones, which had much of its eight seasons filmed in the region. Significant amounts of public finance have been offered to the screen industries, with direct funding provided to augment United Kingdom-wide tax breaks. However, there has been a lack of critical analysis of the recipients of this finance, on the precarious nature of many of the jobs that have been created, or on the stated benefits to the economy. This article subjects the role of Northern Ireland Screen to policy analysis to attempt to fill this scholarly gap. Setting the subject into the context of public support for film and television across the United Kingdom, it is argued that the economic argument for providing direct financial support to the screen industries needs to be viewed in the context of the overall impact on society.
While the United Kingdom (UK) government has renewed the BBC Royal Charter until 2027 and confirm... more While the United Kingdom (UK) government has renewed the BBC Royal Charter until 2027 and confirmed that the television licence fee will last for this period, a medium-term shift from the television licence fee to a household levy is still a policy option. Drawing on the German experience, we discuss the probable difficulties, possible benefits and the overall implications of such a shift in the UK. The article employs a comparative media policy analysis. After a brief history of public service broadcasting funding in the UK, we provide an outline of the recent German public service media funding reform. We point out the difficulties from the German model to predict the future total revenues and elaborate on the suitability of it in the UK context, contrasting the possibilities of policy transfer and policy failure.
Radio Journal: International Studies in Broadcast and Audio Media, 2017
Between 2007 and 2017 in the United Kingdom, BBC radio services were regulated by the BBC Trust, ... more Between 2007 and 2017 in the United Kingdom, BBC radio services were regulated by the BBC Trust, with the performance of BBC radio stations monitored against the so-called ‘drivers of public value’. Utilizing the Reach, Quality, Impact and Value for Money performance framework (RQIV), periodical reviews of BBC Radio Service Licences were carried out. This article considers two such reviews, of BBC radio stations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and BBC Local Radio services in England. The use of the public value approach in the governance of public service radio in the United Kingdom is assessed. It is argued that the public value approach places a serious focus on audience responses, but that the use of the RQIV framework is problematic when considering the cultural nature of broadcasting. It is suggested that the BBC is increasingly being forced to make decisions for political-economic reasons, rather than for reasons of public value.
The commercial public service broadcasters (PSBs) in the United Kingdom (UK) make a significant c... more The commercial public service broadcasters (PSBs) in the United Kingdom (UK) make a significant contribution to the country’s public service television system, alongside the BBC. Operating under the UK communications regulator Ofcom, the commercial PSB channels ITV, Channel 4, and Channel 5 are required to broadcast varying levels of public service content. This places these channels in a different category to all other market broadcasters in the UK. By taking a critical political economy of communication approach, this article examines how the regulatory system functions to secure public service provision in television. A particular focus is placed on the first-run originations quotas, which govern the levels of programming that are originally produced or commissioned by a commercial PSB, and broadcast for the first time in the UK. It is argued that while fulfilling the public service remit, the commercial PSBs gain significant benefits that contribute to the underpinning of their business models.
In November 2015, the BBC Trust gave its final approval for BBC Three to cease broadcasting on te... more In November 2015, the BBC Trust gave its final approval for BBC Three to cease broadcasting on television in the United Kingdom and become an online-only entity. The decision is a landmark moment in the history of BBC Television and has significant implications for BBC planning in relation to the continued transition from broadcast television to streaming and download services. In this article, the original proposals for moving BBC Three online are assessed and discussed within the wider context of current BBC policy. It is argued that the rationale used for moving BBC Three online is based on arguments that vary in the extent to which they are backed by evidence. It is also argued that the plans have significant regulatory implications for the future of BBC Television and for the television licence fee in the United Kingdom.
Journal of Radio & Audio Media, 2016
BBC radio has been broadcast in Northern Ireland since shortly after the establishment of the cou... more BBC radio has been broadcast in Northern Ireland since shortly after the establishment of the country in the early 1920s. Throughout this period it has been faced by the challenge of how to deliver public service radio in a divided society, one that has for many years experienced violent conflict. Today as BBC Radio Ulster, the station has the highest audience reach of any BBC network radio service or those nations services in Scotland and
Wales. This article outlines how BBC policy serves to deliver this performance, by examining a BBC Trust Service Review in relation to culture and diversity.
Media, Culture & Society, 2015
The possibility that broadcasting powers could be devolved from the UK government to the Northern... more The possibility that broadcasting powers could be devolved from the UK government to the Northern Ireland (NI) Assembly has been a matter for political discussion in NI. During a 2013 debate in the Assembly on the matter, the dominant Irish nationalist political party called for such devolution to increase the levels of programming that reflect ‘life and culture as we know it’. The subject is discussed in relation to wider debates over the devolution of broadcasting powers that have taken place in Wales and Scotland and in relation to the challenges surrounding the formation of media policy for a divided society such as NI. This article suggests that while it is possible under current legislation to devolve broadcasting powers to NI, it is likely that implementation would lead to major changes to public service media provision in NI.
International Journal of Cultural Policy, Jan 2015
This paper charts the turn in the UK New Labour government’s (1997–2010) creative industries poli... more This paper charts the turn in the UK New Labour government’s (1997–2010) creative industries policy from an early focus on encouraging wider access to the arts to an increasingly instrumentalist emphasis on self-funding and the generation of wealth from intellectual property. The paper demonstrates the effect of this policy primarily through the case of the teaching of media and communications in UK universities. Focusing on the Skillset Media Academy Network, the authors ask whether this is both the best approach to teaching media and communications in UK universities and appropriate that many of these courses appear to be solely geared towards preparing graduates for jobs in the creative industries.
Journal of Public Affairs, Nov 2014
The Engage programme was launched in April 2006 by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in ... more The Engage programme was launched in April 2006 by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in the UK. As a civil service body supporting those in government working as press officers and in marketing roles, the GCN under the New Labour government in the period 2006–2010 was involved with the extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication. This article charts this process by examining key government policy documents from this period. The rationale for Engage rested on the assumption that government in the UK needed to adapt its communication approach to reach what were perceived as individualised consumers in society. The extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication that happened under Engage is shown to be consistent with the New Public Management approach to public services under New Labour.
Media, Culture & Society, 2013
Debates surrounding democracy and the internet are of central importance to the future of public ... more Debates surrounding democracy and the internet are of central importance to the future of public service broadcasting. Some of these debates have led a group of scholars to argue for the establishment of a civic commons online, in response to the commercial nature of the internet and its limited support of deliberative democracy. General features of a civic commons online include the formation of a deliberative space free from corporate and state influence, yet that receives some form of public funding. Given their long and relatively successful history, some scholars have argued that existing public service broadcasters might provide the best chance for the establishment of such a commons. This article evaluates existing BBC Online policy in the UK in light of these arguments, and assesses the extent to which existing policy might allow space for the establishment of such a civic commons. The article concludes by arguing that while existing BBC Online policy would allow the basic grounds for the establishment of a civic commons online, there are significant obstacles to its full realization.
Space and Polity, Jul 2013
The ongoing development of Titanic Quarter in Belfast, Northern Ireland, has already made signifi... more The ongoing development of Titanic Quarter in Belfast, Northern Ireland, has already made significant changes to the area. The site on which the Titanic was built has been redeveloped as an area for tourism, business, education and the creative industries. The site has been developed following a significant inflow of private capital, and with the additional support of local government and public finance. This article outlines how economic and political forces have coalesced in Belfast to the point that the violent period of the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland can be said to have created a ‘pleasingly blank canvas for regeneration’.
Cultural Trends, Jul 2013
This is a review of the Arts Council of Northern Ireland’s (ACNI) Arts and Older People Strategy ... more This is a review of the Arts Council of Northern Ireland’s (ACNI) Arts and Older People Strategy 2010–2013, which sets out the council’s policy on improving rates of access for older people in the arts in Northern Ireland (NI). Set in the context of falling rates of participation, the strategy seeks to address key social justice issues such as poverty, isolation, loneliness and mental health. This review article establishes the context of the arts in NI in relationship to creative industries policy, the roles of arts in enabling a more integrated society, and the demographics of older people. It suggests that while the Arts and Older People Strategy has a strong social democratic agenda, the ACNI overlooks key threats to such a policy direction that come from the influence of the market, and an over reliance on the Internet for promotion.
Javnost-The Public, 2010
This article addresses theories of deliberative democracy, the public sphere and government commu... more This article addresses theories of deliberative democracy, the public sphere and government communication, and investigates the ways in which government communication might be carried out to strengthen and improve deliberative democracy, within the wider context of journalism. The article begins by undertaking an extended survey of the normative model of the public sphere, as outlined by Jürgen Habermas, and takes account of his later work on the centrality of the deliberative process to the public sphere. In the second half, the article applies Held’s conceptions of the role of government communication in the strengthening of deliberative democracy, and attempts to make normative arguments about certain forms of government communication. In doing so, it addresses three areas: the problems with the standing “lobby” system of briefing journalists in the UK; ways in which government communication might be held to greater account in the public sphere; ways in which the improved communication of Parliament might impact upon deliberative democracy.
Networking Knowledge: Journal of the MeCCSA PGN, 2010
Discussing Public Service Broadcasting from the perspective of the public sphere has both histori... more Discussing Public Service Broadcasting from the perspective of the public sphere has both historical form and theoretical rationale. This article surveys some of the arguments forwarded on the commonality between the theoretical category of the public sphere, and Public Service Broadcasting (PSB). Drawing from scholarly work over the past three decades, it also addresses the problems with this approach, outlining an argument against applying public sphere theory in this setting. This article then applies normative arguments drawn from Habermasian theory to the subject, arguing that public sphere theory remains a critical tool for studying PSB. This article suggests that on the public sphere principles of inclusion, deliberation and opinion formation, PSB helps sustain the notion of the public sphere, and indeed provides one of the most important realisations of it. In particular, this article focuses on PSB in the UK, and gives evidence from the case of the BBC to support its claims.
International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences, 2010
The 2010 Audit of Political Engagement (Hansard Society) found evidence of low levels of ʻpolitic... more The 2010 Audit of Political Engagement (Hansard Society) found evidence of low levels of ʻpolitical engagementʼ amongst Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) participants compared to white respondents. This included categories such as ‘knowledge of politicsʼ, ʻpropensity to voteʼ, ʻdiscussing politicsʼ, ʻpresenting views to a local councillor or MP.ʼ We argue that this provides a substantial basis for contending that BMEs are politically disenfranchised and disconnected. This article sets the findings of the Audit into the theoretical context of Civic Culture and Social Capital, and outlines the potential problems with these theories with regard to BME Communities. It also seeks to show how UK policies have created an environment which is not conducive to the promotion of civic engagement for ethnic minorities in the UK. Inclusion through multiculturalism was once considered an inherent part of the policy culture in the UK, however recent policy has shown a shift in discourse away from these principles, replaced by social cohesion and integration. With more emphasis on language including ‘citizenship’ and ‘Britishness,’ multiculturalism and the onus on government to involve BMEs in society has given way to personal responsibility and active citizenship. This article seeks to explore the impact of this shift on an already low level of political engagement amongst the effected communities. It finishes by discussing the problems with UK policy which leads to the one of the poorest rates of political participation for migrants in Western Europe.
The Values of Public Service Media in the Internet Society, 2021
This chapter focuses on the relationship between Public Service Media (PSM) and the market throug... more This chapter focuses on the relationship between Public Service Media (PSM) and the market through the lens of risk. Much discussion of PSM posits their positive cultural and social influence, while discussions of ‘market impact’ have often functioned to tighten control on PSM organisations and limit their remit and scale. Indeed, the discussion of market impact has often been deployed strategically as a rationale to slim down organisations perceived as bloated and slow. However, discussing the market role of PSM organisations is important for a number of reasons, not least as a useful discursive frame for the financing of PSM and, for instance, their impact on national advertising markets. A discussion of market impact also recognises the increasingly blurred line between linear broadcasting and digital media, with PSM activities increasingly focused on the latter. Seismic changes have happened in the infrastructure of broadcasting and audiences today expect interactivity and online services. Whereas in the past regulators such as the European Commission were more ‘restrictive’ of PSMs’ online efforts, today it seems archaic to approach public media as relating to ‘off-line’ content distribution alone. Therefore, it is a matter of public value and of survival for PSM to engage with the opportunities and challenges of the digital market.
Routledge Companion to Local Media and Journalism, 2020
Public service media in Northern Ireland has long been a focus for scholarly attention, in partic... more Public service media in Northern Ireland has long been a focus for scholarly attention, in particular focusing on how the BBC reported on the “Troubles”, a period in history that led to more than 3,500 people being killed. In addressing local public service media services, and those which are accessible in Northern Ireland from the Republic of Ireland, this chapter outlines how public service media maintain and support local journalism in the face of a decline in local newspapers, and discusses the role that they play in supporting cultural minorities through broadcasting for Irish language and Ulster-Scots communities. Theoretically, we primarily draw on Christopher Ali’s argument that local journalism should be considered as a merit good, rather than as a public good, and by applying this to public service media the argument is made for its continued role in maintaining local news provision and in protecting minority languages.
Northern Ireland (NI) is a small region of the United Kingdom with a history of violent conflict ... more Northern Ireland (NI) is a small region of the United Kingdom with a history of violent conflict associated with the national and religious identities of its inhabitants. Post-conflict societies face complex challenges in the development of cultural policy, particularly where some cultural markers have become associated with antagonism or political affiliation. This chapter will focus on how the social, spatial, educational, religious and political divisions in NI – coupled with deep socio-economic deprivation and a lack of political consensus – mean that many issues relating to cultural policy are neglected. We chart how the history of NI has left significant barriers to shared culture within NI, leading to inertia on policy in relation to community relations and social cohesion. That being the case, we show how the government Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure (DCAL), and the Arts Council of Northern Ireland (ACNI), the main arm’s length body for funding, have clear policies relating to how the arts and culture can alleviate socio-economic problems.
This chapter discusses public service media (PSM) in Ireland in the context of the recent financi... more This chapter discusses public service media (PSM) in Ireland in the context of the recent financial crisis and major demographic changes. It considers some of the factors impacting domestic PSM that are similar to those in other mature media systems in Europe, such as declining funding streams and debates over PSM-funding reform. After introducing the Irish social and political-economic context and providing for a brief historical review of PSM in Ireland, the roles of the domestic PSM organizations RTÉ and TG4 in the Irish media market are discussed. The chapter addresses initial government support for the introduction of a German-style household media fee, a Public Service Broadcasting Charge. While the charge was intended for introduction in 2015, it was later ruled out by the Irish Government in 2016.
Routledge Handbook of Critical Public Relations, 2016
It is the contention of this chapter that a critical theory of public relations should involve so... more It is the contention of this chapter that a critical theory of public relations should involve some reflection on the role that public relations plays within the public sphere. Public relations (PR) has become increasingly influential on activity within the public sphere, and hence in the formation of public opinion. In this chapter we shall seek to introduce the public sphere as a critical category – that is, both sociological and theoretical in its scope – and to understand the role of PR, especially within the domain of news media in North American and European democracies. The chapter will focus on the normative dimension of the account of the public sphere forwarded by the German social theorist Jürgen Habermas, which shapes critical theory understandings of the role of PR in the public sphere. The impact of PR on the public sphere will be discussed through the increased influence of PR in journalism, coming at the expense of original and independent reporting. Further to this the competing theories of deliberative democracy and agonistic pluralism will be surveyed, and we will see that the basis upon which we think critically about PR greatly differs depending upon which position we take up. Central here is the question of whether or not consensus is possible within the public sphere, or if contestation is rather inevitable.
This is a Public Service Media (PSM) Monitoring Report, which covers Northern Ireland. Published ... more This is a Public Service Media (PSM) Monitoring Report, which covers Northern Ireland. Published in 2023, it reviews the key data and market trends in relation to PSM in the region.
LSE Media Policy Project, 2017
Ireland's main public service broadcaster RTÉ is facing serious challenges to its funding, and th... more Ireland's main public service broadcaster RTÉ is facing serious challenges to its funding, and the sustainability of funding for public service media in the country is in question. In this post Phil Ramsey, School of Communication and Media at Ulster University, illustrates how the Irish Government might have missed opportunities to rectify the issues by avoiding introducing a replacement for the television licence fee, or by failing to extend it to viewing public service content on all devices, not just televisions.
Submission to: A Future for Public Service Television: Content and Platforms in a Digital World - A Public Inquiry: Chaired by Lord Puttnam, 2015
While the BBC is the UK’s main public service broadcaster (PSB), the UK’s commercial PSBs make an... more While the BBC is the UK’s main public service broadcaster (PSB), the UK’s
commercial PSBs make an important contribution to the overall framework of public service television. While doing so, they receive considerable benefits which they gain from being part of the PSB framework, which directly leads to their significant revenues. This quid pro quo, however, must not be taken for granted, and the maintenance and the strengthening of the system is paramount for the continued health of a plural public service television system, the kind of which is vital within a democracy.
The Conversation, Oct 16, 2013
Media studies gets a hard time in higher education and the top universities in the UK are not mak... more Media studies gets a hard time in higher education and the top universities in the UK are not making things any easier by continuing to take a contradictory stance as they advise students on what to study.
This research project investigates barriers to inclusion for young players in Northern Ireland in... more This research project investigates barriers to inclusion for young players in Northern Ireland international football, by undertaking qualitative and quantitative research with current Northern Ireland players in the Irish Football Association’s (IFA) youth squads. The study was designed to identify and address barriers to inclusion, by researching a range of factors that may affect a player’s decision to play football for Northern Ireland (NI). Given that not all young footballers born in NI decide to play for the country, one objective of this project was to attempt to establish the reasons why some players decide to play for another country, such as the Republic of Ireland (RoI). Research was carried out into a range of areas that affect young footballers playing for NI. Areas addressed include experiences of sectarianism, attitudes to the national anthem and flags at matches, and relationships with staff of the IFA and fellow players.
This media policy briefing paper is intended to be a substantive response to the BBC Trust Strate... more This media policy briefing paper is intended to be a substantive response to the BBC Trust Strategy Review, which sought responses to Putting Quality First: The BBC and Public Space, authored by the BBC Executive in March 2010. This paper, based on a submission to the BBC Trust by the author, seeks to undertake a detailed analysis of its main points, and interrogates some of its key underlying premises. It argues that whilst public support for the BBC remains high in its current form, Putting Quality First displays an excessive support for the market, which through greater marketisation will ultimately undermine the rationale of public service broadcasting. However, support for marketisation is shown by the BBC Executive despite evidence to the contrary, which is itself set out in the document. In response, this paper makes five recommendations as to how the BBC Trust should respond to Putting Quality First (PQF).
Compass Thinkpieces: : http://www.compassonline.org.uk/publications/thinkpieces/, 2010
PIECES Think N Nu um mb be er r 6 61 1 I do not think it is acceptable that there is a community ... more PIECES Think N Nu um mb be er r 6 61 1 I do not think it is acceptable that there is a community amongst the poorest people who are not enjoying the same access to information and the same access to savings as those who are more technically savvy. Why should I be better informed and have more choices in my life just because I am happy using the internet and have had the luxury of money and time to refine my skills? Martha Lane Fox
Agenda NI magazine, 2010
Following defeat at the polls, now is a good time to take stock of the history of the New Labour ... more Following defeat at the polls, now is a good time to take stock of the history of the New Labour movement and to address where the party might go in the future, writes Phil Ramsey.
Creative Industries Journal, Dec 2013
Participations: Journal of Audience & Reception Studies, 2012
Audience insight data is a key tool that the BBC uses to assess the quality of its programmes, an... more Audience insight data is a key tool that the BBC uses to assess the quality of its programmes, and to track trends among its audiences. Since the Royal Charter renewal process (2015–2016), significant attention has been brought to bear on the governance of the BBC in the post-BBC Trust era, where increasing the distinctiveness of the BBC has been established as one of Ofcom’s new roles in its regulation of the Corporation. In addition to the BBC having the need to produce ‘distinctive’ content added to its Mission, evidencing how distinctive its services are is ever-important for the Corporation.
A communications policy analysis (Hansen et al., 1998) will be conducted in this paper, based on a thematic analysis (Herzog et al., 2017) of BBC policy documents that relate how the BBC’s distinctiveness is understood among its listeners, viewers and users. In detail, this paper will address the BBC’s ‘Pulse’ surveys, from which ‘Appreciation Index’ data and distinctiveness data are generated. The paper will explore how such data was used in the BBC’s submissions to the Royal Charter renewal process (eg. BBC, 2016).
The context for this research will be set through a reappraisal of how the BBC previously used a public value approach (Freedman, 2008) through its Reach, Quality, Impact and Value for Money performance framework, which similarly relied in-part on audience data. It will be argued that if the BBC allowed for greater openness of its data, scholarly understanding of the process would be enhanced.
The shift from public service broadcasting to public service media (PSM) (Bardoel and Lowe, 2007;... more The shift from public service broadcasting to public service media (PSM) (Bardoel and Lowe, 2007; Donders, 2012) has seen PSM organisations around the world develop services to deliver increasing amounts of their content online. Many PSM organisations taken a multiplatform approach (Debrett, 2009), in order to compete with a plethora of content providers across multiple channels. In the UK, the BBC has driven forward a number of innovations to try to cement its place in a crowded and contested UK media system. Chief of these was moving BBC Three in 2016 to being an online-only entity, following thirteen years of it being a linear broadcast television channel (Ramsey, 2018), a move which the Corporation suggested “could redefine public service broadcasting in the digital age” (Kavanagh, 2014).
This paper will examine the BBC’s most recent innovation in this area, BBC Ideas, which was launched in January 2018. Termed an ‘experiment’ by the Corporation (officially a one year-long public beta project), BBC Ideas has the strapline “short films for curious minds” (BBC, 2018a), with the aim to educate audiences through an engaging format that might “expose [the audience] to something completely new” (BBC, 2018b). In BBC management policy discourse, the service has ostensibly been set up to generate short-form video content capable of competing against a myriad of content providers, in the service’s target age group of 25-44 (Jinkinson, 2018a).
In the first known piece of research on this subject, this paper addresses the main research question:
RQ1 – does BBC Ideas represent continuity or changes in the Corporation’s overall multi-platform publishing and distribution strategy?
In terms of methods, we apply thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) through a critical media policy studies lens (Herzog, Handke and Hitters, 2017) to a range of policy documents and statements from members of BBC management figures connected to BBC Ideas. Themes identified in this paper include: (i) the BBC’s positing of BBC Ideas as though it were start-up company (making reference to how Netflix and TED started out as entities different to what they are today) despite being part of one of the world’s most established PSM organisations (BBC, 2018b); (ii) the role of external partners in the development of BBC Ideas, such as the Open University (BBC, 2018b ); (iii) the use of independent producers for content creation (Jinkinson, 2018b); (iv) the importance of multi-platforming BBC Ideas content through other BBC services (BBC, 2018a; Shepherd, 2018); (v) how completion rates (watching to the end of the video) matters to the Corporation, despite not being bound by advertisers eager to see evidence that their adverts are actually gaining prominence (Jinkinson, 2018b).
This paper will address core questions of concern to the theme of universalism and public service media, in particular engaging with questions of cross-platform publishing and distribution strategies. To do so, we will assess BBC Ideas within the wider BBC policy landscape; we will ask how technology is being harnessed by the BBC, to use native as well as non-native platforms for the service, and ask how this affects the BBC as a PSM ‘brand’. We will also consider the ways in which the BBC is aiming to engage with its audience through this service, and how that is interrelated to its core online offerings through bbc.co.uk and through the BBC iPlayer.
Furthermore, this paper will engage with the question ‘what matters for PSM beyond content per se’, to assess how coherent the overall policy direction for the Corporation is vis-à-vis its core operations in television in radio. In answering these questions, this paper will be relevant for scholars of other PSM organisations pursuing similar innovations, with findings applicable for future comparative research. In so doing it is intended that the paper’s core theoretical contribution will be though an enhanced understanding of how PSM organisations on the scale of the BBC are negotiating changing trends in content creation and audience consumption.
For more than ninety years the BBC has broadcast on radio in Northern Ireland (NI) (McLoone, 1996... more For more than ninety years the BBC has broadcast on radio in Northern Ireland (NI) (McLoone, 1996), where it latterly played an important role in the social understanding of the Troubles (Side, 2017). Today the BBC’s main provision in the region is through BBC Radio Ulster and BBC Radio Foyle. This paper assesses the reception of public service radio in NI by addressing the two major differences between the local audience and their counterparts across the rest of the UK: first, while all BBC network radio stations are accessible to the audience in NI (eg. BBC Radio 4), such stations receive considerably less reach there as compared to other regions of the UK (Ofcom, 2017). Rather, public service radio listening in NI is considerably skewed towards BBC Radio Ulster as compared to, for example, listening to BBC Radio Scotland in Scotland. Second, radio in NI has consistently been reported as a more significant source of news than in the rest of the UK (Ofcom, 2017). This paper interrogates these factors by conducting a communications policy analysis (Hansen et al., 1998), which involves setting the subject into the context of the UK-wide frameworks for the governance of public service media.
In Northern Ireland (NI), radio audiences are served by BBC Radio Ulster and BBC Radio Foyle. As ... more In Northern Ireland (NI), radio audiences are served by BBC Radio Ulster and BBC Radio Foyle. As distinct from BBC Local radio in England, BBC radio services in NI function on a ‘nation’-wide basis, serving a population of just over 1.8 million. In its more than ninety-year history of broadcasting on radio in NI, the BBC has faced the challenge of how to deliver public service radio in a divided society, especially during the Troubles (a period of conflict that led to more than 3,500 deaths). In this paper, the theoretical frame of critical regionalism (Ali, 2016) is applied to argue that the provision for public service radio in NI for the dominant Unionist and Nationalist communities – as well as allowing for provision of programming for minority languages – is best served by NI remaining part of the UK-wide framework for media regulation. This differs from a previous proposal from NI’s main Nationalist political party, Sinn Féin, who called for the devolution of broadcasting powers to the NI Assembly, the devolved legislature in Belfast. The paper will outline how BBC Radio Ulster and BBC Radio Foyle operate under the current regulatory framework to provide radio programming that is highly regarded by the audience across a range of measurements, shown in research conducted by the BBC Trust. The critical regionalist perspective will be applied to conclude that the current regulatory arrangements, now under Ofcom, function in a highly effective manner amidst remaining political and social division in NI.
This paper addresses changes to the governance of the BBC following the completion of the Royal C... more This paper addresses changes to the governance of the BBC following the completion of the Royal Charter that took effect in January 2017. Ofcom took over from the BBC Trust as the BBC’s main regulator in April 2017, which brought to an end the BBC Trust’s ten-year period as the Corporation’s regulator. From early on in the Charter Review process (2015–2016) it became clear that there was little will for the Trust to continue from any of the interested parties. Indeed, Rona Fairhead, who was the final chair of the Trust, went as far as signalling that the Trust should be wound up, so removing herself from a job (Fairhead, 2015). While a range of alternative governance arrangements were considered, it was decided by the Government that Ofcom would be given an expanded role and become the sole regulator of the BBC. In so doing, the Government has created what amounts to a ‘super regulator’ as Ofcom now has responsibility for telecommunications, broadband, post, all commercial radio and television broadcasting in the UK, and the BBC.
This paper will analyse and assess the impact of the changes for the BBC at the precise level of technical regulation, outlining the new arrangements between Ofcom and the BBC’s unitary board for the Trust’s previous remit: setting strategy; ensuring value for money; handling complaints; and assessing performance. Utilising a qualitative documentary analysis approach, the paper covers the interim period from September 2016 to March 2017 during which Ofcom carried out a number of consultations on how it would interpret its new role, and on developments following the commencement of Ofcom as the BBC’s regulator.
Underlining the sheer scale of the work involved in taking on the role of BBC regulator, the paper will outline that as late as March 2017 Ofcom had published scant information only on how it would regulate the performance of BBC services (Ofcom, 2017). By that point Ofcom had simply stated that it was “currently developing a set of tools to regulate the BBC’s performance” (Ofcom, 2016), including on the area of distinctiveness which proved so controversial during the Charter Review. In this paper a communications policy analysis approach will be applied to set the political-economic context for these governance changes in order to provide an analysis of how these governance arrangements sit within the Government’s wider approach to public service media.
The publicly funded screen development agency Northern Ireland (NI) Screen has been in-part respo... more The publicly funded screen development agency Northern Ireland (NI) Screen has been in-part responsible for the exponential development of the film and television industries in NI. Best known for bringing HBO’s Game of Thrones to the region for the majority of its filming, NI Screen has consistently prioritised the economic contribution of the screen industries to NI above their cultural contribution (NI Screen, 2010; 2014). While NI Screen offers direct funding packages to companies that can be used in conjunction with the UK’s Film Tax Relief or High-end TV Tax Relief schemes, there has been a dearth of critical analysis on the precarious nature of the jobs created, or on the actual benefits to the economy. In this paper we will analyse the role of NI Screen in the NI creative industries and will assess it from the position of critical political-economy, but also in terms of the wider discourse surrounding the development of NI's creative industries agenda. This discourse has been driven in-part by the NI Executive, with the former First Minister Peter Robinson in 2010 discussing the transformation of Harland and Wolff’s (former ship builders) paint hall into NI Screen’s main studio facility in these terms: “The transformation of the Paint Hall from the last remnant of our once great ship building tradition to the largest stage in Europe is an example of our flexibility and our commitment to innovation” (BBC, 2010). In this paper we will argue that the development of the screen industries has been central to the problematic concept of the ‘New Northern Ireland’, a discourse that NI’s political and economic elites have been vociferous in promoting. This has seen the prioritisation of entrenched economic self-interest rather than more equitable forms of socio-economic development.
This paper will address the publicly funded screen development agency Northern Ireland (NI) Scree... more This paper will address the publicly funded screen development agency Northern Ireland (NI) Screen, responsible for the exponential development of the film and television industries in NI. Best known for bringing HBO’s Game of Thrones to the region for the majority of its filming, NI Screen has consistently prioritised the economic contribution of the screen industries to NI above their cultural contribution (NI Screen, 2010; 2014). While NI Screen offers direct funding packages to companies that can be used in conjunction with the UK’s Film Tax Relief or High-end TV Tax Relief schemes, there has been a dearth of critical analysis on the precarious nature of the jobs created, or on the actual benefits to the economy. Intrinsic to the growth of this sector has been Titanic Studios – located in NI’s Titanic Quarter – so named as it inhabits the site where the doomed ship was built. Titanic Quarter is a post-industrial waterfront development premised along neoliberal lines that sits awkwardly alongside NI’s halting economic recovery. The relationship between the screen industries and Titanic Quarter has been central to the problematic concept of the ‘New Northern Ireland’, a discourse that NI’s political and economic elites have been vociferous in promoting.
The constitutional crisis that grows within the UK in the wake of the referendum result to leave ... more The constitutional crisis that grows within the UK in the wake of the referendum result to leave the EU has seen resurgent calls for independence, or for greater control over governance in the country’s constituent nations and regions. The focus in this paper is Northern Ireland (NI), a region where the economy has struggled to deal with the twin-pincer movement of the conditions of neoliberalism, and a lack of financial growth with roots that lie in the Troubles (a decades long conflict that led to the deaths of thousands). As the only part of the UK to share a land border with the EU, it may be disproportionately negatively impacted following Brexit. It is in the context of this socio-economic and political fragmentation that we will draw on the concept of critical regionalism (Frampton, 1983) as an analytical framework for the analysis of contemporary NI.
In particular this paper will address how Jameson’s (1990) ‘post-modern market’ has given way to a ‘post-conflict market’, a culture industry of peace and conflict that is complicit in the commodification of the region. While most critical studies of NI rely on comparing NI to other post-conflict societies, this paper will rather seek to compare NI to the Britain beyond its border, and draw on comparable regions in Wales, Scotland and the north of England. In this paper critical regionalism will serve as a theoretical frame to allow us to propose how scholars might “engage in a critical rebuilding of place” (Ali, 2015) for NI.
The 2016 White Paper for the next BBC Royal Charter set forward plans for far reaching reform of ... more The 2016 White Paper for the next BBC Royal Charter set forward plans for far reaching reform of the governance of the BBC, calling into question the independence of the Corporation. In this period of change at the BBC – with Ofcom taking over as the BBC’s regulator, the introduction of licence fee enforcement for iPlayer catch-up use, and taking over the funding of TV licences for the over-75s – there are many unanswered questions about the Corporation’s future. Despite this, the BBC remains exceptionally popular with the audience, reaching 96 per cent of UK adults weekly for an average of 18.3hrs, defying the market detractors and ideologically-driven critics who insist that public service media has had its day.
While John Whittingdale’s tenure as Culture Secretary has ended, we know little about how the Conservative government under Theresa May (and Karen Bradley as Culture Secretary) will approach media policy. Indeed, there has been no full Communications Act since 2003, despite Jeremy Hunt having outlined his priorities for a Communications Bill in September 2011 when Secretary of State.
This paper will offer an overview of recent developments, based on communications policy analysis of the key policy documents over the past three years. Drawing on data gathered by Ofcom, the BBC and the BBC Trust, it will be argued that under the Conservatives the Department for Culture, Media and Sport has been run in a manner which has often eschewed ‘evidence-based policy making’, an approach otherwise idealised by government in many other areas.
The regulatory framework for public service media in the UK requires the BBC to create ‘public va... more The regulatory framework for public service media in the UK requires the BBC to create ‘public value’, and the commercial public service broadcasters to make a contribution to public service programming under market conditions. This paper will examine the role of the BBC Trust in regulating public service media in the UK, through its Reach, Quality, Impact and Value for Money (RQIV) Performance Framework. RQIV functions as a means of assessing the contribution of BBC services to the creation of public value. Through a communications policy analysis this paper will examine two of the BBC Trust’s service reviews held in 2011 and 2012, when exercises were carried out using the RQIV framework to review the BBC’s ‘nations’ radio stations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales and BBC Local Radio in England. This approach will be compared to that which is taken by Ofcom (the UK’s main communications regulator) to the commercial public service broadcasters. Through the requirements placed on them to produce varying levels of public service content, the contribution these commercial broadcasters make to the wider media system will be assessed. The paper will examine how the regulatory system functions to secure public service provision in the context of arguments for greater market liberalisation in broadcasting.
In the UK the television licence fee remains compulsory for all households that own a television ... more In the UK the television licence fee remains compulsory for all households that own a television or stream programmes live on the BBC iPlayer, but there are significant and growing calls for its abolition, reform or replacement (eg. Bourne, 2014). At the same time Switzerland’s public will soon vote on legal changes to replace the Swiss license fee with a household levy. In the Future of the BBC report, issued by the House of Commons (UK Parliament) Select Committee for Culture, Media and Sport (2015) also proposed that the UK licence fee be replaced over time, with the preferred option for its replacement the recently in the German household broadcasting levy. This paper addresses this prominent proposal that appears to be spreading across Europe. The German household broadcasting levy for funding public service media (PSM) – the Rundfunkbeitrag – was introduced in 2013 (Eicher, 2012) following the abolition of the licence fee. This previous fee had differed depending on what equipment was owned, from EUR 5.76 for owners of a PC through to EUR 17.98 for those who owned a radio and television (Donders, 2012: 129), with this latter rate remaining the same when the new charge was introduced (Künzler et al., 2013).
In this paper we employ a comparative media policy analysis (Puppis and d’Haenens, 2012) to financing models for PSM and changes in these models, setting the proposals within a context of the wider communications policy and regulation framework in which they have been implemented. We argue that changes would need to be made to the current system of media governance for PSM in the UK, and discuss how the historic link between licence fee and the funding of the BBC come to an end. For example, we discuss the proposal in the Future of the BBC that such a UK household levy could be shared by PSM providers other than the BBC, which would entail a major disruption in the UK’s media system and would significantly alter the future of PSM. To provide context, this paper will address discussions around PSM funding in Finland (Ala-Fossi, 2012; Herzog and Karppinen, 2014), and in Sweden (Engblom, 2012), because the findings from this paper will be relevant to any of the other countries that follow the UK and Switzerland in re-evaluating their PSM funding.
This paper will examine the role of the BBC Trust in regulating public service radio in the UK, t... more This paper will examine the role of the BBC Trust in regulating public service radio in the UK, through its Reach, Quality, Impact and Value for Money Performance Framework (RQIV). RQIV functions as a means to monitor the performance of BBC services against the so-called “drivers of public value” (see BBC, 2004; BBC Trust/Coyle, 2012). To do so, this paper will examine two of the BBC Trust’s radio service reviews (periodical policy reviews) held between 2011-12, where exercises were carried out reviewing the BBC’s nations radio stations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales (BBC Trust, 2011) and BBC Local Radio (BBC Trust, 2012). A communications policy analysis (Hansen et al., 1998) will be conducted to examine how the regulatory system functions in assessing how radio policy contributes to public value, and to discuss the way in which public service provision is secured in the context of arguments for greater market liberalization in broadcasting. Taking a qualitative documentary analysis approach, the Trust’s use of evidence in its review process will be discussed, where the Trust draws on both qualitative (BBC Trust/Public Knowledge, 2011) and quantitative data (BBC Trust/Kantar Media, 2011). In so doing, the extent to which the RQIV performance framework has an impact in these service reviews will be assessed.
The paper will set the BBC Trust’s local and nations radio reviews in the context of the UK’s wider governance system for public service radio, where the system also gives roles to Ofcom and the Department of Media, Culture and Sport. In this system: Ofcom measures how radio in the UK contributes to the public service media system (PSM) (Ofcom, 2014a), from BBC radio services, commercial radio services and community radio services through to its monitoring of the progression of digital radio (Ofcom, 2014b), and is responsible for technical radio standards (Ofcom, 2015); the Department of Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) is responsible for setting the overall policy agenda through legislation (Digital Economy Act 2010), digital switchover plans (DCMS, 2014), and measuring the UK radio sector’s contribution to the creative industries and the growth of the digital and creative economy (DCMS, 2015). This paper addresses the RQIV framework in the light of the wider governance of PSM in the UK, arguing that radio takes up a comparatively minor part in the system, despite its enduring popularity and large audience reach. While there is a growing body of work on policy issues in radio (eg. Lax, 2012; Lunt and Livingstone, 2012), much recent work has been on digital radio (Ala-Fossi et al., 2008; Lax et al., 2008; Lax, 2014; O'Neill, 2008) rather than on the present subject. Within the context of the wider establishment of the principle of public value with public service media (eg. Donders and Moe, 2012), by exploring the role of regulation of radio in the UK by the BBC Trust it is intended that this paper will augment the existing literature.
While the BBC is the UK’s best-known public service broadcaster, the UK’s other commercial public... more While the BBC is the UK’s best-known public service broadcaster, the UK’s other commercial public service broadcasters (PSBs) make an important contribution to the overall framework of public service media (PSM). These PSBs are comprised mainly of ITV1, Channel 4, Channel 5 and S4C, broadcasters which are fully or part funded by advertising revenues, while required by Ofcom to provide varying levels of public service content. This paper will take a critical political-economy of media approach (Mosco, 2009) to the commercial PSBs, with the contribution of this paper to the conference being a discussion on the relationship between value created in the UK’s media system by the commercial PSBs and the regulatory framework for PSB. In particular, this paper will assess the role of the UK communications regulator Ofcom in how it carries out its regulatory functions (such as through the granting of licences to the commercial PSBs, and through the on-going reviews of PSB in the UK (Ofcom, 2014a; Ofcom, 2014b).
While much research on PSM is drawn by strong normative claims as to how PSM ‘ought’ to function, taking a critical political-economy approach is less common although there is a growing body of work (eg. Brevini, 2013; Doyle, 2013; Freedman, 2008; Murdock and Golding, 1999; Murdock, 2010). The paper will address the aforementioned PSBs, omitting other regional commercial PSBs such as those in the ITV regions (eg. UTV), and will draw on existing data and information published by Ofcom and from the broadcasters themselves for its source material.
In March 2014 the BBC in the UK first announced that its television channel BBC Three, aimed at 1... more In March 2014 the BBC in the UK first announced that its television channel BBC Three, aimed at 16-34 year olds, would cease broadcast on digital terrestrial television (DTT) and become an online-only entity. Later in December 2014, the BBC presented its formal proposals on BBC Three and a number of other related changes to its regulator the BBC Trust. The proposals acknowledge cost cutting as a primary reason for the planned changes, but also highlight the perceived necessity of reinventing BBC Three to ensure that the channel will remain relevant to younger audiences (BBC, 2015). This paper will assess the BBC’s proposals, which alongside a public consultation and other commissioned research will form the evidence on which the BBC Trust will make its final decision on whether the plans will be enacted (to include the mandatory Market Impact Assessment by Ofcom, and the Public Value Assessment by the BBC Trust) (BBC Trust, 2014). Focusing on the proposals themselves, rather than what the outcome of the BBC Trust’s review might be, this paper will set the proposals into the wider context of the corporation’s use of video-on-demand (VOD) services (Smith and Steemers, 2007) and its earlier shift to DTT (Iosifidis, 2007). It will assess the coherence of the plans in relation to the existing BBC policy and audience research published by the UK communications regulator Ofcom.
Taking a communications policy analysis approach (Hansen et al., 1998) a qualitative documentary analysis will be employed to address the BBC proposals. Here a range of reports published by the BBC, the BBC Trust, Ofcom, and media consultants Communications Chambers will be analysed. This paper will discuss the detail of the proposals, including that: the move would save more than 50 million (GBP) per annum; that 30 million (GBP) would be reinvested into BBC One, with the remaining savings being reinvested in the BBC’s iPlayer; that the DTT channel slot freed up by closing BBC Three would be redeployed to launch a ‘BBC One+1’ time-shifted channel; that the main children’s channel CBBC would be extended by two hours per day. In the absence of a DTT BBC Three offering, the channel would instead become online only, a suggestion that led one BBC executive to claim “It could redefine public service broadcasting in the digital age” (Kavanagh, 2014), with the corporation claiming that the new BBC Three could be akin to the earlier successes of the BBC News website and the BBC iPlayer (BBC, 2014). These plans amount to the BBC seeking further to develop its multi-platform strategy (Doyle, 2010).
This paper will assess some of the claims that are made in the BBC Three proposals, such as the notion that the “audience would become members of new BBC Three, not passive consumers” (Kavanagh, 2014). Research questions that will be considered include: do the BBC Three proposals amount to as great a radical departure as is being claimed, or are they simply the logical next-step in the process set in train by the 2007 launch of the BBC iPlayer? What would the impact of the proposals be on the licence fee, as people in the UK watching live TV online must still pay the television licence fee? To what extent does the evidence provided to the regulator in support of the proposals provide rationale for the changes proposed?
This paper discusses the possibility that broadcasting powers could be devolved from the UK gover... more This paper discusses the possibility that broadcasting powers could be devolved from the UK government to the Northern Ireland Assembly, following a recent debate on the subject among Northern Ireland’s elected politicians. The issue is discussed in relation to wider debates over the devolution of broadcasting powers that have taken place in Wales and Scotland in recent years. The topic is viewed in the context of Northern Ireland’s current political structures, following the latest phase of violence and political strife that lasted decades. In this context, public service media are required to serve a Northern Irish population that is marked by heterogeneous national identity, mainly expressed as British, Irish and Northern Irish. A discussion of the potential for the devolution of broadcasting powers involves the differing interests and policy priorities of three legislative bodies – those of the UK, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland – and encompasses various cross-border issues raised by the move from analogue to digital television in the region. This paper addresses these issues, and suggests that while it would be possible under current legislation to devolve broadcasting powers to Northern Ireland, it is likely that the implications of implementation would be met by significant political and regulatory challenges. Were broadcasting powers devolved, it is argued that this would eventually lead to major changes to public service media provision in Northern Ireland.
BBC Radio services in Northern Ireland (NI) operate in a significantly different context to that ... more BBC Radio services in Northern Ireland (NI) operate in a significantly different context to that of the rest of the UK, with radio in NI being a more significant source of local and regional news. Despite broadcasting into a society that remains deeply divided, BBC Radio Ulster retains its place as the largest radio station by share of the audience (BBC, 2012), giving it the “…highest reach of the BBC’s national services” (Ofcom, 2012). According to recent Ofcom (2012) figures, comparisons between the radio audience in NI and the rest of the UK show that BBC national/local radio in NI plays a comparatively more important role in the public sphere. For example, 22 per cent of radio listening in NI was to national/local BBC radio (BBC Radio Ulster and BBC Radio Foyle), compared to the UK average of 9 per cent. By comparison, listener figures for network radio (eg. BBC Radio 4) were significantly lower than the UK average of 46 per cent, with the share in NI being just 24 per cent. This paper discusses possible reasons for these conditions by setting the figures into the context of wider television viewing, newspaper readership and Internet usage in NI, areas that are strongly shaped by the overlapping public spheres of the UK and the ROI. This paper discusses BBC Radio Ulster’s social role in NI, in the context of devolved government at Stormont and remaining socio-political division. It will discuss possible links between the success of BBC Radio Ulster and BBC Radio Foyle and the increasing move in the population towards identifying as ‘Northern Irish’, in addition to, or instead of identifying as ‘Irish’ or ‘British’ (NISRA, 2012).
References
BBC (2012) ‘BBC Radio Ulster/ Foyle is Northern Ireland's number one radio station’, URL (consulted January 2013): http://www.bbc.co.uk/mediacentre/latestnews/2012/ni-rajar-aug.html.
Ofcom (2012) Communications Market Report: Northern Ireland. London: Ofcom.
NISRA (2012) ‘Statistics Press Notice. Census 2011: Key Statistics for Northern Ireland’, URL (consulted January 2013): http://www.nisra.gov.uk/Census/key_press_release_2011.pdf
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This talk will undertake an analysis of the Engage programme launched by the Government Communica... more This talk will undertake an analysis of the Engage programme launched by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in the UK in April 2006. Operating under the New Labour government (1997-2010), the GCN was in part responsible for a shift in government communication that saw the establishment of private sector communication principles. Under the Engage programme, the public began to be conceived of as an 'audience', while citizens began to be conceived of as 'customers'. The talk will show that the government communication structures that were in place by 2010 amounted to a realisation of the communication policies that New Labour pursued in opposition, some of which date back to the 1980s.
This talk will undertake an analysis of the Engage programme launched by the Government Communica... more This talk will undertake an analysis of the Engage programme launched by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in the UK in April 2006. Operating under the New Labour government (1997-2010), the GCN was in part responsible for a shift in government communication that saw the establishment of private sector communication principles. Under the Engage programme, the public began to be conceived of as an 'audience', while citizens began to be conceived of as 'customers'. The talk will show that the government communication structures that were in place by 2010 amounted to a realisation of the communication policies that New Labour pursued in opposition, some of which date back to the 1980s.