Jean-Rémi Carbonneau | Université de Montréal (original) (raw)
Papers by Jean-Rémi Carbonneau
Minorités linguistiques et société, 2023
Politique et sociétés, 2014
Sorabistische Arbeitspapiere / Sorbian Studies Working Papers , 2024
Minorities historically established in the peripheries of France have demonstrated a particularly... more Minorities historically established in the peripheries of France have demonstrated a particularly creative cultural resilience to revitalize their languages under difficult so-cial and political conditions. Against this backdrop, the Sorbian Institute invited ex-perts in language policy in France to a conference in Cottbus/Chóśebuz on November 17, 2022 to draw a portrait of the achievements and challenges of three minority lan-guages. Setbacks and future challenges were also discussed, which are the result of unequal power relations between the state and language minorities that have devel-oped over centuries.
Sorabistiske źěłowe papjery / Sorabistische Arbeitspapiere, 2023
Despite a state tradition of hostility toward regional languages, civil society could succeed in ... more Despite a state tradition of hostility toward regional languages, civil society could succeed in building a stable partnership with the state to lay the foundations for a language policy aiming at promoting Breton in Brittany, particularly in local government and business. This working paper first addresses France’s homogenizing state tradition and its negative effects on the use of regional languages, including Breton. The second section
presents implementation of language policy in Brittany through a Public Office for the Breton Language. In a third step, the campaign ‘Ya d'ar brezhoneg‘ for the promotion of Breton in public life will be analyzed in more detail.
Fédéralisme et légitimation des langues minoritairesé , 2023
Les relations de pouvoir inégales entre les groupes linguistiques mènent presque inévitablement à... more Les relations de pouvoir inégales entre les groupes linguistiques mènent presque inévitablement à l’érosion des langues minoritaires. Ce phénomène n’est cependant pas l’apanage des États unitaires, qui sont typiquement centrés sur un demos et une langue uniques. Il touche aussi les systèmes fédéraux, lesquels se caractérisent par un découpage du territoire en plus petites unités de sorte à refléter la diversité historique, et notamment par leur potentiel d’offrir aux minorités historiquement concentrées des « niches territoriales » pour protéger leur langue.
Ce livre met en lumière les circonstances historiques et politiques expliquant pourquoi les langues minoritaires parviennent à obtenir une niche territoriale dans certains systèmes fédéraux et pas dans d’autres. Pour ce faire, il propose une comparaison originale de l’Allemagne et de l’Espagne sous l’angle des relations entre l’État et la plus importante minorité linguistique y ayant subsisté à ce jour : les Sorabes de Lusace, une région historique à cheval sur le Brandebourg et la Saxe ; et les catalanophones de Catalogne, du Pays valencien, des îles Baléares et de l’Aragon, formant un espace appelé « Pays catalans ». En s’appuyant sur les notions de tradition étatique et de légitimation politique, cette étude retrace le parcours des normes étatiques encadrant les usages linguistiques en Lusace et dans les Pays catalans, de même que leurs effets à long terme sur la vitalité du sorabe et du catalan.
Ce livre est destiné tant aux personnes étudiant les conséquences du processus de construction des États modernes qu’au public général concerné par les enjeux de diversité linguistique.
Europäisches Journal für Minderheitenfragen, 2019
If Germany became something close to a “mononational” state, this is not due to the historical ab... more If Germany became something close to a “mononational” state, this is not due to the historical absence of national minorities but to the fact that federalism never was intended to empower them, as the case of the Lusatian Sorbs clearly demonstrates. The present article stresses the importance of territorial autonomy and federalism for national minorities. It proposes an institutional analysis centered on the historical path taken by the Sorbs with special emphasis on the critical junctures and the windows of opportunity they opened for their territorial demands in the 20th and the 21st centuries. This article contributes to the comparative literature on federalism and territorial pluralism by providing a counterfactual analysis where a national minority could not achieve accommodation on a territorial basis despite the existence of a federal tradition. It offers an original case study of the challenges faced by a national minority very little known outside East and Central Europe.
Recherches Internationales, 2017
Un mouvement de contestation étudiante d’envergure a secoué le Québec de février à septembre 2012... more Un mouvement de contestation étudiante d’envergure a secoué le Québec de février à septembre 2012 suite à l’annonce d’une importante hausse des frais universitaires. Connu comme le «Printemps érable» , ce conflit a bénéficié d’une considérable couverture médiatique qui a été critiquée par plusieurs observateurs pour son manque d’impartialité. Cet article se penche sur les biais du travail journalistique à l’aide de la notion de cadrage de l’information. À cet effet, un corpus d’articles provenant de quotidiens montréalais a été analysé pour y débusquer les éventuelles traces d’interventions journalistiques sur le contenu de l’information en fonction d’intérêts idéologiques propres à ce conflit.
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Dec 1, 2021
L’article aplica els conceptes de bilingüisme de sentit únic i nínxol territorial (Laponce) i de ... more L’article aplica els conceptes de bilingüisme de sentit únic i nínxol territorial (Laponce) i de plenitud institucional (Breton), desenvolupats per la literatura científica canadenca dels àmbits de la ciència política i la sociolingüística, a l’anàlisi de les polítiques lingüístiques de l’Estat espanyol. Després d’una revisió dels conceptes i del seu context d’aparició dins dels processos de reconeixement de la minoria francòfona al Canadà, s’estudia com el marc constitucional espanyol i el seu desenvolupament normatiu i jurisprudencial han afavorit, des de la dècada dels vuitanta, l’existència d’un bilingüisme de sentit únic, amb el castellà com a llengua “comuna” i per defecte de l’Estat. Aquesta situació de bilingüisme de sentit únic s’observa estudiant un seguit de mecanismes jurídics, com ara la jerarquització constitucional de les llengües, la inacció de l’Estat pel que fa a la protecció efectiva de les llengües diferents del castellà i la limitació de la capacitat normativa de les comunitats autònomes en matèria de política lingüística, principalment per via jurisprudencial. A aquests mecanismes s’afegeix l’existència d’una concepció conflictiva de la cohabitació de llengües en virtut de la qual tot reconeixement de les llengües pròpies implicaria un atac a la preeminència del castellà. Partint d’aquests fets, se suggereix com a conclusió la superació d’aquest paradigma mitjançant la normalització completa de les llengües espanyoles, seguint l'exemple del castellà, i la generalització d’una equitat lingüística més gran.
Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2014
profile as a public intellectual to draw attention to Djamila Boupacha, an Algerian woman who had... more profile as a public intellectual to draw attention to Djamila Boupacha, an Algerian woman who had been raped and tortured by French officers. In doing so, Beauvoir hoped to encourage her readers to join her opposition to colonialism. By virtue of acknowledging her privilege and using it responsibly in the service of resistance, she eluded the identity politics that sometimes stymied intellectuals of her class. In the final two chapters, Kruks sets Beauvoir in conversation with Rawls, Habermas, Arendt and Connelly. Using Beauvoir’s novels in conjunction with her article, “An Eye for an Eye,” she explores the complexity of political judgment. She spurns the use of principle or correct inference as the way to promote the social good. Unlike the former two theorists, she does not bracket emotion but identifies its role in good judgment. Kruks aptly identifies the affinity between Arendt and Beauvoir; both believe freedom or new beginnings require human plurality. However, Arendt assumed that enlarged thinking was premised upon being able to put oneself in the shoes of another, thereby shedding the “idiosyncracies of subjective private life” (130). By contrast Beauvoir believed one must assume the facticities of one’s life, not transcend them. Since judgment would be an expression of a person’s particular way of being in the world, it is best approached phenomenologically, as the unfolding of a lived experience of deliberating and acting in a shifting field of possibilities. Beauvoir’s novel, The Mandarin, is used to explore concrete political dilemmas. In the final chapter, Kruks situates Beauvoir’s thoughts on emotion in the trial of the Nazi collaborator Brasillach. She accomplishes this in conversation with William Connelly’s affective response to 9/11 and the struggle for forgiveness of the Truth and Reconcilation Commission in South Africa. This chapter reveals the impossibility of compensating radical evils. Kruks clarifies Beauvoir’s notion of judgment “as essentially an ambiguous activity, and one that, like all human action, is open to failure” (127). While exposing the depth of atrocities and the hollowness of legal tribunals, while itching for revenge, justice and forgiveness often prove to be a tall order. In sum, Sonia Kruks provides a highly readable, rich and concise account of Beauvoir’s ideas but also deftly navigates contemporary debates in political thinking. This book is a must read. It will interest political theorists, continental and analytic alike, as well as political scientists who are trying to access contemporary debates in a pleasurable and accessible format.
Jahrbuch des Föderalismus 2022
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2020
then how the alliance effected society. A prime example of this can be found in “Crisis: The Inva... more then how the alliance effected society. A prime example of this can be found in “Crisis: The Invaders (12 to 14 Centuries)” (Ch. 5). The focus of this chapter is on the role of the Crusades and Mongol invaders on Islamic societies. Kuru states that while the Islamic world “recovered geopolitically after these invasions by defeating crusaders, converting Mongols, and establishing powerful empires... The truly enduring negative effects of these invasions were their contributions to the cementing of the Ulema-state alliance... [which occurred] at the expense of philosophers and merchants.” (pg. 161) He then goes on to explain just how philosophers and merchants were suppressed after invasions. Another fascinating comparative analysis of the past, Kuru moves onto the historical comparison of societal evolution in Muslim area versus Western Europe. Kuru clearly compares and differentiates between the emergence and treatment of the intellectual classes in the Christian west versus the Muslim east. The author emphasizes how institutionalization of the separation of church from the state played a role of a critical juncture for the west, leading in turn to the foundation of universities which fostered an intellectual class, while the merchant classes were driving economic development and pushing for greater technical but also social innovation. These are not unique concepts to the West, however, and it is clearly shown in Kuru’s discussion, that throughout different periods in history all of these have been important features across the Islamic civilization but have been repeatedly stunned by the Ulema-state alliance. Overall, Islam, Authoritarianism and Underdevelopment by Ahmet T. Kuku is a gripping read based on compelling historical evidence and analysis, which posits new answers to old, seemingly answered questions. It is clear that Kuru has a deep understanding of the role of Islamic epistemology and of colonialism’s negative legacy, but he provides an explanation that offers insight on, if not even possible solutions for addressing trends of authoritarianism and underdevelopment in the Muslim world.
Introduction En plus de la langue majoritaire castillane – nee au Royaume de Castille mais que le... more Introduction En plus de la langue majoritaire castillane – nee au Royaume de Castille mais que le reste du monde appelle « espagnol » en raison d’une metonymie laissee par le colonialisme en Amerique –, l’Espagne abrite historiquement dans ses peripheries plusieurs autres langues « espagnoles ». Parmi celles-ci on compte le catalan, le galicien, le basque, l’asturien (incluant les varietes leonaise et mirandaise), l’aragonais et l’aranais (une variete occitane parlee en Catalogne). Avec plus ...
Cultural security is a basic need for individuals belonging to national and linguistic minorities... more Cultural security is a basic need for individuals belonging to national and linguistic minorities. Structurally exposed to asymmetric power dynamics, these minorities compete with the larger society for material and non-material resources, rendering their future perspectives particularly precarious. This book brings researchers from different social sciences together to examine the notion of cultural security and its meaning for different national and linguistic minorities through multiple case studies in Europe, Asia, North and South America. The cultural security of these minorities comprises various dimensions, including institutional and territorial arrangements, state stability, as well as different patterns of citizen belonging and participation. Through the prism of these dimensions, the contributors to this book pre-sent a variety of strategies of cultural resilience, societal structures and institutional frameworks allowing national and linguistic minorities to secure a certain degree of cultural autonomy and develop a sense of belonging to their respective states. Cultural security is an inescapable condition for the fair and sustained development of both minorities and majorities in today’s societies characterized by deep diversity.
La Revue Nouvelle
Even though Prime Ministers (PMs) are the central actors in parliamentary democracies, little com... more Even though Prime Ministers (PMs) are the central actors in parliamentary democracies, little comparative research explores what makes them perform successfully in office. This article investigates how the political careers of PMs affect their performance. For this purpose, we make use of a unique expert survey covering 131 cabinets in 11 Central and Eastern European countries between 1990 and 2018. Performance is defined as a two-dimensional set of tasks PMs ought to fulfill: first, managing the cabinet and directing domestic affairs as tasks delegated to their office, second, ensuring support of parliament and their own party, who constitute the direct principals. The findings indicate that a simple political insider career is not sufficient to enhance prime-ministerial performance. Rather, PMs who served as party leaders have the best preconditions to succeed in office.
Minorités linguistiques et société, 2015
Tous droits réservés © Institut canadien de recherche sur les minorités linguistiques / Canadian ... more Tous droits réservés © Institut canadien de recherche sur les minorités linguistiques / Canadian Institute for Research on Linguistic Minorities, 2015 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'
L'erosion des langues minoritaires dans les Etats multilingues est due a des relations de pou... more L'erosion des langues minoritaires dans les Etats multilingues est due a des relations de pouvoir inegales entre les groupes linguistiques et constitue un probleme de recherche qui merite une attention speciale en science politique. L'etude de ce phenomene est d'autant plus pertinente que celui-ci existe non seulement dans les Etats unitaires mais aussi dans les Etats federaux, un type d'organisation qui se caracterise pourtant par le decoupage du territoire en plus petites unites administratives dans le but de refleter la diversite societale. Ce phenomene est particulierement inquietant dans les systemes federaux en raison du potentiel de protection institutionnelle que ceux-ci offrent a la diversite linguistique concentree spatialement, lequel peut mener a la creation de niches territoriales, en conformite avec la lecture multinationale du federalisme. Or, l'erosion des langues minoritaires, empiriquement observable dans plusieurs federations formelles et Etats...
Minorités linguistiques et société, 2023
Politique et sociétés, 2014
Sorabistische Arbeitspapiere / Sorbian Studies Working Papers , 2024
Minorities historically established in the peripheries of France have demonstrated a particularly... more Minorities historically established in the peripheries of France have demonstrated a particularly creative cultural resilience to revitalize their languages under difficult so-cial and political conditions. Against this backdrop, the Sorbian Institute invited ex-perts in language policy in France to a conference in Cottbus/Chóśebuz on November 17, 2022 to draw a portrait of the achievements and challenges of three minority lan-guages. Setbacks and future challenges were also discussed, which are the result of unequal power relations between the state and language minorities that have devel-oped over centuries.
Sorabistiske źěłowe papjery / Sorabistische Arbeitspapiere, 2023
Despite a state tradition of hostility toward regional languages, civil society could succeed in ... more Despite a state tradition of hostility toward regional languages, civil society could succeed in building a stable partnership with the state to lay the foundations for a language policy aiming at promoting Breton in Brittany, particularly in local government and business. This working paper first addresses France’s homogenizing state tradition and its negative effects on the use of regional languages, including Breton. The second section
presents implementation of language policy in Brittany through a Public Office for the Breton Language. In a third step, the campaign ‘Ya d'ar brezhoneg‘ for the promotion of Breton in public life will be analyzed in more detail.
Fédéralisme et légitimation des langues minoritairesé , 2023
Les relations de pouvoir inégales entre les groupes linguistiques mènent presque inévitablement à... more Les relations de pouvoir inégales entre les groupes linguistiques mènent presque inévitablement à l’érosion des langues minoritaires. Ce phénomène n’est cependant pas l’apanage des États unitaires, qui sont typiquement centrés sur un demos et une langue uniques. Il touche aussi les systèmes fédéraux, lesquels se caractérisent par un découpage du territoire en plus petites unités de sorte à refléter la diversité historique, et notamment par leur potentiel d’offrir aux minorités historiquement concentrées des « niches territoriales » pour protéger leur langue.
Ce livre met en lumière les circonstances historiques et politiques expliquant pourquoi les langues minoritaires parviennent à obtenir une niche territoriale dans certains systèmes fédéraux et pas dans d’autres. Pour ce faire, il propose une comparaison originale de l’Allemagne et de l’Espagne sous l’angle des relations entre l’État et la plus importante minorité linguistique y ayant subsisté à ce jour : les Sorabes de Lusace, une région historique à cheval sur le Brandebourg et la Saxe ; et les catalanophones de Catalogne, du Pays valencien, des îles Baléares et de l’Aragon, formant un espace appelé « Pays catalans ». En s’appuyant sur les notions de tradition étatique et de légitimation politique, cette étude retrace le parcours des normes étatiques encadrant les usages linguistiques en Lusace et dans les Pays catalans, de même que leurs effets à long terme sur la vitalité du sorabe et du catalan.
Ce livre est destiné tant aux personnes étudiant les conséquences du processus de construction des États modernes qu’au public général concerné par les enjeux de diversité linguistique.
Europäisches Journal für Minderheitenfragen, 2019
If Germany became something close to a “mononational” state, this is not due to the historical ab... more If Germany became something close to a “mononational” state, this is not due to the historical absence of national minorities but to the fact that federalism never was intended to empower them, as the case of the Lusatian Sorbs clearly demonstrates. The present article stresses the importance of territorial autonomy and federalism for national minorities. It proposes an institutional analysis centered on the historical path taken by the Sorbs with special emphasis on the critical junctures and the windows of opportunity they opened for their territorial demands in the 20th and the 21st centuries. This article contributes to the comparative literature on federalism and territorial pluralism by providing a counterfactual analysis where a national minority could not achieve accommodation on a territorial basis despite the existence of a federal tradition. It offers an original case study of the challenges faced by a national minority very little known outside East and Central Europe.
Recherches Internationales, 2017
Un mouvement de contestation étudiante d’envergure a secoué le Québec de février à septembre 2012... more Un mouvement de contestation étudiante d’envergure a secoué le Québec de février à septembre 2012 suite à l’annonce d’une importante hausse des frais universitaires. Connu comme le «Printemps érable» , ce conflit a bénéficié d’une considérable couverture médiatique qui a été critiquée par plusieurs observateurs pour son manque d’impartialité. Cet article se penche sur les biais du travail journalistique à l’aide de la notion de cadrage de l’information. À cet effet, un corpus d’articles provenant de quotidiens montréalais a été analysé pour y débusquer les éventuelles traces d’interventions journalistiques sur le contenu de l’information en fonction d’intérêts idéologiques propres à ce conflit.
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Dec 1, 2021
L’article aplica els conceptes de bilingüisme de sentit únic i nínxol territorial (Laponce) i de ... more L’article aplica els conceptes de bilingüisme de sentit únic i nínxol territorial (Laponce) i de plenitud institucional (Breton), desenvolupats per la literatura científica canadenca dels àmbits de la ciència política i la sociolingüística, a l’anàlisi de les polítiques lingüístiques de l’Estat espanyol. Després d’una revisió dels conceptes i del seu context d’aparició dins dels processos de reconeixement de la minoria francòfona al Canadà, s’estudia com el marc constitucional espanyol i el seu desenvolupament normatiu i jurisprudencial han afavorit, des de la dècada dels vuitanta, l’existència d’un bilingüisme de sentit únic, amb el castellà com a llengua “comuna” i per defecte de l’Estat. Aquesta situació de bilingüisme de sentit únic s’observa estudiant un seguit de mecanismes jurídics, com ara la jerarquització constitucional de les llengües, la inacció de l’Estat pel que fa a la protecció efectiva de les llengües diferents del castellà i la limitació de la capacitat normativa de les comunitats autònomes en matèria de política lingüística, principalment per via jurisprudencial. A aquests mecanismes s’afegeix l’existència d’una concepció conflictiva de la cohabitació de llengües en virtut de la qual tot reconeixement de les llengües pròpies implicaria un atac a la preeminència del castellà. Partint d’aquests fets, se suggereix com a conclusió la superació d’aquest paradigma mitjançant la normalització completa de les llengües espanyoles, seguint l'exemple del castellà, i la generalització d’una equitat lingüística més gran.
Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2014
profile as a public intellectual to draw attention to Djamila Boupacha, an Algerian woman who had... more profile as a public intellectual to draw attention to Djamila Boupacha, an Algerian woman who had been raped and tortured by French officers. In doing so, Beauvoir hoped to encourage her readers to join her opposition to colonialism. By virtue of acknowledging her privilege and using it responsibly in the service of resistance, she eluded the identity politics that sometimes stymied intellectuals of her class. In the final two chapters, Kruks sets Beauvoir in conversation with Rawls, Habermas, Arendt and Connelly. Using Beauvoir’s novels in conjunction with her article, “An Eye for an Eye,” she explores the complexity of political judgment. She spurns the use of principle or correct inference as the way to promote the social good. Unlike the former two theorists, she does not bracket emotion but identifies its role in good judgment. Kruks aptly identifies the affinity between Arendt and Beauvoir; both believe freedom or new beginnings require human plurality. However, Arendt assumed that enlarged thinking was premised upon being able to put oneself in the shoes of another, thereby shedding the “idiosyncracies of subjective private life” (130). By contrast Beauvoir believed one must assume the facticities of one’s life, not transcend them. Since judgment would be an expression of a person’s particular way of being in the world, it is best approached phenomenologically, as the unfolding of a lived experience of deliberating and acting in a shifting field of possibilities. Beauvoir’s novel, The Mandarin, is used to explore concrete political dilemmas. In the final chapter, Kruks situates Beauvoir’s thoughts on emotion in the trial of the Nazi collaborator Brasillach. She accomplishes this in conversation with William Connelly’s affective response to 9/11 and the struggle for forgiveness of the Truth and Reconcilation Commission in South Africa. This chapter reveals the impossibility of compensating radical evils. Kruks clarifies Beauvoir’s notion of judgment “as essentially an ambiguous activity, and one that, like all human action, is open to failure” (127). While exposing the depth of atrocities and the hollowness of legal tribunals, while itching for revenge, justice and forgiveness often prove to be a tall order. In sum, Sonia Kruks provides a highly readable, rich and concise account of Beauvoir’s ideas but also deftly navigates contemporary debates in political thinking. This book is a must read. It will interest political theorists, continental and analytic alike, as well as political scientists who are trying to access contemporary debates in a pleasurable and accessible format.
Jahrbuch des Föderalismus 2022
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2020
then how the alliance effected society. A prime example of this can be found in “Crisis: The Inva... more then how the alliance effected society. A prime example of this can be found in “Crisis: The Invaders (12 to 14 Centuries)” (Ch. 5). The focus of this chapter is on the role of the Crusades and Mongol invaders on Islamic societies. Kuru states that while the Islamic world “recovered geopolitically after these invasions by defeating crusaders, converting Mongols, and establishing powerful empires... The truly enduring negative effects of these invasions were their contributions to the cementing of the Ulema-state alliance... [which occurred] at the expense of philosophers and merchants.” (pg. 161) He then goes on to explain just how philosophers and merchants were suppressed after invasions. Another fascinating comparative analysis of the past, Kuru moves onto the historical comparison of societal evolution in Muslim area versus Western Europe. Kuru clearly compares and differentiates between the emergence and treatment of the intellectual classes in the Christian west versus the Muslim east. The author emphasizes how institutionalization of the separation of church from the state played a role of a critical juncture for the west, leading in turn to the foundation of universities which fostered an intellectual class, while the merchant classes were driving economic development and pushing for greater technical but also social innovation. These are not unique concepts to the West, however, and it is clearly shown in Kuru’s discussion, that throughout different periods in history all of these have been important features across the Islamic civilization but have been repeatedly stunned by the Ulema-state alliance. Overall, Islam, Authoritarianism and Underdevelopment by Ahmet T. Kuku is a gripping read based on compelling historical evidence and analysis, which posits new answers to old, seemingly answered questions. It is clear that Kuru has a deep understanding of the role of Islamic epistemology and of colonialism’s negative legacy, but he provides an explanation that offers insight on, if not even possible solutions for addressing trends of authoritarianism and underdevelopment in the Muslim world.
Introduction En plus de la langue majoritaire castillane – nee au Royaume de Castille mais que le... more Introduction En plus de la langue majoritaire castillane – nee au Royaume de Castille mais que le reste du monde appelle « espagnol » en raison d’une metonymie laissee par le colonialisme en Amerique –, l’Espagne abrite historiquement dans ses peripheries plusieurs autres langues « espagnoles ». Parmi celles-ci on compte le catalan, le galicien, le basque, l’asturien (incluant les varietes leonaise et mirandaise), l’aragonais et l’aranais (une variete occitane parlee en Catalogne). Avec plus ...
Cultural security is a basic need for individuals belonging to national and linguistic minorities... more Cultural security is a basic need for individuals belonging to national and linguistic minorities. Structurally exposed to asymmetric power dynamics, these minorities compete with the larger society for material and non-material resources, rendering their future perspectives particularly precarious. This book brings researchers from different social sciences together to examine the notion of cultural security and its meaning for different national and linguistic minorities through multiple case studies in Europe, Asia, North and South America. The cultural security of these minorities comprises various dimensions, including institutional and territorial arrangements, state stability, as well as different patterns of citizen belonging and participation. Through the prism of these dimensions, the contributors to this book pre-sent a variety of strategies of cultural resilience, societal structures and institutional frameworks allowing national and linguistic minorities to secure a certain degree of cultural autonomy and develop a sense of belonging to their respective states. Cultural security is an inescapable condition for the fair and sustained development of both minorities and majorities in today’s societies characterized by deep diversity.
La Revue Nouvelle
Even though Prime Ministers (PMs) are the central actors in parliamentary democracies, little com... more Even though Prime Ministers (PMs) are the central actors in parliamentary democracies, little comparative research explores what makes them perform successfully in office. This article investigates how the political careers of PMs affect their performance. For this purpose, we make use of a unique expert survey covering 131 cabinets in 11 Central and Eastern European countries between 1990 and 2018. Performance is defined as a two-dimensional set of tasks PMs ought to fulfill: first, managing the cabinet and directing domestic affairs as tasks delegated to their office, second, ensuring support of parliament and their own party, who constitute the direct principals. The findings indicate that a simple political insider career is not sufficient to enhance prime-ministerial performance. Rather, PMs who served as party leaders have the best preconditions to succeed in office.
Minorités linguistiques et société, 2015
Tous droits réservés © Institut canadien de recherche sur les minorités linguistiques / Canadian ... more Tous droits réservés © Institut canadien de recherche sur les minorités linguistiques / Canadian Institute for Research on Linguistic Minorities, 2015 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'
L'erosion des langues minoritaires dans les Etats multilingues est due a des relations de pou... more L'erosion des langues minoritaires dans les Etats multilingues est due a des relations de pouvoir inegales entre les groupes linguistiques et constitue un probleme de recherche qui merite une attention speciale en science politique. L'etude de ce phenomene est d'autant plus pertinente que celui-ci existe non seulement dans les Etats unitaires mais aussi dans les Etats federaux, un type d'organisation qui se caracterise pourtant par le decoupage du territoire en plus petites unites administratives dans le but de refleter la diversite societale. Ce phenomene est particulierement inquietant dans les systemes federaux en raison du potentiel de protection institutionnelle que ceux-ci offrent a la diversite linguistique concentree spatialement, lequel peut mener a la creation de niches territoriales, en conformite avec la lecture multinationale du federalisme. Or, l'erosion des langues minoritaires, empiriquement observable dans plusieurs federations formelles et Etats...
Dimensions of Cultural Security for National and Linguistic Minorities, 2021
Cultural security is a basic need for individuals belonging to national and linguistic minorities... more Cultural security is a basic need for individuals belonging to national and linguistic minorities. Structurally exposed to asymmetric power dynamics, these minorities compete with the larger society for material and non-material resources, rendering their future perspectives particularly precarious. This book brings researchers from different social sciences together to examine the notion of cultural security and its meaning for different national and linguistic minorities through multiple case studies in Europe, Asia, North and South America. The cultural security of these minorities comprises various dimensions, including institutional and territorial arrangements, state stability, as well as different patterns of citizen belonging and participation. Through the prism of these dimensions, the contributors to this book pre-sent a variety of strategies of cultural resilience, societal structures and institutional frameworks allowing national and linguistic minorities to secure a certain degree of cultural autonomy and develop a sense of belonging to their respective states. Cultural security is an inescapable condition for the fair and sustained development of both minorities and majorities in today’s societies characterized by deep diversity.