Timothy McKeown | University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (original) (raw)
Papers by Timothy McKeown
European Review of Agricultural Economics, 2007
Technovation, 1989
The success of Japanese manufacturing firms in global competition is generally attributed to thre... more The success of Japanese manufacturing firms in global competition is generally attributed to three interacting sets of factors: (1) more or less benign governmental guidance and support, symbolized especially by the activities of MITI; (2) the achievement of lead positions in a host of product and process technologies; and (3) superior methods for organizing, managing and controlling activities, from R&D to marketing. Lynn and McKeown have made an outstanding contribution toward a better understanding of the third of these. Their careful comparison of inter-firm cooperation in Japan and in the U.S.A. shows how much institutions can affect economic performance (and never mind 'explanatory' models that abstract from institutional differences). The fact that Lynn is fluent in Japanese and has lived in that country for extended periods contributed in an important way to the study's value for the Western reader: for one thing, the authors were able to draw on many primary sources that otherwise would have remained inaccessible; and for another, reflections on the influence of history and culture on the Japanese way of doing business are refreshingly free of the kind of unsubstantiated mythology so often found in secondhand scholarship. The book's focus is on the respective roles of trade associations in the two countries, but a listing of the chapter headings demonstrates that the authors have ranged quite widely from that central concern: (1) Trade associations and industrial policy; (2) The development of trade associations in the U.S.A. and Japan; (3) the antitrust environment for trade associations; (4) The aggregation of interests in American and Japanese industry; (5) Trade associations and business-government relations; (6) Trade associations and foreign trade; (7) Trade associations and industrial research; (8) Conclusions and policy recommendations. No brief review can cover the wealth of information (and of thoughtful reflection) contained in these chapters. Clearly, at a time when much of the American and European debate about international competitiveness centers on the relative merits of, and proper balance between, rivalry and cooperation among firms in key industries, an authoritative assessment of the 'Japanese model' of governmentindustry and intra-industry relations is very useful. Having weighed all the evidence presented by Lynn and McKeown, this reader concluded that there is little chance of successfully transferring any substantial portions of the model into the Western environment. The burdens of history and institutional background weigh too heavily on the other advanced economies for a
Political Science Quarterly, 2002
World Politics, 1987
The authors present a theory of the general enabling conditions for war which predicts that war i... more The authors present a theory of the general enabling conditions for war which predicts that war is possible, though not inevitable, when the conditions of the theory are satisfied. Whether a war will actually occur depends upon the idiosyncratic situational factors that are outside the scope of the theory. Three conditions make war possible: (i) Aspirations do not match achievements: governments only initiate wars when their achieved share of global capabilities differs from their aspired share of capabilities. (2) Salience: governments only initiate wars against other governments when there is a history of substantial interaction. (3) Power: governments never initiate wars against other governments that have a substantially greater military capacity. These conditions may be viewed as a series of three filters that identify pairs of countries between which war is possible. The theory predicts that wars will not occur in any dyad that does not pass through all the filters. In testing...
World Politics, 1984
Although it is commonly argued that there is a connection between tariff levels and business cond... more Although it is commonly argued that there is a connection between tariff levels and business conditions, this hypothesis has not been subjected to systematic empirical analysis or given any theoretical basis. The author presents two complementary theories of the movement of tariff levels in response to changing business conditions. Both explain tariff changes in terms of the changing political demands of business firms, and both rely on the business cycle to drive these changing demands. One theory is a conventional argument about changing opportunities for entry and exit; the other treats firms as satisficers. The theories yield similar predictions. Preliminary empirical analysis, while consistent with both, does not differentiate between them.
The Journal of Politics, 1996
International Studies Quarterly, 1991
Page 1. International Studies Quarterly (1991) 35, 151-172 A Liberal Trade Order? The Long-Run Pa... more Page 1. International Studies Quarterly (1991) 35, 151-172 A Liberal Trade Order? The Long-Run Pattern of Imports to the Advanced Capitalist States Timothy J. McKeown University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill It is often ...
Contemporary Sociology, 1990
ABSTRACT Compares how industries are coordinated/supported by trade associations in Japan and the... more ABSTRACT Compares how industries are coordinated/supported by trade associations in Japan and the United States.
Business History Review, 2001
Political Science Quarterly, 1995
At least since Alexis de Tocqueville's era, the only clearly articulated view of American foreign... more At least since Alexis de Tocqueville's era, the only clearly articulated view of American foreign policy has been exceptionalism, which holds that Americans deprecate power politics and old-fashioned diplomacy, mistrust powerful standing armies and entangling peacetime commitments, make moralistic judgments about other people's domestic systems, and believe that liberal values transfer readily to foreign affairs.' These dispositions, which seem to rest on the premise that war and peace are polar opposites, are at last consistent with and may help to explain America's oft-noted all-or-nothing approach to foreign commitments. This approach, in turn, is consistent with oscillations between major involvement overseas and significant retren~hment.~ According to this view, because American values are strongly inconsistent with the methods and objectives of Realpolitik, the country has a more messianic, erratic style abroad than has been typical of other great powers.
Political Science Quarterly, 1995
At least since Alexis de Tocqueville's era, the only clearly articulated view of American foreign... more At least since Alexis de Tocqueville's era, the only clearly articulated view of American foreign policy has been exceptionalism, which holds that Americans deprecate power politics and old-fashioned diplomacy, mistrust powerful standing armies and entangling peacetime commitments, make moralistic judgments about other people's domestic systems, and believe that liberal values transfer readily to foreign affairs.' These dispositions, which seem to rest on the premise that war and peace are polar opposites, are at last consistent with and may help to explain America's oft-noted all-or-nothing approach to foreign commitments. This approach, in turn, is consistent with oscillations between major involvement overseas and significant retren~hment.~ According to this view, because American values are strongly inconsistent with the methods and objectives of Realpolitik, the country has a more messianic, erratic style abroad than has been typical of other great powers.
The American Political Science Review, 1986
How can protectionism and “free” trade succeed one another? Our answer focuses on the changing ba... more How can protectionism and “free” trade succeed one another? Our answer focuses on the changing balance of private actors' political demands. These actors acquire interests in tariff policies because their assets are spatially concentrated, and trade in these assets is subject to various limitations. Actors in regions experiencing no new investment in an established industry (“old” regions) have interests that sometimes differ from those in regions where there is new investment. We show that old regions have no reason to be involved in tariff politics at business cycle peaks; during troughs, whether a state becomes more or less protectionist depends, ceteris paribus, on the relative political strength of old import-competing and old exporting interests. If old import-competing industries outweigh the old exporters, then protection will tend to increase at the trough and decrease at the peak of a business cycle; the opposite result occurs when old exporters are more influential.
International Organization, 1983
... 12-13. 25. Dunham, Anglo-French Treaty, p. 13. 26. Ibid., pp. 10-11. 27. Ibid., pp. 16-17. 28... more ... 12-13. 25. Dunham, Anglo-French Treaty, p. 13. 26. Ibid., pp. 10-11. 27. Ibid., pp. 16-17. 28.Ashley, Modern Tarif History, p. 294; Dunham, Anglo-French Treaty, p. 18. 29. Dunham, Anglo-French Treaty, pp. 19-20. Page 12. 84 International Organization ...
English Historical Review, 1989
The Journal of Politics, 2000
Page 1. The Cuban Missile Crisis and Politics as Usual Timothy J. McKeown University of North Car... more Page 1. The Cuban Missile Crisis and Politics as Usual Timothy J. McKeown University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Allison's (1971) argument about the importance of bureaucratic politics was supported by his use of the Cuban ...
The Journal of Politics, 2001
Page 1. Plans and Routines, Bureaucratic Bargaining, and the Cuban Missile Crisis Timothy J+ McKe... more Page 1. Plans and Routines, Bureaucratic Bargaining, and the Cuban Missile Crisis Timothy J+ McKeown University of North Carolina Recent disclosures about the Cuban missile crisis suggest that organizational routines and ...
Review of International Political Economy, 2007
Page 1. Review of International Political Economy 14:3 August 2007: 412438 US Federal research &... more Page 1. Review of International Political Economy 14:3 August 2007: 412438 US Federal research & development funding: Strategic trade policy tool, by-product of military competition, or politics as usual? Jonathan Gordon1, Hyung Min Kim2, and Timothy J. McKeown2 ...
Presidential Studies Quarterly, 2005
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European Review of Agricultural Economics, 2007
Technovation, 1989
The success of Japanese manufacturing firms in global competition is generally attributed to thre... more The success of Japanese manufacturing firms in global competition is generally attributed to three interacting sets of factors: (1) more or less benign governmental guidance and support, symbolized especially by the activities of MITI; (2) the achievement of lead positions in a host of product and process technologies; and (3) superior methods for organizing, managing and controlling activities, from R&D to marketing. Lynn and McKeown have made an outstanding contribution toward a better understanding of the third of these. Their careful comparison of inter-firm cooperation in Japan and in the U.S.A. shows how much institutions can affect economic performance (and never mind 'explanatory' models that abstract from institutional differences). The fact that Lynn is fluent in Japanese and has lived in that country for extended periods contributed in an important way to the study's value for the Western reader: for one thing, the authors were able to draw on many primary sources that otherwise would have remained inaccessible; and for another, reflections on the influence of history and culture on the Japanese way of doing business are refreshingly free of the kind of unsubstantiated mythology so often found in secondhand scholarship. The book's focus is on the respective roles of trade associations in the two countries, but a listing of the chapter headings demonstrates that the authors have ranged quite widely from that central concern: (1) Trade associations and industrial policy; (2) The development of trade associations in the U.S.A. and Japan; (3) the antitrust environment for trade associations; (4) The aggregation of interests in American and Japanese industry; (5) Trade associations and business-government relations; (6) Trade associations and foreign trade; (7) Trade associations and industrial research; (8) Conclusions and policy recommendations. No brief review can cover the wealth of information (and of thoughtful reflection) contained in these chapters. Clearly, at a time when much of the American and European debate about international competitiveness centers on the relative merits of, and proper balance between, rivalry and cooperation among firms in key industries, an authoritative assessment of the 'Japanese model' of governmentindustry and intra-industry relations is very useful. Having weighed all the evidence presented by Lynn and McKeown, this reader concluded that there is little chance of successfully transferring any substantial portions of the model into the Western environment. The burdens of history and institutional background weigh too heavily on the other advanced economies for a
Political Science Quarterly, 2002
World Politics, 1987
The authors present a theory of the general enabling conditions for war which predicts that war i... more The authors present a theory of the general enabling conditions for war which predicts that war is possible, though not inevitable, when the conditions of the theory are satisfied. Whether a war will actually occur depends upon the idiosyncratic situational factors that are outside the scope of the theory. Three conditions make war possible: (i) Aspirations do not match achievements: governments only initiate wars when their achieved share of global capabilities differs from their aspired share of capabilities. (2) Salience: governments only initiate wars against other governments when there is a history of substantial interaction. (3) Power: governments never initiate wars against other governments that have a substantially greater military capacity. These conditions may be viewed as a series of three filters that identify pairs of countries between which war is possible. The theory predicts that wars will not occur in any dyad that does not pass through all the filters. In testing...
World Politics, 1984
Although it is commonly argued that there is a connection between tariff levels and business cond... more Although it is commonly argued that there is a connection between tariff levels and business conditions, this hypothesis has not been subjected to systematic empirical analysis or given any theoretical basis. The author presents two complementary theories of the movement of tariff levels in response to changing business conditions. Both explain tariff changes in terms of the changing political demands of business firms, and both rely on the business cycle to drive these changing demands. One theory is a conventional argument about changing opportunities for entry and exit; the other treats firms as satisficers. The theories yield similar predictions. Preliminary empirical analysis, while consistent with both, does not differentiate between them.
The Journal of Politics, 1996
International Studies Quarterly, 1991
Page 1. International Studies Quarterly (1991) 35, 151-172 A Liberal Trade Order? The Long-Run Pa... more Page 1. International Studies Quarterly (1991) 35, 151-172 A Liberal Trade Order? The Long-Run Pattern of Imports to the Advanced Capitalist States Timothy J. McKeown University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill It is often ...
Contemporary Sociology, 1990
ABSTRACT Compares how industries are coordinated/supported by trade associations in Japan and the... more ABSTRACT Compares how industries are coordinated/supported by trade associations in Japan and the United States.
Business History Review, 2001
Political Science Quarterly, 1995
At least since Alexis de Tocqueville's era, the only clearly articulated view of American foreign... more At least since Alexis de Tocqueville's era, the only clearly articulated view of American foreign policy has been exceptionalism, which holds that Americans deprecate power politics and old-fashioned diplomacy, mistrust powerful standing armies and entangling peacetime commitments, make moralistic judgments about other people's domestic systems, and believe that liberal values transfer readily to foreign affairs.' These dispositions, which seem to rest on the premise that war and peace are polar opposites, are at last consistent with and may help to explain America's oft-noted all-or-nothing approach to foreign commitments. This approach, in turn, is consistent with oscillations between major involvement overseas and significant retren~hment.~ According to this view, because American values are strongly inconsistent with the methods and objectives of Realpolitik, the country has a more messianic, erratic style abroad than has been typical of other great powers.
Political Science Quarterly, 1995
At least since Alexis de Tocqueville's era, the only clearly articulated view of American foreign... more At least since Alexis de Tocqueville's era, the only clearly articulated view of American foreign policy has been exceptionalism, which holds that Americans deprecate power politics and old-fashioned diplomacy, mistrust powerful standing armies and entangling peacetime commitments, make moralistic judgments about other people's domestic systems, and believe that liberal values transfer readily to foreign affairs.' These dispositions, which seem to rest on the premise that war and peace are polar opposites, are at last consistent with and may help to explain America's oft-noted all-or-nothing approach to foreign commitments. This approach, in turn, is consistent with oscillations between major involvement overseas and significant retren~hment.~ According to this view, because American values are strongly inconsistent with the methods and objectives of Realpolitik, the country has a more messianic, erratic style abroad than has been typical of other great powers.
The American Political Science Review, 1986
How can protectionism and “free” trade succeed one another? Our answer focuses on the changing ba... more How can protectionism and “free” trade succeed one another? Our answer focuses on the changing balance of private actors' political demands. These actors acquire interests in tariff policies because their assets are spatially concentrated, and trade in these assets is subject to various limitations. Actors in regions experiencing no new investment in an established industry (“old” regions) have interests that sometimes differ from those in regions where there is new investment. We show that old regions have no reason to be involved in tariff politics at business cycle peaks; during troughs, whether a state becomes more or less protectionist depends, ceteris paribus, on the relative political strength of old import-competing and old exporting interests. If old import-competing industries outweigh the old exporters, then protection will tend to increase at the trough and decrease at the peak of a business cycle; the opposite result occurs when old exporters are more influential.
International Organization, 1983
... 12-13. 25. Dunham, Anglo-French Treaty, p. 13. 26. Ibid., pp. 10-11. 27. Ibid., pp. 16-17. 28... more ... 12-13. 25. Dunham, Anglo-French Treaty, p. 13. 26. Ibid., pp. 10-11. 27. Ibid., pp. 16-17. 28.Ashley, Modern Tarif History, p. 294; Dunham, Anglo-French Treaty, p. 18. 29. Dunham, Anglo-French Treaty, pp. 19-20. Page 12. 84 International Organization ...
English Historical Review, 1989
The Journal of Politics, 2000
Page 1. The Cuban Missile Crisis and Politics as Usual Timothy J. McKeown University of North Car... more Page 1. The Cuban Missile Crisis and Politics as Usual Timothy J. McKeown University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Allison's (1971) argument about the importance of bureaucratic politics was supported by his use of the Cuban ...
The Journal of Politics, 2001
Page 1. Plans and Routines, Bureaucratic Bargaining, and the Cuban Missile Crisis Timothy J+ McKe... more Page 1. Plans and Routines, Bureaucratic Bargaining, and the Cuban Missile Crisis Timothy J+ McKeown University of North Carolina Recent disclosures about the Cuban missile crisis suggest that organizational routines and ...
Review of International Political Economy, 2007
Page 1. Review of International Political Economy 14:3 August 2007: 412438 US Federal research &... more Page 1. Review of International Political Economy 14:3 August 2007: 412438 US Federal research & development funding: Strategic trade policy tool, by-product of military competition, or politics as usual? Jonathan Gordon1, Hyung Min Kim2, and Timothy J. McKeown2 ...
Presidential Studies Quarterly, 2005
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