Livia de Souza Lima | Universität Bielefeld (original) (raw)
Papers by Livia de Souza Lima
FEMINA POLITICA – Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft
In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in ... more In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics through the analysis of testimonies of Black politicians in different administrative positions and various regions of Brazil. Adopting the “Violence Against Women in Politics” (VAWIP) analytical model developed by Mona Lena Krook, the goal of this approach is to highlight the forms that this violence takes in the Brazilian context when gender and race intersect. In doing so, the article pursues two objectives. First, it offers an overview of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics, demonstrating how this phenomenon manifests itself in the analysis of these cases. Second, it observes how the testimonies of Black women politicians go beyond the analytical model proposed by Mona Lena Krook (2020), thus accounting for the intersectional specificities of political violence.
Revista Científica Hermes, 2012
EnglishThis paper is a study of the decentralization policies and public participation developed ... more EnglishThis paper is a study of the decentralization policies and public participation developed in thecity of Sao Paulo, between the years of 1989 and 2009. It aims to disclose and evaluate theconnections and discontinuities found on the processes and implementations of thosepolicies. portuguesUm estudo das politicas publicas Municipais de descentralizacao e participacao popular,desenvolvidas na Cidade de Sao Paulo, no periodo compreendido entre 1989 e 2009, com afinalidade de detectar e avaliar as conexoes e descontinuidades nos processos de planejamentoe implementacao dessas politicas.
FEMINA POLITICA – Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft
In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in ... more In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics through the analysis of testimonies of Black politicians in different administrative positions and various regions of Brazil. Adopting the “Violence Against Women in Politics” (VAWIP) analytical model developed by Mona Lena Krook, the goal of this approach is to highlight the forms that this violence takes in the Brazilian context when gender and race intersect. In doing so, the article pursues two objectives. First, it offers an overview of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics, demonstrating how this phenomenon manifests itself in the analysis of these cases. Second, it observes how the testimonies of Black women politicians go beyond the analytical model proposed by Mona Lena Krook (2020), thus accounting for the intersectional specificities of political violence.
Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science, 2013
Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any giv... more Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any given society and that currently is put in practice by a representative democratic model. Nevertheless, several modern thinkers are pointing to an unmeasured scale of interests within the representation spheres, in which the most powerful society’s sectors overcome the less influential social and economical groups, turning democratic representation into an uneven scheme. By having this in mind, this reflection is aimed to make an analysis of the Brazilian democratic representation model, specifically in relation to its majoritarian government composition, that, in this country, is part of a unique legislative model named as “Coalition Presidentialism”. At the composition idealized by the Brazilian National Constitution, the federal parliamentary ministers have the responsibility for the formulation of laws as well as monitoring the executive power in consonance with the will of the society’...
emocracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any give... more emocracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any given society and that currently is put in practice by a representative democratic model. Nevertheless, several modern thinkers are pointing to an unmeasured scale of interests within the representation spheres, in which the most powerful society's sectors overcome the less influential social and economical groups, turning democratic representation into an uneven scheme. By having this in mind, this reflection is aimed to make an analysis of the Brazilian democratic representation model, specifically in relation to its majoritarian government composition, that, in this country, is part of a unique legislative model named as "Coalition Presidentialism". At the composition idealized by the Brazilian National Constitution, the federal parliamentary ministers have the responsibility for the formulation of laws as well as monitoring the executive power in consonance with the will of the society's sectors that has got them elected by the voting system. The conflict is established though, when the actual governmental practices leave aside the constitutional principle of a plural representation in consequence of economic and power interests that act independently from the diverse interests and needs of other groups belonging to the Brazilian society. It can be argued that the establishment of governmental practices better aligned to the concept of global justice, in the Brazilian case, can be achieved by a better quality democracy, through adequate governance mechanisms and plural representation practices that are capable of attending the distinct demands of diverse society layers. Thus, this article is aimed to present how the Brazilian democratic representation works, exploring its conflicts and deployments and mainly its divergences in relation to the democratic morality that presupposes the existence of gradated ways to the reaching of higher social and political equality levels, closer to the general global justice ideas.
Political institutions are concentrating considerable efforts in order to bridge a perceived gap ... more Political institutions are concentrating considerable efforts in order to bridge a perceived gap in between government and society and one tool for that is usually found within
the boundaries of citizen participation on formulation, evaluation and implementation of public policies. Having this in mind, the present article aims to explore the city of São Paulo
Participatory Council creation process, as a tool for the constitution of a participative and decentralized public administration. In December 2013, 1113councillors were elected from the civil society to work within the 32 administrative divisions in São Paulo, thus consolidating an established premise in the city’s organic plan from 1989, after overcoming strong resistances exerted by local political elites. In this sense, willing to analyze this important public policy construction process, this article proposes a reflection on its
consolidation, exploring the political motivations that underpinned the Council creation.
Moreover, this article will also look into the ways by which this process was constructed that finally resulted at the elections. The proposal here is to problematize this process dynamics,
being able to critically assess it, in consonance to the democratization theoretical frame.
As instituições políticas estão concentrando esforços consideráveis com o fim de preencher uma pe... more As instituições políticas estão concentrando esforços consideráveis com o fim de preencher uma perceptível lacuna existente entre Estado e Sociedade e uma das ferramentas utilizadas neste sentido encontra-se nas práticas de participação cidadã na formulação, avaliação e implementação de políticas públicas. Tendo isso em mente, o presente artigo pretende abordar o processo de criação do Conselho Participativo Municipal de São Paulo, como uma
ferramenta de constituição de uma administração publica descentralizada e participativa. Em dezembro de 2013, 1113 Conselheiros foram eleitos diretamente da sociedade civil para
trabalhar juntamente às 31 Subprefeituras de São Paulo, consolidando assim uma premissa estabelecida no planejamento orgânico da cidade desde 1989, após uma série de resistências exercidas pelas elites políticas locais. Neste sentido, com o intuito de analisar a construção do
processo de tal política pública, este artigo propõe uma reflexão sobre sua consolidação, explorando as motivações políticas que resultaram na criação do Conselho. Além disso, este artigo também se propõe a observar os caminhos tomados na construção de tal processo que por fim resultou nas eleições para conselheiros participativos. A proposta geral aqui é problematizar a dinâmica deste processo, sendo capaz de avaliá-lo criticamente à luz do arcabouço teórico da democracia.
Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any giv... more Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any given society and that currently is put in practice by a representative democratic model. Nevertheless, several modern thinkers are pointing to an unmeasured scale of interests within the representation spheres, in which the most powerful society's sectors overcome the less influential social and economical groups, turning democratic representation into an uneven scheme. By having this in mind, this reflection is aimed to make an analysis of the Brazilian democratic representation model, specifically in relation to its majoritarian government composition, that, in this country, is part of a unique legislative model named as -Coalition Presidentialism‖. At the composition idealized by the Brazilian National Constitution, the federal parliamentary ministers have the responsibility for the formulation of laws as well as monitoring the executive power in consonance with the will of the society's sectors that has got them elected by the voting system. The conflict is established though, when the actual governmental practices leave aside the constitutional principle of a plural representation in consequence of economic and power interests that act independently from the diverse interests and needs of other groups belonging to the Brazilian society. It can be argued that the establishment of governmental practices better aligned to the concept of global justice, in the Brazilian case, can be achieved by a better quality democracy, through adequate governance mechanisms and plural representation practices that are capable of attending the distinct demands of diverse society layers. Thus, this article is aimed to present how the Brazilian democratic representation works, exploring its conflicts and deployments and mainly its divergences in relation to the democratic morality that presupposes the existence of gradated ways to the reaching of higher social and political equality levels, closer to the general global justice ideas.
Resumo: Uma reflexão sobre os estudos do republicanismo clássico, que tinham como foco a liberdad... more Resumo: Uma reflexão sobre os estudos do republicanismo clássico, que tinham como foco a liberdade e igualdade política, considerando aspectos do debate político que podem ser adaptados para a teoria contemporânea.
A existência de cortiços em São Paulo é um problema antigo e um tema essencial a ser tratado dent... more A existência de cortiços em São Paulo é um problema antigo e um tema essencial a ser tratado dentro da questão da habitação nas esferas socais e políticas. O presente artigo objetiva dar um histórico da formação dos cortiços em São Paulo, das ações públicas no tratamento da questão, bem como dar informações iniciais a respeito da pesquisa em andamento. A pesquisa trata de analisar a última política pública municipal intitulada Programa de Cortiços de São Paulo, buscando entender a sua efetividade em beneficiar uma determinada população encortiçada da cidade.
FEMINA POLITICA – Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft
In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in ... more In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics through the analysis of testimonies of Black politicians in different administrative positions and various regions of Brazil. Adopting the “Violence Against Women in Politics” (VAWIP) analytical model developed by Mona Lena Krook, the goal of this approach is to highlight the forms that this violence takes in the Brazilian context when gender and race intersect. In doing so, the article pursues two objectives. First, it offers an overview of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics, demonstrating how this phenomenon manifests itself in the analysis of these cases. Second, it observes how the testimonies of Black women politicians go beyond the analytical model proposed by Mona Lena Krook (2020), thus accounting for the intersectional specificities of political violence.
Revista Científica Hermes, 2012
EnglishThis paper is a study of the decentralization policies and public participation developed ... more EnglishThis paper is a study of the decentralization policies and public participation developed in thecity of Sao Paulo, between the years of 1989 and 2009. It aims to disclose and evaluate theconnections and discontinuities found on the processes and implementations of thosepolicies. portuguesUm estudo das politicas publicas Municipais de descentralizacao e participacao popular,desenvolvidas na Cidade de Sao Paulo, no periodo compreendido entre 1989 e 2009, com afinalidade de detectar e avaliar as conexoes e descontinuidades nos processos de planejamentoe implementacao dessas politicas.
FEMINA POLITICA – Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft
In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in ... more In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics through the analysis of testimonies of Black politicians in different administrative positions and various regions of Brazil. Adopting the “Violence Against Women in Politics” (VAWIP) analytical model developed by Mona Lena Krook, the goal of this approach is to highlight the forms that this violence takes in the Brazilian context when gender and race intersect. In doing so, the article pursues two objectives. First, it offers an overview of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics, demonstrating how this phenomenon manifests itself in the analysis of these cases. Second, it observes how the testimonies of Black women politicians go beyond the analytical model proposed by Mona Lena Krook (2020), thus accounting for the intersectional specificities of political violence.
Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science, 2013
Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any giv... more Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any given society and that currently is put in practice by a representative democratic model. Nevertheless, several modern thinkers are pointing to an unmeasured scale of interests within the representation spheres, in which the most powerful society’s sectors overcome the less influential social and economical groups, turning democratic representation into an uneven scheme. By having this in mind, this reflection is aimed to make an analysis of the Brazilian democratic representation model, specifically in relation to its majoritarian government composition, that, in this country, is part of a unique legislative model named as “Coalition Presidentialism”. At the composition idealized by the Brazilian National Constitution, the federal parliamentary ministers have the responsibility for the formulation of laws as well as monitoring the executive power in consonance with the will of the society’...
emocracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any give... more emocracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any given society and that currently is put in practice by a representative democratic model. Nevertheless, several modern thinkers are pointing to an unmeasured scale of interests within the representation spheres, in which the most powerful society's sectors overcome the less influential social and economical groups, turning democratic representation into an uneven scheme. By having this in mind, this reflection is aimed to make an analysis of the Brazilian democratic representation model, specifically in relation to its majoritarian government composition, that, in this country, is part of a unique legislative model named as "Coalition Presidentialism". At the composition idealized by the Brazilian National Constitution, the federal parliamentary ministers have the responsibility for the formulation of laws as well as monitoring the executive power in consonance with the will of the society's sectors that has got them elected by the voting system. The conflict is established though, when the actual governmental practices leave aside the constitutional principle of a plural representation in consequence of economic and power interests that act independently from the diverse interests and needs of other groups belonging to the Brazilian society. It can be argued that the establishment of governmental practices better aligned to the concept of global justice, in the Brazilian case, can be achieved by a better quality democracy, through adequate governance mechanisms and plural representation practices that are capable of attending the distinct demands of diverse society layers. Thus, this article is aimed to present how the Brazilian democratic representation works, exploring its conflicts and deployments and mainly its divergences in relation to the democratic morality that presupposes the existence of gradated ways to the reaching of higher social and political equality levels, closer to the general global justice ideas.
Political institutions are concentrating considerable efforts in order to bridge a perceived gap ... more Political institutions are concentrating considerable efforts in order to bridge a perceived gap in between government and society and one tool for that is usually found within
the boundaries of citizen participation on formulation, evaluation and implementation of public policies. Having this in mind, the present article aims to explore the city of São Paulo
Participatory Council creation process, as a tool for the constitution of a participative and decentralized public administration. In December 2013, 1113councillors were elected from the civil society to work within the 32 administrative divisions in São Paulo, thus consolidating an established premise in the city’s organic plan from 1989, after overcoming strong resistances exerted by local political elites. In this sense, willing to analyze this important public policy construction process, this article proposes a reflection on its
consolidation, exploring the political motivations that underpinned the Council creation.
Moreover, this article will also look into the ways by which this process was constructed that finally resulted at the elections. The proposal here is to problematize this process dynamics,
being able to critically assess it, in consonance to the democratization theoretical frame.
As instituições políticas estão concentrando esforços consideráveis com o fim de preencher uma pe... more As instituições políticas estão concentrando esforços consideráveis com o fim de preencher uma perceptível lacuna existente entre Estado e Sociedade e uma das ferramentas utilizadas neste sentido encontra-se nas práticas de participação cidadã na formulação, avaliação e implementação de políticas públicas. Tendo isso em mente, o presente artigo pretende abordar o processo de criação do Conselho Participativo Municipal de São Paulo, como uma
ferramenta de constituição de uma administração publica descentralizada e participativa. Em dezembro de 2013, 1113 Conselheiros foram eleitos diretamente da sociedade civil para
trabalhar juntamente às 31 Subprefeituras de São Paulo, consolidando assim uma premissa estabelecida no planejamento orgânico da cidade desde 1989, após uma série de resistências exercidas pelas elites políticas locais. Neste sentido, com o intuito de analisar a construção do
processo de tal política pública, este artigo propõe uma reflexão sobre sua consolidação, explorando as motivações políticas que resultaram na criação do Conselho. Além disso, este artigo também se propõe a observar os caminhos tomados na construção de tal processo que por fim resultou nas eleições para conselheiros participativos. A proposta geral aqui é problematizar a dinâmica deste processo, sendo capaz de avaliá-lo criticamente à luz do arcabouço teórico da democracia.
Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any giv... more Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any given society and that currently is put in practice by a representative democratic model. Nevertheless, several modern thinkers are pointing to an unmeasured scale of interests within the representation spheres, in which the most powerful society's sectors overcome the less influential social and economical groups, turning democratic representation into an uneven scheme. By having this in mind, this reflection is aimed to make an analysis of the Brazilian democratic representation model, specifically in relation to its majoritarian government composition, that, in this country, is part of a unique legislative model named as -Coalition Presidentialism‖. At the composition idealized by the Brazilian National Constitution, the federal parliamentary ministers have the responsibility for the formulation of laws as well as monitoring the executive power in consonance with the will of the society's sectors that has got them elected by the voting system. The conflict is established though, when the actual governmental practices leave aside the constitutional principle of a plural representation in consequence of economic and power interests that act independently from the diverse interests and needs of other groups belonging to the Brazilian society. It can be argued that the establishment of governmental practices better aligned to the concept of global justice, in the Brazilian case, can be achieved by a better quality democracy, through adequate governance mechanisms and plural representation practices that are capable of attending the distinct demands of diverse society layers. Thus, this article is aimed to present how the Brazilian democratic representation works, exploring its conflicts and deployments and mainly its divergences in relation to the democratic morality that presupposes the existence of gradated ways to the reaching of higher social and political equality levels, closer to the general global justice ideas.
Resumo: Uma reflexão sobre os estudos do republicanismo clássico, que tinham como foco a liberdad... more Resumo: Uma reflexão sobre os estudos do republicanismo clássico, que tinham como foco a liberdade e igualdade política, considerando aspectos do debate político que podem ser adaptados para a teoria contemporânea.
A existência de cortiços em São Paulo é um problema antigo e um tema essencial a ser tratado dent... more A existência de cortiços em São Paulo é um problema antigo e um tema essencial a ser tratado dentro da questão da habitação nas esferas socais e políticas. O presente artigo objetiva dar um histórico da formação dos cortiços em São Paulo, das ações públicas no tratamento da questão, bem como dar informações iniciais a respeito da pesquisa em andamento. A pesquisa trata de analisar a última política pública municipal intitulada Programa de Cortiços de São Paulo, buscando entender a sua efetividade em beneficiar uma determinada população encortiçada da cidade.