Yahaya Umar | University of Abuja, Nigeria (original) (raw)

Papers by Yahaya Umar

World Journal of Innovative Research, 2019

The study examined factors militating against women's political participation in selected rural a... more The study examined factors militating against women's political participation in selected rural and semi-urban, mainly Muslim, Nupe-speaking communities in central Nigeria. Both the social survey and in-depth interviews methods were employed with selected respondents, composed of women leaders, electoral officers, party chieftains and a few female candidates and aspirants for elective positions.The study reveals among other things that,on a scale, women in the area have not been meaningfully involved in politics since the return of democratic rule in 1999,mainly due to poor financial status, divergent socio-cultural challenges and the unfavourable political environment. Accordingly, the study recommends a number of measures to end women subordination, discrimination and stigmatization and improvement in their political participation and fortunes.

World Journal of Innovative Research (WJIR), 2018

The study examined factors militating against women’s political participation in selected rural a... more The study examined factors militating against women’s political participation in selected rural and semi-urban, mainly Muslim, Nupe-speaking communities in central Nigeria. Both the social survey and in-depth interviews methods were employed with selected respondents, composed of women leaders, electoral officers, party chieftains and a few female candidates and aspirants for elective positions.The study reveals among other things that,on a scale, women in the area have not been meaningfully involved in politics since the return of democratic rule in 1999,mainly due to poor financial status, divergent socio-cultural challenges and the unfavourable political environment. Accordingly, the study recommends a number of measures to end women subordination, discrimination and stigmatization and improvement in their political participation and fortunes.

The issue of privatization of public enterprises as a New Public Management reform approach has b... more The issue of privatization of public enterprises as a New Public Management reform approach has been a subject of deep debate. In Nigeria, it has not only remained controversial (The World Bank, 2002 p. 16), but politically precarious. Several attempts to sell-off public enterprises in the past have been vehemently resisted by trade unions through strikes and demonstrations, for fear of job losses. However, the domination of the telecommunication sector by the state-run monopoly had resulted in low development of telecommunications infrastructure in the country. This led to gross unproductivity exacerbated by governance abuses Hyden (1992, cited in UNECA 2002, p. 5), as well as what Hughes (2003, p. 34) and Larbi (1999, p.1), identifies as inertia, lack of enterprise, red tape and mediocrity, being the criticisms of the Weberian bureaucratic model. Furthermore, because the enterprise was an integral to local political structures and relationships, it became a lucrative avenue for perpetrating corrupt practices (Minogue 1999 p. 22). Although telecommunication can be an indispensable catalyst for the development of all other socio-economic sectors, in the past it has not been able to meet the requirements of major sectors of the economy such as oil and banking. This necessitated reform of the enterprise for efficiency and effective service delivery. Consequently, the Nigerian Telecommunications Limited became one of the privatized State-owned Enterprises (SOEs) restructured and reoriented for higher efficiency.
This paper draws on the combined concepts and model of privatization, identified by Minogue (1999 p. 28) as New Public Management reform elements. Whereas, the proponents of the privatization of SOEs believe it is the only policy instrument to revamp public enterprises for efficient resource management and increase employment, the opponents argue that opening critical sectors of the economy such as telecommunication for private participation, inflicts economic hardship on citizens, manifesting as increase prices, income reduction and difficulties in accessing basic services. This assessment concludes that privatization of the Nigerian Telecommunication Company and the subsequent deregulation of the industry resulted in substantial improvements in efficiency and effectiveness, evident by enhanced quality service delivery, profitability and expansion.

Opium poppy cultivation and drug trafficking have eroded Afghanistan’s fragile political and econ... more Opium poppy cultivation and drug trafficking have eroded Afghanistan’s fragile political and economic order over the last decades. Notwithstanding the ongoing counternarcotics efforts by the Afghan government, the United States and other allies, Afghan remains the source of over 90 percent of the world’s illicit opium production (Blanchard 2009). Opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan is widespread across the provinces of the country, with a large part of the population benefiting from its production, processing, and trafficking. Many researchers attribute the booming state of opium economy in Afghanistan to weak governance, strong local warlords, years of war and the obvious impoverishment of the population. While government suffers the ugly effects of these problems including capacity incapacitation and conflicting tensions in policy choices, it is the overwhelming believe of the stakeholders in the Afghanistan post war reconstruction project that the opium poppy production undermines the country’s economy and sovereignty which in turn, weakens efforts to build an effective, accountable national state (Felbab-Brown 2007: 2). This is the reason for the foundation and application of an array of proposals under the umbrella approach called ‘counternarcotics strategy’. However, can the application of the plan effectively suppress the opium boom in poverty stricken, politically volatile and local warlords dominated Afghanistan? Importantly, are the benefits of suppression of illicit opium much more than the benefits derivable from its licit production for the much needed medicinal purposes?

This paper argues that since counternarcotics policies are frequently of limited effectiveness in suppressing illicit drug production, licencing of opium poppy production in Afghanistan for useful medicinal and other useful purposes will have positive national development impacts, and that, it is much more cost-effective in achieving these outcomes. This is because, since the state would no longer have to engage itself in the herculean task of eliminating the population’s means of livelihoods in the licensed areas, the hostility of the population to the government would be drastically reduced and then, the legitimacy of the state would be enhanced. The paper holds the view that the benefits accruable from legitimizing opium production in Afghanistan, backed by stringent bureaucratic and legal measures are likely to outweigh the difficulties associated with the current ineffective but costly control measures. Therefore, given the robust evidence of the importance of opium production in the Afghan’s microeconomic sector, attempt at its forceful suppression, is counterproductive and inimical to the country’s stability and economic growth.

There is no richer field of academic research in contemporary comparative government and politics... more There is no richer field of academic research in contemporary comparative government and politics than the study of democracy imposition or exportation. This is so because the promotion and support of democracy as a foreign policy objective of the Western countries, especially the United States, has been on since the end of the World War II. While international bilateral and multilateral cooperation have proven to be useful strategies in promoting democracy across the globe, the use of armed invasion to export or impose democracy on previously non democratic societies is problematic. Complications arising from imposition of democracy on another society through armed invasion is explained by the fact that apart from democracy been popularly seen as having a universal reach, its success in any society is only dependent upon the domestic need, social values, cultural factors, and tradition, historical events, and the genuine commitment of the people to democratic ideals.

This paper argues that imposition of democracy on a society through armed invasion compromises democratic tenets, hence, generates civil strife and threatens global security. However, it can be supported to grow from within societies through foreign and international aid policies and programmes. This is because such support deepens the diffusion of democratic values and boosts domestic support and commitment which is the thrust upon which democracy thrives.

The concepts of ‘Development’ and ‘Indigenous Peoples’ rights’ have become firmly established in ... more The concepts of ‘Development’ and ‘Indigenous Peoples’ rights’ have become firmly established in the social, developmental and political lexicon of our time and have sparked a great deal of debate in indigenous peoples’ discourse. Constituting an important group of rural poor, indigenous peoples largely live outside the mainstream of national economies and development support. Disturbingly, interventions in their favour are rare, and often not guided by their own priorities. The argument put forward by some human rights and Aboriginal activists, that the recognition of an ‘indigenous peoples’ rights’ approach is the panacea for their problems, is problematic.

Hence, the paper argues that the sustainable development of indigenous people must be anchored upon practical measures and appropriate policies that increase their capabilities to participate actively in the economy to create wealth. This is because such strategies empower the indigenous peoples in making appropriate choices that equip them to be independent, and to cope with the consequences and opportunities of economic liberalization and globalization.

This paper examines the intricacies of aid conditionality and its relevance to driving economic d... more This paper examines the intricacies of aid conditionality and its relevance to driving economic development in the aid recipient countries. It aims to dispel the notion that aid conditionalities are destructive to the economic development of the aid recipient countries and further argues that foreign aid does have some positive impact on growth, conditional on a stable macroeconomic policy environment.

This paper argues that despite fundamental and notable drawbacks inherent in the structures of pa... more This paper argues that despite fundamental and notable drawbacks inherent in the structures of participatory poverty assessments and their administration, the method remains invaluable for gaining insight into the phenomena of poverty. This is because it gives a voice to the intended beneficiaries of development programmes, thereby providing greater opportunity to shape what is done in their name.

This paper identifies and analyses the conventional practices of the Asian Development Bank as a ... more This paper identifies and analyses the conventional practices of the Asian Development Bank as a donor that places the highest burden on a recipient country. The paper also examines the characterizations and defects of the Kingdom of Cambodia as a recipient country which serves to constrain the donor’s operational policies and procedural requirements, thereby, undermining the effectiveness of the overall project objectives. The essay uses donor and recipient interchangeably with ADB and the Kingdom of Cambodia, respectively.

Structural inequalities, injustices and distortions have been a major drawback to women’s capacit... more Structural inequalities, injustices and distortions have been a major drawback to women’s capacities across the globe. These are simply exacerbated by the growing lack of specificity in the use and the complex processes of executing the gender equality and mainstreaming agendas which in turn, have tended to hinder the policy strategies as they are left drifting and rendered inconsequential. Above all, the strategies are reduced to a means of political manoeuvrings, plunging the feminists’ policy strategies into a hostile institutional landscape. I refer to all these as ‘obstacles’

The low participation of women in Nigerian politics and decision making positions is exacerbated ... more The low participation of women in Nigerian politics and decision making positions is exacerbated by cultural, religious and patriarchal beliefs and practices. This stems from the fact that in Nigeria, women’s role in public office are seen to be secondary. Culture and religions sees women’s prominence in public life with cynicism. Therefore, the patriarchal nature of society in which male are seen to be dominant over females, coupled with questionable cultural and religious beliefs and practices, are discriminatory to women and amount to denial of equal opportunities.

Drafts by Yahaya Umar

The paper critically examines the key components involved in the implementation of focus groups a... more The paper critically examines the key components involved in the implementation of focus groups as a research technique. To accomplish this, the paper provides a nuanced and multifaceted insight into the theoretical underpinnings of focus group with a view to enabling a clear comprehension of the technique. It then delves into the operational context and an array of diverse phases involved in organizing and conducting the focus groups, having become an established and accepted part of the range of methodological tools available to academic researchers. Part three, the last, deals with the strengths, the weaknesses as well as the suggested solutions to mitigate the limitations associated with the usage of the instrument.

World Journal of Innovative Research, 2019

The study examined factors militating against women's political participation in selected rural a... more The study examined factors militating against women's political participation in selected rural and semi-urban, mainly Muslim, Nupe-speaking communities in central Nigeria. Both the social survey and in-depth interviews methods were employed with selected respondents, composed of women leaders, electoral officers, party chieftains and a few female candidates and aspirants for elective positions.The study reveals among other things that,on a scale, women in the area have not been meaningfully involved in politics since the return of democratic rule in 1999,mainly due to poor financial status, divergent socio-cultural challenges and the unfavourable political environment. Accordingly, the study recommends a number of measures to end women subordination, discrimination and stigmatization and improvement in their political participation and fortunes.

World Journal of Innovative Research (WJIR), 2018

The study examined factors militating against women’s political participation in selected rural a... more The study examined factors militating against women’s political participation in selected rural and semi-urban, mainly Muslim, Nupe-speaking communities in central Nigeria. Both the social survey and in-depth interviews methods were employed with selected respondents, composed of women leaders, electoral officers, party chieftains and a few female candidates and aspirants for elective positions.The study reveals among other things that,on a scale, women in the area have not been meaningfully involved in politics since the return of democratic rule in 1999,mainly due to poor financial status, divergent socio-cultural challenges and the unfavourable political environment. Accordingly, the study recommends a number of measures to end women subordination, discrimination and stigmatization and improvement in their political participation and fortunes.

The issue of privatization of public enterprises as a New Public Management reform approach has b... more The issue of privatization of public enterprises as a New Public Management reform approach has been a subject of deep debate. In Nigeria, it has not only remained controversial (The World Bank, 2002 p. 16), but politically precarious. Several attempts to sell-off public enterprises in the past have been vehemently resisted by trade unions through strikes and demonstrations, for fear of job losses. However, the domination of the telecommunication sector by the state-run monopoly had resulted in low development of telecommunications infrastructure in the country. This led to gross unproductivity exacerbated by governance abuses Hyden (1992, cited in UNECA 2002, p. 5), as well as what Hughes (2003, p. 34) and Larbi (1999, p.1), identifies as inertia, lack of enterprise, red tape and mediocrity, being the criticisms of the Weberian bureaucratic model. Furthermore, because the enterprise was an integral to local political structures and relationships, it became a lucrative avenue for perpetrating corrupt practices (Minogue 1999 p. 22). Although telecommunication can be an indispensable catalyst for the development of all other socio-economic sectors, in the past it has not been able to meet the requirements of major sectors of the economy such as oil and banking. This necessitated reform of the enterprise for efficiency and effective service delivery. Consequently, the Nigerian Telecommunications Limited became one of the privatized State-owned Enterprises (SOEs) restructured and reoriented for higher efficiency.
This paper draws on the combined concepts and model of privatization, identified by Minogue (1999 p. 28) as New Public Management reform elements. Whereas, the proponents of the privatization of SOEs believe it is the only policy instrument to revamp public enterprises for efficient resource management and increase employment, the opponents argue that opening critical sectors of the economy such as telecommunication for private participation, inflicts economic hardship on citizens, manifesting as increase prices, income reduction and difficulties in accessing basic services. This assessment concludes that privatization of the Nigerian Telecommunication Company and the subsequent deregulation of the industry resulted in substantial improvements in efficiency and effectiveness, evident by enhanced quality service delivery, profitability and expansion.

Opium poppy cultivation and drug trafficking have eroded Afghanistan’s fragile political and econ... more Opium poppy cultivation and drug trafficking have eroded Afghanistan’s fragile political and economic order over the last decades. Notwithstanding the ongoing counternarcotics efforts by the Afghan government, the United States and other allies, Afghan remains the source of over 90 percent of the world’s illicit opium production (Blanchard 2009). Opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan is widespread across the provinces of the country, with a large part of the population benefiting from its production, processing, and trafficking. Many researchers attribute the booming state of opium economy in Afghanistan to weak governance, strong local warlords, years of war and the obvious impoverishment of the population. While government suffers the ugly effects of these problems including capacity incapacitation and conflicting tensions in policy choices, it is the overwhelming believe of the stakeholders in the Afghanistan post war reconstruction project that the opium poppy production undermines the country’s economy and sovereignty which in turn, weakens efforts to build an effective, accountable national state (Felbab-Brown 2007: 2). This is the reason for the foundation and application of an array of proposals under the umbrella approach called ‘counternarcotics strategy’. However, can the application of the plan effectively suppress the opium boom in poverty stricken, politically volatile and local warlords dominated Afghanistan? Importantly, are the benefits of suppression of illicit opium much more than the benefits derivable from its licit production for the much needed medicinal purposes?

This paper argues that since counternarcotics policies are frequently of limited effectiveness in suppressing illicit drug production, licencing of opium poppy production in Afghanistan for useful medicinal and other useful purposes will have positive national development impacts, and that, it is much more cost-effective in achieving these outcomes. This is because, since the state would no longer have to engage itself in the herculean task of eliminating the population’s means of livelihoods in the licensed areas, the hostility of the population to the government would be drastically reduced and then, the legitimacy of the state would be enhanced. The paper holds the view that the benefits accruable from legitimizing opium production in Afghanistan, backed by stringent bureaucratic and legal measures are likely to outweigh the difficulties associated with the current ineffective but costly control measures. Therefore, given the robust evidence of the importance of opium production in the Afghan’s microeconomic sector, attempt at its forceful suppression, is counterproductive and inimical to the country’s stability and economic growth.

There is no richer field of academic research in contemporary comparative government and politics... more There is no richer field of academic research in contemporary comparative government and politics than the study of democracy imposition or exportation. This is so because the promotion and support of democracy as a foreign policy objective of the Western countries, especially the United States, has been on since the end of the World War II. While international bilateral and multilateral cooperation have proven to be useful strategies in promoting democracy across the globe, the use of armed invasion to export or impose democracy on previously non democratic societies is problematic. Complications arising from imposition of democracy on another society through armed invasion is explained by the fact that apart from democracy been popularly seen as having a universal reach, its success in any society is only dependent upon the domestic need, social values, cultural factors, and tradition, historical events, and the genuine commitment of the people to democratic ideals.

This paper argues that imposition of democracy on a society through armed invasion compromises democratic tenets, hence, generates civil strife and threatens global security. However, it can be supported to grow from within societies through foreign and international aid policies and programmes. This is because such support deepens the diffusion of democratic values and boosts domestic support and commitment which is the thrust upon which democracy thrives.

The concepts of ‘Development’ and ‘Indigenous Peoples’ rights’ have become firmly established in ... more The concepts of ‘Development’ and ‘Indigenous Peoples’ rights’ have become firmly established in the social, developmental and political lexicon of our time and have sparked a great deal of debate in indigenous peoples’ discourse. Constituting an important group of rural poor, indigenous peoples largely live outside the mainstream of national economies and development support. Disturbingly, interventions in their favour are rare, and often not guided by their own priorities. The argument put forward by some human rights and Aboriginal activists, that the recognition of an ‘indigenous peoples’ rights’ approach is the panacea for their problems, is problematic.

Hence, the paper argues that the sustainable development of indigenous people must be anchored upon practical measures and appropriate policies that increase their capabilities to participate actively in the economy to create wealth. This is because such strategies empower the indigenous peoples in making appropriate choices that equip them to be independent, and to cope with the consequences and opportunities of economic liberalization and globalization.

This paper examines the intricacies of aid conditionality and its relevance to driving economic d... more This paper examines the intricacies of aid conditionality and its relevance to driving economic development in the aid recipient countries. It aims to dispel the notion that aid conditionalities are destructive to the economic development of the aid recipient countries and further argues that foreign aid does have some positive impact on growth, conditional on a stable macroeconomic policy environment.

This paper argues that despite fundamental and notable drawbacks inherent in the structures of pa... more This paper argues that despite fundamental and notable drawbacks inherent in the structures of participatory poverty assessments and their administration, the method remains invaluable for gaining insight into the phenomena of poverty. This is because it gives a voice to the intended beneficiaries of development programmes, thereby providing greater opportunity to shape what is done in their name.

This paper identifies and analyses the conventional practices of the Asian Development Bank as a ... more This paper identifies and analyses the conventional practices of the Asian Development Bank as a donor that places the highest burden on a recipient country. The paper also examines the characterizations and defects of the Kingdom of Cambodia as a recipient country which serves to constrain the donor’s operational policies and procedural requirements, thereby, undermining the effectiveness of the overall project objectives. The essay uses donor and recipient interchangeably with ADB and the Kingdom of Cambodia, respectively.

Structural inequalities, injustices and distortions have been a major drawback to women’s capacit... more Structural inequalities, injustices and distortions have been a major drawback to women’s capacities across the globe. These are simply exacerbated by the growing lack of specificity in the use and the complex processes of executing the gender equality and mainstreaming agendas which in turn, have tended to hinder the policy strategies as they are left drifting and rendered inconsequential. Above all, the strategies are reduced to a means of political manoeuvrings, plunging the feminists’ policy strategies into a hostile institutional landscape. I refer to all these as ‘obstacles’

The low participation of women in Nigerian politics and decision making positions is exacerbated ... more The low participation of women in Nigerian politics and decision making positions is exacerbated by cultural, religious and patriarchal beliefs and practices. This stems from the fact that in Nigeria, women’s role in public office are seen to be secondary. Culture and religions sees women’s prominence in public life with cynicism. Therefore, the patriarchal nature of society in which male are seen to be dominant over females, coupled with questionable cultural and religious beliefs and practices, are discriminatory to women and amount to denial of equal opportunities.

The paper critically examines the key components involved in the implementation of focus groups a... more The paper critically examines the key components involved in the implementation of focus groups as a research technique. To accomplish this, the paper provides a nuanced and multifaceted insight into the theoretical underpinnings of focus group with a view to enabling a clear comprehension of the technique. It then delves into the operational context and an array of diverse phases involved in organizing and conducting the focus groups, having become an established and accepted part of the range of methodological tools available to academic researchers. Part three, the last, deals with the strengths, the weaknesses as well as the suggested solutions to mitigate the limitations associated with the usage of the instrument.