Gregory Lobo | Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) (original) (raw)
Papers by Gregory Lobo
Revista de estudios sociales (Bogotá), 2011
Boydell & Brewer, Apr 1, 2017
Los estudios sobre cultura, con toda la polisemia del término, sobre el poder y las políticas púb... more Los estudios sobre cultura, con toda la polisemia del término, sobre el poder y las políticas públicas tienen una extensa tradición que, en su diversidad, se torna más necesaria en las encrucijadas del mundo contemporáneo. La Red de Estudios y Políticas Culturales surgió con el objetivo de articular y proyectar actividades académicas con capacidad para multiplicar y dinamizar la formación de posgrado y la investigación en estas áreas. La iniciativa fue conjuntamente organizada por el Centro de Altos Estudios Universitarios de la Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos (OEI) y el Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO). La iniciativa de este libro surgió en el marco de la primera reunión de la Red Iberoamericana de Posgrados en Estudios y Políticas Culturales que se realizó en Buenos Aires en abril de 2009. A todos los que participamos de esta reunión inaugural, nos pareció valioso articular un conjunto de reflexiones elaboradas principalmente desde América Latina por q...
La interpretación política de lo cultural sigue siendo una tarea problemática. El problema reside... more La interpretación política de lo cultural sigue siendo una tarea problemática. El problema reside en las distintas y enfrentadas interpretaciones de lo cultural que maneja el discurso crítico. Este artículo explica los dos usos principales del término —ya sea que se refiera a las artes y la vida intelectual, o a un estilo de vida específico, según Raymond Williams— y demuestra cómo estas dos formas de cultura son, cada cual a su manera, políticas, es decir, constitutivas de la organización social jerárquica. El argumento, en consecuencia, no es que lo cultural pueda ser entendido políticamente, sino que tiene que ser entendido e interpretado como tal, que la cultura es, de hecho, la política–qua–la cultura.The political interpretation of culture remains a problematic endeavor. The problem lies in the competing and differing understandings of culture that are current in critical discourse. This article examines the two major ways culture is used —referring to either the arts and inte...
sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
Revista De Estudios Sociales, 2011
Todavia no han transcurrido diez anos desde que cerraron el Center for Contemporary Cultural Stud... more Todavia no han transcurrido diez anos desde que cerraron el Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies de la Universidad de Birmingham, en el Reino Unido. Fue este Centro el que le presto su nombre al proyecto politico-academico internacional –Cultural Studies/Estudios Culturales– en todo el mundo, aunque son varios los eruditos latinoamericanos que han insistido en que, en America Latina, los intelectuales y academicos han venido haciendo estudios culturales sin saber nada del supuesto proyect...
Revista De Estudios Sociales, 2011
Revista de Estudios Sociales, 2004
En este ensayo el autor reflexiona sobre el 'milagro capitalista' que se inauguró en América del ... more En este ensayo el autor reflexiona sobre el 'milagro capitalista' que se inauguró en América del Sur el 11 de septiembre de 1973, cuando los militares chilenos, dirigidos por el General Pinochet y apoyados por los Estados Unidos, bombardearon y destrozaron la democracia chilena por haber intentado construir, libremente, el socialismo. Se argumenta que ese 11 de septiembre es un momento clave en una campaña bárbara y bastante exitosa contra el socialismo, que desde entonces habría dejado de existir como proyecto. Pero dado que el llamado "milagro económico" sigue en crisis, y que el capitalismo sigue privando de lo necesario a demasiada gente, el artículo concluye con la propuesta de que se reanime nuestra memoria para el futuro, un futuro sin pobreza, escasez, ni guerra.
International Journal of Cultural Studies, 2012
Amid social and political conditions that could well lead to Colombia being described in the term... more Amid social and political conditions that could well lead to Colombia being described in the terms of a failed state, the country’s electorate chose Álvaro Uribe as its thirty-ninth president in 2002, and again in 2006, preferring to keep in office a man who seemed to be putting the country together again, rather than respecting the constitutional prohibition against consecutive presidential terms. Though his presidency was marked by scandals and irregularities – most notably, the falsos positivos (false positives: young, poor Colombian civilians, assassinated in cold blood by the zealous armed forces and listed as guerrilla kills) – Uribe enjoyed approval ratings previously unknown in Colombian history. He is in fact credited with giving Colombia its ‘second independence’, and his leaving office was, for many, tragic. Here, I present an explanation for this paradox, analysing an aspect of Uribe’s discourse for the way it contributed to producing a shared national sentiment by artic...
Philosophy of the Social Sciences, 2015
This article is a response to Frank Hindriks’ “Restructuring Searle’s Making the Social World.”
Revista Iberoamericana, 2008
Tenía yo un cariño especial al negrito; él contaba a la sazón doce años, era simpático y casi pod... more Tenía yo un cariño especial al negrito; él contaba a la sazón doce años, era simpático y casi podría decirse que bello. Jorge Isaacs, María La segunda gran tragedia histórica que vivimos las comunidades afrocolombianas es el desplazamiento forzado del territorio, después del secuestro de la... de la madre patria África, y […] esa gran tragedia que hoy atravesamos, no... no está siendo abordada, tratada, con seriedad por parte del... del gobierno colombiano. Abogada chocoana, 31 años. 1
European Journal of Cultural Studies, 2010
environment and the availability of fuels, engineering and technology, policy-making and communic... more environment and the availability of fuels, engineering and technology, policy-making and communications. Mobilities is obviously intended for an academic audience, and in particular for one with a firm grasp of social theory. However, thanks to the highly interdisciplinary scope of Urry’s work, the book is relevant to a variety of scholarly fields, including but not limited to anthropology, geography, communication and cultural studies. The very notion of mobilities is groundbreaking, yet fundamental and necessary, for contemporary social and cultural theory. While the contribution of Urry’s work to social and cultural theory alike is undeniable, Mobilities does present a series of limitations from the reader’s point of view. The book would have benefited from a more focused discussion of Urry’s key theoretical notions as these apply to the main five forms of mobility that he introduces in great depth, although in a mainly descriptive fashion, in Part 2. In addition, Urry’s impressive ability to review and cite extensively the work of others in relation to his own often proves to be distracting and detrimental to the effective communication of the fundamental lineaments of his scholarly paradigm. Finally, the book is riddled with typos and editing-related oversights on behalf of the publisher. In general, I had the impression that the book was released in a bit of a rush. Given the highly contemporary and timely nature of Urry’s theoretical work, it is understandable that Mobilities needed to be made available to the public in a timely fashion. However, both the book’s prose and editing problems detract from Urry’s original theoretical insights and methodological recommendations. That said, the book remains an imaginative and rigorous attempt to radically rethink social scientific research in response to the contemporary restructuring of social relations.
... ANA ROSA DOMENELLA ♦ LUZELENA GUTIÉRREZ DE VELASCO ♦ JUAN PABLO DABOVE ♦ MICHAEL LAZZARA ♦ GA... more ... ANA ROSA DOMENELLA ♦ LUZELENA GUTIÉRREZ DE VELASCO ♦ JUAN PABLO DABOVE ♦ MICHAEL LAZZARA ♦ GABRIEL ... HORTENSIA MORENO ♦ ALEJANDRO MONSIVÁIS ♦ KATE JENCKES ♦ PATRICK DOVE ♦ MARISA BELAUSTEGUIGOITIA ♦ MARICRUZ CASTRO ...
Revista de Estudios Sociales, 2002
La interpretación política de lo cultural sigue siendo una tarea problemática. El problema reside... more La interpretación política de lo cultural sigue siendo una tarea problemática. El problema reside en las distintas y enfrentadas interpretaciones de lo cultural que maneja el discurso crítico. Este artículo explica los dos usos principales del término ya sea que se refiera a las artes y la vida intelectual, o a un estilo de vida específico, según Raymond Williams y demuestra cómo estas dos formas de cultura son, cada cual a su manera, políticas, es decir, constitutivas de la organización social jerárquica. El argumento, en consecuencia, no es que lo cultural pueda ser entendido políticamente, sino que tiene que ser entendido e interpretado como tal, que la cultura es, de hecho, la política-qua-la cultura.
John Searle’s social ontology distinguishes between linguistic and non-linguistic institutional f... more John Searle’s social ontology distinguishes between linguistic and non-linguistic institutional facts. He argues that every instance of the latter is created by declarative speech acts, while the f...
Cultural Studies
ABSTRACT Since 2002 and the election of Álvaro Uribe as president, national pride and sentiment h... more ABSTRACT Since 2002 and the election of Álvaro Uribe as president, national pride and sentiment have grown substantially in Colombia. While it is possible to understand this as a positive phenomenon, given Colombia's historical difficulties in constructing itself as a nation, this paper develops the notion of nationism (distinct from nationalism) and on that basis argues that the figure of the nation is actually central to constructing an enduring right-wing hegemony in Colombia. I focus on the Victims' Law of 2011, an important achievement for the country, crucially understood as part of the process designed to help Colombia move beyond the violence that has dominated its history since the middle of the twentieth century. The Victims' Law prioritizes memory and remembering for overcoming the divisiveness of Colombia's recent past and enabling it to enter a peaceful future. I develop a reading, however, that favours comprehending this project more fruitfully as an attempt to create memories that, in turn, will lead to the recognition of the existence of a reconciled nation, the subject of such memories: for collective memories require collective subjects (nations) to be their bearers. But the nation so-created, I then argue, is not what it purports to be: a collective subject supporting the collective aspirations of all Colombians. Rather, banefully, I contend that the figure of the nation being developed in Colombia is, more pragmatically and indeed more fundamentally, a symbolic means by which dominant social actors repudiate and repress internal dissent and dissenters, induce historical amnesia about the actual causes of Colombia's conflict and its history of violence, and thus, rather than serve as a prerequisite to usher in a future of peaceful and widespread social development, it aids and abets the prorogation of right-wing hegemony: apparently ending it theory while doing nothing to discontinue it, in fact.
Journal of Language and Politics
This article analyses the diachronic symbolic struggle (1810–1991) waged in Colombia’s foundation... more This article analyses the diachronic symbolic struggle (1810–1991) waged in Colombia’s foundational documents over the legitimation and delegitimation of social relations through the concepts “people” and “nation.” Following the introduction, the method and theory are explained: concept analysis and language-based social ontology. The analysis of the foundational documents follows. These are analysed as extended status function declarations that attempt to legitimate and delegitimate the concepts “people” and “nation”, in order to authorize/deauthorize possible social relations. On the basis of the analysis, the conclusion briefly specifies the discourse of nationism as the ontologisation and wielding of the idea of the nation against internal dissent/opposition, and points up the fundamental importance of symbolic practice in the struggle to change social reality.
Revista de estudios sociales (Bogotá), 2011
Boydell & Brewer, Apr 1, 2017
Los estudios sobre cultura, con toda la polisemia del término, sobre el poder y las políticas púb... more Los estudios sobre cultura, con toda la polisemia del término, sobre el poder y las políticas públicas tienen una extensa tradición que, en su diversidad, se torna más necesaria en las encrucijadas del mundo contemporáneo. La Red de Estudios y Políticas Culturales surgió con el objetivo de articular y proyectar actividades académicas con capacidad para multiplicar y dinamizar la formación de posgrado y la investigación en estas áreas. La iniciativa fue conjuntamente organizada por el Centro de Altos Estudios Universitarios de la Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos (OEI) y el Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO). La iniciativa de este libro surgió en el marco de la primera reunión de la Red Iberoamericana de Posgrados en Estudios y Políticas Culturales que se realizó en Buenos Aires en abril de 2009. A todos los que participamos de esta reunión inaugural, nos pareció valioso articular un conjunto de reflexiones elaboradas principalmente desde América Latina por q...
La interpretación política de lo cultural sigue siendo una tarea problemática. El problema reside... more La interpretación política de lo cultural sigue siendo una tarea problemática. El problema reside en las distintas y enfrentadas interpretaciones de lo cultural que maneja el discurso crítico. Este artículo explica los dos usos principales del término —ya sea que se refiera a las artes y la vida intelectual, o a un estilo de vida específico, según Raymond Williams— y demuestra cómo estas dos formas de cultura son, cada cual a su manera, políticas, es decir, constitutivas de la organización social jerárquica. El argumento, en consecuencia, no es que lo cultural pueda ser entendido políticamente, sino que tiene que ser entendido e interpretado como tal, que la cultura es, de hecho, la política–qua–la cultura.The political interpretation of culture remains a problematic endeavor. The problem lies in the competing and differing understandings of culture that are current in critical discourse. This article examines the two major ways culture is used —referring to either the arts and inte...
sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
Revista De Estudios Sociales, 2011
Todavia no han transcurrido diez anos desde que cerraron el Center for Contemporary Cultural Stud... more Todavia no han transcurrido diez anos desde que cerraron el Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies de la Universidad de Birmingham, en el Reino Unido. Fue este Centro el que le presto su nombre al proyecto politico-academico internacional –Cultural Studies/Estudios Culturales– en todo el mundo, aunque son varios los eruditos latinoamericanos que han insistido en que, en America Latina, los intelectuales y academicos han venido haciendo estudios culturales sin saber nada del supuesto proyect...
Revista De Estudios Sociales, 2011
Revista de Estudios Sociales, 2004
En este ensayo el autor reflexiona sobre el 'milagro capitalista' que se inauguró en América del ... more En este ensayo el autor reflexiona sobre el 'milagro capitalista' que se inauguró en América del Sur el 11 de septiembre de 1973, cuando los militares chilenos, dirigidos por el General Pinochet y apoyados por los Estados Unidos, bombardearon y destrozaron la democracia chilena por haber intentado construir, libremente, el socialismo. Se argumenta que ese 11 de septiembre es un momento clave en una campaña bárbara y bastante exitosa contra el socialismo, que desde entonces habría dejado de existir como proyecto. Pero dado que el llamado "milagro económico" sigue en crisis, y que el capitalismo sigue privando de lo necesario a demasiada gente, el artículo concluye con la propuesta de que se reanime nuestra memoria para el futuro, un futuro sin pobreza, escasez, ni guerra.
International Journal of Cultural Studies, 2012
Amid social and political conditions that could well lead to Colombia being described in the term... more Amid social and political conditions that could well lead to Colombia being described in the terms of a failed state, the country’s electorate chose Álvaro Uribe as its thirty-ninth president in 2002, and again in 2006, preferring to keep in office a man who seemed to be putting the country together again, rather than respecting the constitutional prohibition against consecutive presidential terms. Though his presidency was marked by scandals and irregularities – most notably, the falsos positivos (false positives: young, poor Colombian civilians, assassinated in cold blood by the zealous armed forces and listed as guerrilla kills) – Uribe enjoyed approval ratings previously unknown in Colombian history. He is in fact credited with giving Colombia its ‘second independence’, and his leaving office was, for many, tragic. Here, I present an explanation for this paradox, analysing an aspect of Uribe’s discourse for the way it contributed to producing a shared national sentiment by artic...
Philosophy of the Social Sciences, 2015
This article is a response to Frank Hindriks’ “Restructuring Searle’s Making the Social World.”
Revista Iberoamericana, 2008
Tenía yo un cariño especial al negrito; él contaba a la sazón doce años, era simpático y casi pod... more Tenía yo un cariño especial al negrito; él contaba a la sazón doce años, era simpático y casi podría decirse que bello. Jorge Isaacs, María La segunda gran tragedia histórica que vivimos las comunidades afrocolombianas es el desplazamiento forzado del territorio, después del secuestro de la... de la madre patria África, y […] esa gran tragedia que hoy atravesamos, no... no está siendo abordada, tratada, con seriedad por parte del... del gobierno colombiano. Abogada chocoana, 31 años. 1
European Journal of Cultural Studies, 2010
environment and the availability of fuels, engineering and technology, policy-making and communic... more environment and the availability of fuels, engineering and technology, policy-making and communications. Mobilities is obviously intended for an academic audience, and in particular for one with a firm grasp of social theory. However, thanks to the highly interdisciplinary scope of Urry’s work, the book is relevant to a variety of scholarly fields, including but not limited to anthropology, geography, communication and cultural studies. The very notion of mobilities is groundbreaking, yet fundamental and necessary, for contemporary social and cultural theory. While the contribution of Urry’s work to social and cultural theory alike is undeniable, Mobilities does present a series of limitations from the reader’s point of view. The book would have benefited from a more focused discussion of Urry’s key theoretical notions as these apply to the main five forms of mobility that he introduces in great depth, although in a mainly descriptive fashion, in Part 2. In addition, Urry’s impressive ability to review and cite extensively the work of others in relation to his own often proves to be distracting and detrimental to the effective communication of the fundamental lineaments of his scholarly paradigm. Finally, the book is riddled with typos and editing-related oversights on behalf of the publisher. In general, I had the impression that the book was released in a bit of a rush. Given the highly contemporary and timely nature of Urry’s theoretical work, it is understandable that Mobilities needed to be made available to the public in a timely fashion. However, both the book’s prose and editing problems detract from Urry’s original theoretical insights and methodological recommendations. That said, the book remains an imaginative and rigorous attempt to radically rethink social scientific research in response to the contemporary restructuring of social relations.
... ANA ROSA DOMENELLA ♦ LUZELENA GUTIÉRREZ DE VELASCO ♦ JUAN PABLO DABOVE ♦ MICHAEL LAZZARA ♦ GA... more ... ANA ROSA DOMENELLA ♦ LUZELENA GUTIÉRREZ DE VELASCO ♦ JUAN PABLO DABOVE ♦ MICHAEL LAZZARA ♦ GABRIEL ... HORTENSIA MORENO ♦ ALEJANDRO MONSIVÁIS ♦ KATE JENCKES ♦ PATRICK DOVE ♦ MARISA BELAUSTEGUIGOITIA ♦ MARICRUZ CASTRO ...
Revista de Estudios Sociales, 2002
La interpretación política de lo cultural sigue siendo una tarea problemática. El problema reside... more La interpretación política de lo cultural sigue siendo una tarea problemática. El problema reside en las distintas y enfrentadas interpretaciones de lo cultural que maneja el discurso crítico. Este artículo explica los dos usos principales del término ya sea que se refiera a las artes y la vida intelectual, o a un estilo de vida específico, según Raymond Williams y demuestra cómo estas dos formas de cultura son, cada cual a su manera, políticas, es decir, constitutivas de la organización social jerárquica. El argumento, en consecuencia, no es que lo cultural pueda ser entendido políticamente, sino que tiene que ser entendido e interpretado como tal, que la cultura es, de hecho, la política-qua-la cultura.
John Searle’s social ontology distinguishes between linguistic and non-linguistic institutional f... more John Searle’s social ontology distinguishes between linguistic and non-linguistic institutional facts. He argues that every instance of the latter is created by declarative speech acts, while the f...
Cultural Studies
ABSTRACT Since 2002 and the election of Álvaro Uribe as president, national pride and sentiment h... more ABSTRACT Since 2002 and the election of Álvaro Uribe as president, national pride and sentiment have grown substantially in Colombia. While it is possible to understand this as a positive phenomenon, given Colombia's historical difficulties in constructing itself as a nation, this paper develops the notion of nationism (distinct from nationalism) and on that basis argues that the figure of the nation is actually central to constructing an enduring right-wing hegemony in Colombia. I focus on the Victims' Law of 2011, an important achievement for the country, crucially understood as part of the process designed to help Colombia move beyond the violence that has dominated its history since the middle of the twentieth century. The Victims' Law prioritizes memory and remembering for overcoming the divisiveness of Colombia's recent past and enabling it to enter a peaceful future. I develop a reading, however, that favours comprehending this project more fruitfully as an attempt to create memories that, in turn, will lead to the recognition of the existence of a reconciled nation, the subject of such memories: for collective memories require collective subjects (nations) to be their bearers. But the nation so-created, I then argue, is not what it purports to be: a collective subject supporting the collective aspirations of all Colombians. Rather, banefully, I contend that the figure of the nation being developed in Colombia is, more pragmatically and indeed more fundamentally, a symbolic means by which dominant social actors repudiate and repress internal dissent and dissenters, induce historical amnesia about the actual causes of Colombia's conflict and its history of violence, and thus, rather than serve as a prerequisite to usher in a future of peaceful and widespread social development, it aids and abets the prorogation of right-wing hegemony: apparently ending it theory while doing nothing to discontinue it, in fact.
Journal of Language and Politics
This article analyses the diachronic symbolic struggle (1810–1991) waged in Colombia’s foundation... more This article analyses the diachronic symbolic struggle (1810–1991) waged in Colombia’s foundational documents over the legitimation and delegitimation of social relations through the concepts “people” and “nation.” Following the introduction, the method and theory are explained: concept analysis and language-based social ontology. The analysis of the foundational documents follows. These are analysed as extended status function declarations that attempt to legitimate and delegitimate the concepts “people” and “nation”, in order to authorize/deauthorize possible social relations. On the basis of the analysis, the conclusion briefly specifies the discourse of nationism as the ontologisation and wielding of the idea of the nation against internal dissent/opposition, and points up the fundamental importance of symbolic practice in the struggle to change social reality.