Iro Aghedo | University of Benin, Benin City , Nigeria. (original) (raw)

Papers by Iro Aghedo

Insight on Africa, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 137-153, Jul 2015

Journal of Black Studies, Jan 15, 2015

African Security, Vol 7, No 4, pp. 229-250, Dec 2014

Sokoto Journal of the Social Sciences, Jun 2014

The resurgence of high profile crimes within the polity and the ineffective response by the natio... more The resurgence of high profile crimes within the polity and the ineffective response by the national security apparatus have reignited the debate on the need to decentralize the police and allied security organizations in Nigeria. This article critically examined the operational structure and implications of national security management in Nigeria using the theoretical framework of concentric circle. The paper argued that the extant centralized and reactionary security system in the country embodies dysfunctional systemic implications that perpetuate violent insecurity. In tune with the concentric circles postulations, the paper identified the individuals as the centerpiece from where the household, community, the local government area, the state and the federation evolve and revolve as security circles of different radii. It posited that security concerns are in circles and actors within each circle are better attuned to concentrate and manage the security challenge therein. Accordingly, it underscored the need for decentralization of the police and other state-owned agencies of internal security management in order to mitigate the upsurge in crime and violence including those emanating from armed robbers, political assassins, ransom kidnappers, oil thieves, and Islamic insurgents among others.

Journal Asian and African Studies, Feb 2014

Violent criminality and insecurity are pervasive across Nigeria as private armies, ethnic militia... more Violent criminality and insecurity are pervasive across Nigeria as private armies, ethnic militias, armed robbers, political assassins, ransom kidnappers, hostage takers, and serial bombers have gone on rampage. Uneducated youth are often blamed in mainstream discourse as the major perpetrators or foot soldiers of anti-social crimes and non-state violence. Conceived as "loose molecules," their behavioral patterns are said to be largely deviant and oppositional to acceptable culture. In contrast, educated youth (including those in higher education) are believed to be refined and easily conform to social norms, values and laws, thereby shunning criminality and violence. This article investigates this widespread notion and discovers, contrary to orthodox thinking, that higher education students pose as much threat to Nigerian society as uneducated youth. The article blames the criminalization of students on the debasement of social values, the culture of corruption in Nigeria, and the infrastructural decay that currently undermines teaching and learning in the country's higher education sector. To prevent tertiary institutions from becoming breeding grounds of criminals, the article stresses the need for values re-orientation, adequate funding, and infrastructural development as well as ensuring that students and staff who contravene the laws are sanctioned appropriately.

Ilorin Journal of Business and Social Sciences, Vol. 15, No 2, pp. 81-96, Aug 2013

Korean Journal of Policy Studies, Vol. 28, No 3, pp. 97-123, Dec 18, 2013

State and multinational efforts aimed at containing jihadist terrorism in northern Nigeria have o... more State and multinational efforts aimed at containing jihadist terrorism in northern Nigeria have only yielded modest results despite the repressive nature of these efforts. The ranks of the foot soldiers of Boko Haram and Ansaru fundamentalist Islamic sects continue to swell even in the face of the ferocious onslaught on their membership by state troops. In contrast to mainstream analyses that highlight the salience of radical Islamism in coming to terms with insurgent proliferation, this article demonstrates that jihadist insurgency in northern Nigeria is better understood as a consequence of youth bulge syndrome, particularly the low-cost availability of foot soldiers from the almajiri demographic cohort. Abandoned by parents and the state, the itinerant Quranic pupils resort to street, begging for alms and survival. And "street life" exposes the urchins to abuse, criminalization and subsequent mobilization for violent causes including terrorism. It is argued that until the practices of rampant child abuse and state neglect of the almajirai and other vulnerable groups are addressed through better education, employment opportunities and poverty reduction, northern Nigeria is likely to remain a breeding ground of violent conflicts.

In today's globalized world, nations are increasingly concerned about how they are perceived by t... more In today's globalized world, nations are increasingly concerned about how they are perceived by their publics, often carefully planning and executing policies to maintain a positive identity or shed a negative image. While some countries are able to execute nation branding, others are not. Using the Nigerian experience as a case study, this article shows how the character of a state can undermine its capacity for successful nation branding. We argue that countries are judged not just by what they say but also by what they do, and that inherent contradictions such as sectarian violence, ethnic tension, and corruption underline Nigeria's underdevelopment and its reputation at home and abroad. We assess this trajectory in the context of state fragility and "prebendalization" politics in a country with a powerful colonial legacy, and suggest a duality of order and disorder involving formal and informal structures of governance that impinge significantly on re-branding efforts.

Benin Journal of the Social Sciences, University of Benin, Nigeria, Vol. 22, No. 1, pp. 127-143, Mar 2013

Multi-disciplinary Journal of Research & Development Perspectives, University of Calabar, Nigeria, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 52-67, Dec 17, 2012

Sokoto Journal of the Social Sciences, Usmanu Danfodio University, Sokoto,Vol.2, No. 1, pp.148-171, Aug 2012

This paper engages with the view that killing a leader emasculates a movement. The view has recen... more This paper engages with the view that killing a leader emasculates a movement. The view has recently been given theoretical leverage in social movement studies by scholars who attempt to establish the link between the death of a leader and the demise of a movement, and, more generally, under what conditions such an outcome emerge. While the literature admits that there is no invariable link between the death of a leader and movement demise, it is fuzzy on the question of when a movement dies. However, it makes the hasty claim that the death of Ken Saro-Wiwa marked the demise of the Ogoni movement. The validity of the claims is tested against empirical evidence.

Ilorin Journal of Sociology, University of Ilorin, NigeriaVol. 3, No. 2, pp.173-189, 2012

The Nigerian Journal of Social and Development Issues, University of Calabar, Nigeria, Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 1-20, Aug 2012

The protracted conflict in the Niger Delta communities is currently being diagnosed with a view t... more The protracted conflict in the Niger Delta communities is currently being diagnosed with a view to understanding the nature of the resource struggle. From the 1980s, the region's cry of marginalization and exclusion from oil revenue allocation was couched in a wave of environmentalism. Environmental activism had assumed the shape of peaceful community protests against the transnational oil companies and was largely directed at ecological remediation and environmental justice. Environmentalism has now assumed new dimensions both in demands and strategy. The struggle has advanced to a low intensity conflict ostensibly against the state which has resulted in the militarization of the region. Although amnesty has been granted the militants by the federal government since October 2009 as a first step to resolving the conflict, there has been criticism trailing its framing and implementation that did not take into account some historical and socio-political antecedents of conflicts in the region. This paper revisits these and applies the greed and grievance framework to investigate the nature of the conflicts. It examines the pattern of environmentalism and discusses the complex nature of the conflicts against the curtailment of primordial motivations if environmental justice is to be achieved. Contrary to the literature, it demonstrates how grievance may manifest in greed in a mutually reinforcing pattern.

Benin Journal of the Social Sciences, University of Benin, Nigeria, Vol. 19, Nos. 1 & 2, pp. 104-115, Nov 2011

Insight on Africa, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 137-153, Jul 2015

Journal of Black Studies, Jan 15, 2015

African Security, Vol 7, No 4, pp. 229-250, Dec 2014

Sokoto Journal of the Social Sciences, Jun 2014

The resurgence of high profile crimes within the polity and the ineffective response by the natio... more The resurgence of high profile crimes within the polity and the ineffective response by the national security apparatus have reignited the debate on the need to decentralize the police and allied security organizations in Nigeria. This article critically examined the operational structure and implications of national security management in Nigeria using the theoretical framework of concentric circle. The paper argued that the extant centralized and reactionary security system in the country embodies dysfunctional systemic implications that perpetuate violent insecurity. In tune with the concentric circles postulations, the paper identified the individuals as the centerpiece from where the household, community, the local government area, the state and the federation evolve and revolve as security circles of different radii. It posited that security concerns are in circles and actors within each circle are better attuned to concentrate and manage the security challenge therein. Accordingly, it underscored the need for decentralization of the police and other state-owned agencies of internal security management in order to mitigate the upsurge in crime and violence including those emanating from armed robbers, political assassins, ransom kidnappers, oil thieves, and Islamic insurgents among others.

Journal Asian and African Studies, Feb 2014

Violent criminality and insecurity are pervasive across Nigeria as private armies, ethnic militia... more Violent criminality and insecurity are pervasive across Nigeria as private armies, ethnic militias, armed robbers, political assassins, ransom kidnappers, hostage takers, and serial bombers have gone on rampage. Uneducated youth are often blamed in mainstream discourse as the major perpetrators or foot soldiers of anti-social crimes and non-state violence. Conceived as "loose molecules," their behavioral patterns are said to be largely deviant and oppositional to acceptable culture. In contrast, educated youth (including those in higher education) are believed to be refined and easily conform to social norms, values and laws, thereby shunning criminality and violence. This article investigates this widespread notion and discovers, contrary to orthodox thinking, that higher education students pose as much threat to Nigerian society as uneducated youth. The article blames the criminalization of students on the debasement of social values, the culture of corruption in Nigeria, and the infrastructural decay that currently undermines teaching and learning in the country's higher education sector. To prevent tertiary institutions from becoming breeding grounds of criminals, the article stresses the need for values re-orientation, adequate funding, and infrastructural development as well as ensuring that students and staff who contravene the laws are sanctioned appropriately.

Ilorin Journal of Business and Social Sciences, Vol. 15, No 2, pp. 81-96, Aug 2013

Korean Journal of Policy Studies, Vol. 28, No 3, pp. 97-123, Dec 18, 2013

State and multinational efforts aimed at containing jihadist terrorism in northern Nigeria have o... more State and multinational efforts aimed at containing jihadist terrorism in northern Nigeria have only yielded modest results despite the repressive nature of these efforts. The ranks of the foot soldiers of Boko Haram and Ansaru fundamentalist Islamic sects continue to swell even in the face of the ferocious onslaught on their membership by state troops. In contrast to mainstream analyses that highlight the salience of radical Islamism in coming to terms with insurgent proliferation, this article demonstrates that jihadist insurgency in northern Nigeria is better understood as a consequence of youth bulge syndrome, particularly the low-cost availability of foot soldiers from the almajiri demographic cohort. Abandoned by parents and the state, the itinerant Quranic pupils resort to street, begging for alms and survival. And "street life" exposes the urchins to abuse, criminalization and subsequent mobilization for violent causes including terrorism. It is argued that until the practices of rampant child abuse and state neglect of the almajirai and other vulnerable groups are addressed through better education, employment opportunities and poverty reduction, northern Nigeria is likely to remain a breeding ground of violent conflicts.

In today's globalized world, nations are increasingly concerned about how they are perceived by t... more In today's globalized world, nations are increasingly concerned about how they are perceived by their publics, often carefully planning and executing policies to maintain a positive identity or shed a negative image. While some countries are able to execute nation branding, others are not. Using the Nigerian experience as a case study, this article shows how the character of a state can undermine its capacity for successful nation branding. We argue that countries are judged not just by what they say but also by what they do, and that inherent contradictions such as sectarian violence, ethnic tension, and corruption underline Nigeria's underdevelopment and its reputation at home and abroad. We assess this trajectory in the context of state fragility and "prebendalization" politics in a country with a powerful colonial legacy, and suggest a duality of order and disorder involving formal and informal structures of governance that impinge significantly on re-branding efforts.

Benin Journal of the Social Sciences, University of Benin, Nigeria, Vol. 22, No. 1, pp. 127-143, Mar 2013

Multi-disciplinary Journal of Research & Development Perspectives, University of Calabar, Nigeria, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 52-67, Dec 17, 2012

Sokoto Journal of the Social Sciences, Usmanu Danfodio University, Sokoto,Vol.2, No. 1, pp.148-171, Aug 2012

This paper engages with the view that killing a leader emasculates a movement. The view has recen... more This paper engages with the view that killing a leader emasculates a movement. The view has recently been given theoretical leverage in social movement studies by scholars who attempt to establish the link between the death of a leader and the demise of a movement, and, more generally, under what conditions such an outcome emerge. While the literature admits that there is no invariable link between the death of a leader and movement demise, it is fuzzy on the question of when a movement dies. However, it makes the hasty claim that the death of Ken Saro-Wiwa marked the demise of the Ogoni movement. The validity of the claims is tested against empirical evidence.

Ilorin Journal of Sociology, University of Ilorin, NigeriaVol. 3, No. 2, pp.173-189, 2012

The Nigerian Journal of Social and Development Issues, University of Calabar, Nigeria, Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 1-20, Aug 2012

The protracted conflict in the Niger Delta communities is currently being diagnosed with a view t... more The protracted conflict in the Niger Delta communities is currently being diagnosed with a view to understanding the nature of the resource struggle. From the 1980s, the region's cry of marginalization and exclusion from oil revenue allocation was couched in a wave of environmentalism. Environmental activism had assumed the shape of peaceful community protests against the transnational oil companies and was largely directed at ecological remediation and environmental justice. Environmentalism has now assumed new dimensions both in demands and strategy. The struggle has advanced to a low intensity conflict ostensibly against the state which has resulted in the militarization of the region. Although amnesty has been granted the militants by the federal government since October 2009 as a first step to resolving the conflict, there has been criticism trailing its framing and implementation that did not take into account some historical and socio-political antecedents of conflicts in the region. This paper revisits these and applies the greed and grievance framework to investigate the nature of the conflicts. It examines the pattern of environmentalism and discusses the complex nature of the conflicts against the curtailment of primordial motivations if environmental justice is to be achieved. Contrary to the literature, it demonstrates how grievance may manifest in greed in a mutually reinforcing pattern.

Benin Journal of the Social Sciences, University of Benin, Nigeria, Vol. 19, Nos. 1 & 2, pp. 104-115, Nov 2011