Chiara Loschi | Università di Bologna (original) (raw)
EU borders & migration by Chiara Loschi
This article tries to explain an apparent paradox in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS): de... more This article tries to explain an apparent paradox in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS): despite political stalemate over CEAS legislative reform and lack of trust amongst MSs, administrative cooperation shows operational continuity. Drawing on the 'Infrastructural Europeanism' approach, we argue that a sociotechnical perspective allows detecting the material means that operationally provide continuity to administrative action, despite policy gaps. It reveals mediating agency exerted by less visible actors who are nevertheless crucial to the integration process. Through a sociotechnical lens, alleged integration failureslike in the post-2015 asylum crisiscan reveal operational cooperation not visible if only legislative outcomes are taken into account. Empirically, the article shows how the International Organization for Migration assumed a role in mediating relocations between MSs, overcoming an implementation gap in health data circulation, thanks to its data infrastructure able to prompt data production, harmonise administrative standardisation and build continuity in time.
Mediterranean in Dis/order Space, Power, and Identity, edited by Rosita Di Peri & Daniel Meier, 2023
This chapter examines the evolution of Italian-Libyan cooperation in border management and challe... more This chapter examines the evolution of Italian-Libyan cooperation in border management and challenges the understanding of these practices exclusively in terms of externalization or crisis-led interventions. By looking at the partnerships between Italy and Libya since the early 2000s, the chapter argues that the two countries are engaged in multiple kinds of cooperation to produce a sea border that entails more than the externalization of border and migration control. Both countries have actively nurtured this cooperation and profit from the longer-term political consequences of such processes, including gaps in the jurisdiction and power vacuums. An investigation based on the space of the sea between the two countries makes it possible to unravel the complex processes behind such relationships and borderwork.
Journal of European Integration, 2022
Although the hotspot approach has been one of the key EU responses to the 2015 migration crisis, ... more Although the hotspot approach has been one of the key EU responses to the 2015 migration crisis, it has not received much systematic attention from EU scholars. Addressing this research gap, this article examines the establishment and implementation of the EU hotspot approach in Italy and its operational reliance on EU agencies. Building on and extending the conceptual framework of the European Administrative Space (EAS), we show how Frontex and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) have strengthened both their independent administrative capacity and integration within the EAS. To gain a more comprehensive understanding of the role of EU agencies within the Italian hotspots, we also discuss two important yet widely neglected features of administrative governance, namely the level of precision of the agencies’ mandate and interagency cooperation. Our analysis draws on a broad range of primary sources as well as nineteen semi-structured expert interviews.
European Papers, 2022
Frontex has been heavily criticized for disregarding fundamental rights in its border management ... more Frontex has been heavily criticized for disregarding fundamental rights in its border management from the outset. To address this critique, the EU legislators established a Consultative Forum on fundamental rights to provide independent advice in fundamental rights matters. Despite the importance of this issue, little effort has been made to study the role and impact of the Consultative Forum. Addressing this research gap, this Article seeks to answer whether the Consultative Forum has improved Frontex’s fundamental rights accountability. Theoretically, we will combine the concept of accountability elaborated by Bovens and the notion of dialogues, allowing us to assess the interaction of the Consultative Forum with the various fora which are supposed to hold Frontex to account. As a special form of communication, dialogues focus on the giving and taking of various sorts including information, arguments and justifications. We argue that the status of the Forum and its possibility to engage with internal and external stakeholders on a regular basis provide an opportunity to strengthen dialogues with and between Frontex’s accountability fora. While the impact of these accountability dialogues has been modest so far, we nonetheless acknowledge their normative potential to enhance the accountability of Frontex.
Mediterranean Politics, 2022
Despite the bilateral commitment to engage in ‘regular dialogue on issues related to mobility, mi... more Despite the bilateral commitment to engage in ‘regular dialogue on issues related to mobility, migration and asylum’, EU incentives have failed in leveraging Algeria to secure cooperation notwithstanding seemingly converging interests. What explains the Algerian endless resistance to the EU’s pressure and incentives? This paper claims that a focus on the historical development of the Algerian security regime improves the understanding of its non-cooperative approach vis-à-vis the EU.
The Role of EU Agencies in the Eurozone and Migration Crisis , 2021
While scholarly literature on Frontex has mushroomed over the last decade, agency’s interaction w... more While scholarly literature on Frontex has mushroomed over the last decade, agency’s interaction with other EU Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) agencies has received less attention. It is the objective of this paper to analyse how the crisis has shaped the horizontal interactions between EU JHA agencies and ask whether these relations have either enhanced the law enforcement focus of EU JHA or, conversely, strengthened a human rights-promoting EU as a ‘Union of Values’. Empirically, the chapter assesses the relations of Frontex with other JHA-related agencies such as the European Asylum Support Office or the Fundamental Rights Agency before and after the 2015 migration crisis. We argue that despite an increased human rights sensitivity, the migration crisis has not substantially changed the border management approach of Frontex but rather consolidated law enforcement profile of interagency cooperation and led only to minor improvements of fundamental rights.
Libya by Chiara Loschi
Routledge Handbook on Elections in the Middle East and North Africa, 2023
This chapter is concerned with the following questions: what problems affect planning and impleme... more This chapter is concerned with the following questions: what problems affect planning and implementation processes? What factors impact the elections regarding democratization and reconciliation processes? The chapter contends that Libyan instability has its roots in the rules of the game and processes established for the 2012 parliamentary elections. In particular, elections preparations and results paved the way for the emergence of long-lasting cleavages that not only exacerbated pre-existing frictions but also did not allow for the overcoming of new inevitable post-revolutionary divisions. Thus, the 2012 Libyan elections did not erase and substitute older societal deep rifts, but on the contrary, they amplified their reach. Against this background, new transitional institutions did not emerge as mediators between competing parties and could not agree on a unifying national interest or the necessity for the monopoly in the use of force. The chapter will focus on some events that unfold before and after the elections. Electoral law set in preparation for the elections and the parliamentary system emerged right after, along with the political choices made by transitional institutions concerning the security sector, amplified pre-existing exclusionary politics and reinforced local-based power centres. In addition to that, the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood party, Salafi movements and organised extremist groups reinforced an ideological cleavage that arose the concerns not only of domestic political actors but also of several external actors, who eventually directly participated in the disruption of the transition and the civil conflicts resulting from its collapse.
L'Année du Maghreb, 2022
Introduction du Dossier spécial. Depuis la thawra fibrayir (« la révolution de février ») et la ... more Introduction du Dossier spécial.
Depuis la thawra fibrayir (« la révolution de février ») et la chute du régime de Mu’ammar Kadhafi, la Libye connaît des changements sociopolitiques majeurs. Si la recherche s’est surtout attachée à analyser les conflits et à mettre en lumière les contradictions et les intérêts géopolitiques sous-jacents, la dimension sociale des transformations post-2011 reste en grande partie encore à étudier, en particulier la pluralité des modes de mobilisation et de participation politiques, qui s’inscrivent à la fois dans les cadres locaux et au sein d’une histoire et d’une géographie des mobilisations plus larges.Ce dossier entend poser les jalons d’une analyse attentive à cette dimension sociale et diachronique afin de questionner les formes du politique et, notamment, les dynamiques de reconstruction de la sphère publique et des luttes pour y prendre part. Malgré les difficultés d’accès au pays, chercheurs et chercheuses documentent et questionnent ces expérimentations et pratiques politiques au plus près des actrices et acteurs, en dehors des institutions, en portant un intérêt particulier aux variations des échelles (du macro au micro) et des temporalités (du passé au présent, et inversement). La pluralité de ces approches et des terrains invite ainsi à porter la réflexion au-delà de la « faillite de l’État » et des téléologies, pour penser le conflit et ses instances.
L'Année du Maghreb, 2022
Au lendemain de la chute du régime Kadhafi, lorsque le Conseil national de transition soutenu par... more Au lendemain de la chute du régime Kadhafi, lorsque le Conseil national de transition soutenu par l’OTAN a proclamé le début de la transition du pays dans l’aout 2011, une inquiétude croissante s’est manifestée quant à la future configuration institutionnelle de la Libye et à la nécessité de désigner de nouvelles autorités par des élections. Depuis lors, les élections ont été considérées par de nombreux chercheur.e.s internationaux comme des critères permettant de mesurer les progrès du changement de régime en Libye et de statuer sur l’(im)possibilité de la démocratie et l’incapacité de la société libyenne à mettre en place des modes de gouvernance institutionnalisés. Plusieurs études critiques ont abordé le changement politique en Afrique du Nord et au Moyen-Orient après 2011 en déplaçant l’attention des institutions et de la compréhension procédurale de la praxis démocratique au plus près de la société et de ses transformations structurales, en soulignant le rôle des mobilisations populaires visant à remettre en question les décisions de la classe dirigeante, à articuler des demandes politiques alternatives à celles articulées par les autorités intérimaires, ou encore à rejeter des élections considérées comme des simples outils de la « mise en scène de la démocratie » (Benzenine, 2020 ; Gana et Van Hamme, 2020). Cependant, rarement ces perspectives ont été appliquées à l’analyse de la Libye d’après-Kadhafi, où l’acquisition axiomatique de l’existence d’un lien positif entre les élections et la transition démocratique a occulté les potentialités d’un débat englobant toutes les politiques du devenir qui se déroulent même à travers des mobilisations politiques qui échappent et souvent contestent la dynamique électorale. Le choix de l’élection comme la priorité absolue de la Libye post-Kadhafi et le moyen de mettre fin aux rivalités entre les autorités intérimaires, pourtant, n’a jamais été interrogé de façon critique. Dans ces lectures, l’abstentionnisme ou la pratique de délégitimation des autorités élues ont été attribués au manque de la part des citoyens libyens de culture politique démocratique et de la connaissance des instruments institutionnels tant au niveau individuel que collectif, après quelques 42 ans de dictature.
Notre contribution soutient qu’il est nécessaire de se départir de ces conceptions normatives du politique en général pour formuler un autre regard et débattre des formes alternatives de gouvernance délibérative. Nous proposons de renverser la perspective transitologique qui se penche sur l’absence, le report ou l’inefficacité des élections libyennes pour expliquer l’obstacle à l’émergence d’un État démocratique. C’est le manque de canaux efficaces pour promouvoir un débat véritablement inclusif sur la Libye postrévolutionnaire qui entrave la possibilité d’achever le processus de révolution d’un système de pouvoir oppressif, excluant et corrompu initié par le soulèvement du 17 février 2011. Afin d’éclairer le scénario politique actuel, nous proposons ici de reconsidérer le politique par le bas, là où les seules perturbations à l’ordre du modèle néo-libéral ont été détectés jusqu’à présent – et donc désignées par les termes de « chaos », « d’absence d’État » ou de « culture politique ». En adoptant une approche qui se veut centrée sur les stratégies et pratiques de renégociation du politique par les Libyen.ne.s, et raisonnant donc en termes de politique du devenir plutôt qu’en termes de politique de la transition (Dakhlia, 2016), cette analyse requiert de reconsidérer les expériences historiques d’expérimentations politiques et mobilisations sociales qui ont caractérisée le pays dans la longue durée comme des précédents utiles à mieux saisir les formes actuelles d’engagement politique aux niveaux individuelle et collective.
Pour faire cela, nous nous inspirons de l’historiographie sur la Libye moderne, afin de donner une perspective diachronique au débat sur les pratiques multiformes de participation, de légitimation et de délibération politiques dans le pays, au-delà du modèle néolibéral de démocratie. L’enjeu est d’interroger les raisons pour lesquelles les organes représentatifs transitoires de la Libye ne se sont simplement pas effondrés au lendemain des premières élections de juillet 2012 mais, au contraire, ont essaimés en centres de pouvoir rivaux ainsi que, dans certains cas, en institutions fantômes, tout en donnant naissance à des organes locales plus efficaces au niveau infranational. La perspective historique montre, en effet, que ces stratégies de mobilisation conflictuelle témoignent non pas du refus des procédures démocratiques, mais plutôt de la partialité des procédures de représentation des autorités transitoires. Les formes actuelles de mobilisation individuelle et collective, alternatives et même opposées à la démocratie électorale, peuvent constituer des moyens de participer au processus d’articulation d’imaginaires radicalement nouveaux pour les présents de la Libye post-Kadhafi. Ils ne représentent pas non plus la résurgence de conflits prétendument inhérents à la société libyenne labélisée selon certaines expressions orientalistes comme « traditionnelle », incapable de toute forme de capacité d’organisation politique, caractérisée par « l’anarchie », le « désordre » ou « l’immaturité politique ». Elles témoignent plutôt du refus stratégique par certain.e.s citoyen.ne.s, associations, et organisations des représentants intérimaires perçus comme incapables de fournir des formes significatives de représentation politique. Ces revendications constituent des manières de pratiquer la démocratie en abordant la question de la représentation « autrement », ce qui fait écho à d’autres phases de l’histoire du pays.
Middle East Law and Governance, 2021
Based on interviews with young Libyan professionals carried out between 2017 and 2018, this paper... more Based on interviews with young Libyan professionals carried out between 2017 and 2018, this paper examines their role as agenda-setters in international organizations operating in their country since 2011. The growing foreign demand for local expertise after the fall of the old regime was met mostly by the young activists who had helped organize the 2011 uprisings. For foreign organizations, Libyan youth have come to embody brokers, fixers, go-betweens, and persons-in-between, becoming key supporting actors in international project implementation. Despite the opportunities seemingly afforded by the collapse of the old regime, this paper shows that Libyan youth, torn between desires for political change and professional advancement, have struggled to influence the agendas of international organizations, leading to feelings of disenfranchisement. The transformative capacity of international projects is thus often limited by this new class of young, globalized elites who are disengaged from the local needs and realities facing Libyan civil society.
L'Année du Maghreb, 2021
Notes de l'auteur Chiara Pagano a écrit l'introduction, le paragraphe titré "Un aperçu du conflit... more Notes de l'auteur Chiara Pagano a écrit l'introduction, le paragraphe titré "Un aperçu du conflit de 2020" et les sous paragraphe titrés "Conséquences sur les civils et les migrants" et "L'érosion continue des droits civils et politiques face à la propagation de la corruption". Chiara Loschi a écrit les paragraphes titrés "Le rôle de la diplomatie internationale dans le maintien du dialogue intra-libyen" et "Ingérences étrangères et guerre électronique", et le sous paragraphe titré "Récession économique".
Within the EU’s approach to crisis management, it is crucial to consider the point of view of all... more Within the EU’s approach to crisis management, it is crucial to consider the point of view of all stakeholders to ensure that the crisis response is in line with European commitments towards local ownership and conflict sensitivity. This EUNPACK Policy Brief discusses the perceptions of those who have been exposed to the EU’s responses to the crisis unfolding in Libya. It is based on the results of a survey completed in the summer of 2017 by 228 respondents. It highlights, on the one hand, that while the EU is the most widely-known international actor involved in crisis response in Libya, the impact of its initiatives is less visible, thereby prompting a certain degree of dissatisfaction, if not of scepticism. This reaction is particularly pronounced remarkable among ethnic minorities living in peripheral regions. On the other hand, the EU is particularly praised for its initiatives in the fields of humanitarian assistance and capacity building, targeting most notably the most vulnerable social groups.
For more information on EUNPACK project, see http://www.eunpack.eu/.
Geopolitics, 2021
This paper discusses uses and misuses of EU border management models and strategies in the framew... more This paper discusses uses and misuses of EU border management models and strategies in the framework of crisis response interventions in the Southern and Eastern neighbourhoods. It focuses especially on Libya and Ukraine, cases which dramatically stand out as the conflicts at the gates of Europe. The deployment of border management instruments appears to follow different trajectories in the two countries, diverging in terms of both design and implementation. By relying on collaborative research materials resulting from extensive fieldwork, the paper argues that the differentiation of EU's interventions across the ENP countries can be explained as the result of growing political and institutional fragmentation in the EU, the replacement of the "transformative power"-mantra with new stabilization templates and weak strategic consistency among member states, each conveying different security identities and interests vis-à-vis EU's external actions and sectors. Primary data, collected between 2016 and 2018, does not point to an increase in conflict-sensitivity, context-specificity and local ownership, they rather reveal the crisis of the EU´s liberal project.
Working Paper D6.02 EUNPACK, 2018
L'Année du Maghreb, Jul 5, 2017
Les soulèvements de 2011 dans le monde arabe ont eu une dimension territoriale certaine, mettant ... more Les soulèvements de 2011 dans le monde arabe ont eu une dimension territoriale certaine, mettant en relief l’importance des aspects territoriaux des politiques publiques et leurs échecs en termes d’équité et de développement. La décentralisation, comme dispositif de re-légitimation institutionnelle, a alors connu un moment de succès.
Dans ce cadre, la Tunisie et la Libye représentent deux pays qui ont connu de véritables bouleversements politiques en 2011 : dans ces deux cas, les régimes politiques sont tellement enracinés dans les institutions que la reconstruction post-révolutionnaire de l’Etat est sensée être radicale. Les évolutions en termes de stabilité se posent presque aux extrémités, mais la décentralisation y a rapidement émergé comme composante essentielle de la réforme du système politique, en étant un élément phare du changement constitutionnel (Tunisie) ou précédant ce dernier (Libye). Les auteurs se proposent ici de comparer le processus de construction des politiques de décentralisation après la chute desdits régimes, en mettant l’accent sur l’importance de l’héritage institutionnel et politique d’une part, le rôle des acteurs locaux, d’autre part.
La comparaison des deux pays durant la phase de transition, renvoyant aux contextes politiques opposés, permet de saisir les rôles des vieux et nouveaux acteurs et l’articulation entre anciens et récents dispositifs institutionnels ainsi que l’émergence de nouvelles pratiques au niveau local. La question de la réponse que donne l’Etat à ces processus, à travers l’engagement – ou l’affichage de l’engagement – vers la décentralisation (Tunisie) et le gouvernement local (Libye), est ainsi problématique.
Dans les deux pays, la configuration des autorités municipales en phase de transition connaît des différences radicales dont l’analyse contribue à la compréhension de l’appareil de légitimation et reconstruction étatique aux différentes échelles. En ce sens, il est encore plus promettant d’analyser comment se positionnent les groupes locaux dans les deux différents contextes, entre reconfiguration institutionnelle nationale, programmes de développement et réorganisation des intérêts locaux qui précèdent la Révolution.
Tunisia by Chiara Loschi
Social Movement Studies, 2019
This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings.... more This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in
Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings. It analyses the factors underpinning
the rise of the environmental networks during the period of
transition (2011–2014). It details the mobilising strategies that
were crucial for the networks’ growth or survival during this period
of institutional instability. The study shows how networks leaders
were able to bring together social and political actors from different
backgrounds and ideological orientations. It is argued that the
ability of networks to develop new distinctive collective identities
was crucial for network sustainability. Those networks and actors
who did not develop new clearly defined environmental identities
and continued to rely importantly on pre-existing (authoritarian)
structures and practices were more negatively impacted by ideological
cleavages and political calculations. Empirically, the contribution
builds on interviews and observations, as well as
documents collected from Tunisian municipalities between 2013
and 2015. Conceptually, the research proposes a bottom-up perspective
that highlights the interplay between micro- and macrodynamics
and strategies during a political transition. The analysis details the actors’ capacity to build alliances via interpersonal relations at the micro level, and their strategies to engage with institutional actors and processes.
In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction ... more In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction of political authority in the wake of regime change. Continuities of governance between the old and new regimes, the local emergence of new social and political actors, and the competition between new and old local actors, as well as between them and the central state, have challenged the authority of national institutions and elected officials. As national actors attempted to rein in local experiments with " direct democracy, " local politics generated resistance toward the Islamist-led Ennahda coalition.
This article tries to explain an apparent paradox in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS): de... more This article tries to explain an apparent paradox in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS): despite political stalemate over CEAS legislative reform and lack of trust amongst MSs, administrative cooperation shows operational continuity. Drawing on the 'Infrastructural Europeanism' approach, we argue that a sociotechnical perspective allows detecting the material means that operationally provide continuity to administrative action, despite policy gaps. It reveals mediating agency exerted by less visible actors who are nevertheless crucial to the integration process. Through a sociotechnical lens, alleged integration failureslike in the post-2015 asylum crisiscan reveal operational cooperation not visible if only legislative outcomes are taken into account. Empirically, the article shows how the International Organization for Migration assumed a role in mediating relocations between MSs, overcoming an implementation gap in health data circulation, thanks to its data infrastructure able to prompt data production, harmonise administrative standardisation and build continuity in time.
Mediterranean in Dis/order Space, Power, and Identity, edited by Rosita Di Peri & Daniel Meier, 2023
This chapter examines the evolution of Italian-Libyan cooperation in border management and challe... more This chapter examines the evolution of Italian-Libyan cooperation in border management and challenges the understanding of these practices exclusively in terms of externalization or crisis-led interventions. By looking at the partnerships between Italy and Libya since the early 2000s, the chapter argues that the two countries are engaged in multiple kinds of cooperation to produce a sea border that entails more than the externalization of border and migration control. Both countries have actively nurtured this cooperation and profit from the longer-term political consequences of such processes, including gaps in the jurisdiction and power vacuums. An investigation based on the space of the sea between the two countries makes it possible to unravel the complex processes behind such relationships and borderwork.
Journal of European Integration, 2022
Although the hotspot approach has been one of the key EU responses to the 2015 migration crisis, ... more Although the hotspot approach has been one of the key EU responses to the 2015 migration crisis, it has not received much systematic attention from EU scholars. Addressing this research gap, this article examines the establishment and implementation of the EU hotspot approach in Italy and its operational reliance on EU agencies. Building on and extending the conceptual framework of the European Administrative Space (EAS), we show how Frontex and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) have strengthened both their independent administrative capacity and integration within the EAS. To gain a more comprehensive understanding of the role of EU agencies within the Italian hotspots, we also discuss two important yet widely neglected features of administrative governance, namely the level of precision of the agencies’ mandate and interagency cooperation. Our analysis draws on a broad range of primary sources as well as nineteen semi-structured expert interviews.
European Papers, 2022
Frontex has been heavily criticized for disregarding fundamental rights in its border management ... more Frontex has been heavily criticized for disregarding fundamental rights in its border management from the outset. To address this critique, the EU legislators established a Consultative Forum on fundamental rights to provide independent advice in fundamental rights matters. Despite the importance of this issue, little effort has been made to study the role and impact of the Consultative Forum. Addressing this research gap, this Article seeks to answer whether the Consultative Forum has improved Frontex’s fundamental rights accountability. Theoretically, we will combine the concept of accountability elaborated by Bovens and the notion of dialogues, allowing us to assess the interaction of the Consultative Forum with the various fora which are supposed to hold Frontex to account. As a special form of communication, dialogues focus on the giving and taking of various sorts including information, arguments and justifications. We argue that the status of the Forum and its possibility to engage with internal and external stakeholders on a regular basis provide an opportunity to strengthen dialogues with and between Frontex’s accountability fora. While the impact of these accountability dialogues has been modest so far, we nonetheless acknowledge their normative potential to enhance the accountability of Frontex.
Mediterranean Politics, 2022
Despite the bilateral commitment to engage in ‘regular dialogue on issues related to mobility, mi... more Despite the bilateral commitment to engage in ‘regular dialogue on issues related to mobility, migration and asylum’, EU incentives have failed in leveraging Algeria to secure cooperation notwithstanding seemingly converging interests. What explains the Algerian endless resistance to the EU’s pressure and incentives? This paper claims that a focus on the historical development of the Algerian security regime improves the understanding of its non-cooperative approach vis-à-vis the EU.
The Role of EU Agencies in the Eurozone and Migration Crisis , 2021
While scholarly literature on Frontex has mushroomed over the last decade, agency’s interaction w... more While scholarly literature on Frontex has mushroomed over the last decade, agency’s interaction with other EU Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) agencies has received less attention. It is the objective of this paper to analyse how the crisis has shaped the horizontal interactions between EU JHA agencies and ask whether these relations have either enhanced the law enforcement focus of EU JHA or, conversely, strengthened a human rights-promoting EU as a ‘Union of Values’. Empirically, the chapter assesses the relations of Frontex with other JHA-related agencies such as the European Asylum Support Office or the Fundamental Rights Agency before and after the 2015 migration crisis. We argue that despite an increased human rights sensitivity, the migration crisis has not substantially changed the border management approach of Frontex but rather consolidated law enforcement profile of interagency cooperation and led only to minor improvements of fundamental rights.
Routledge Handbook on Elections in the Middle East and North Africa, 2023
This chapter is concerned with the following questions: what problems affect planning and impleme... more This chapter is concerned with the following questions: what problems affect planning and implementation processes? What factors impact the elections regarding democratization and reconciliation processes? The chapter contends that Libyan instability has its roots in the rules of the game and processes established for the 2012 parliamentary elections. In particular, elections preparations and results paved the way for the emergence of long-lasting cleavages that not only exacerbated pre-existing frictions but also did not allow for the overcoming of new inevitable post-revolutionary divisions. Thus, the 2012 Libyan elections did not erase and substitute older societal deep rifts, but on the contrary, they amplified their reach. Against this background, new transitional institutions did not emerge as mediators between competing parties and could not agree on a unifying national interest or the necessity for the monopoly in the use of force. The chapter will focus on some events that unfold before and after the elections. Electoral law set in preparation for the elections and the parliamentary system emerged right after, along with the political choices made by transitional institutions concerning the security sector, amplified pre-existing exclusionary politics and reinforced local-based power centres. In addition to that, the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood party, Salafi movements and organised extremist groups reinforced an ideological cleavage that arose the concerns not only of domestic political actors but also of several external actors, who eventually directly participated in the disruption of the transition and the civil conflicts resulting from its collapse.
L'Année du Maghreb, 2022
Introduction du Dossier spécial. Depuis la thawra fibrayir (« la révolution de février ») et la ... more Introduction du Dossier spécial.
Depuis la thawra fibrayir (« la révolution de février ») et la chute du régime de Mu’ammar Kadhafi, la Libye connaît des changements sociopolitiques majeurs. Si la recherche s’est surtout attachée à analyser les conflits et à mettre en lumière les contradictions et les intérêts géopolitiques sous-jacents, la dimension sociale des transformations post-2011 reste en grande partie encore à étudier, en particulier la pluralité des modes de mobilisation et de participation politiques, qui s’inscrivent à la fois dans les cadres locaux et au sein d’une histoire et d’une géographie des mobilisations plus larges.Ce dossier entend poser les jalons d’une analyse attentive à cette dimension sociale et diachronique afin de questionner les formes du politique et, notamment, les dynamiques de reconstruction de la sphère publique et des luttes pour y prendre part. Malgré les difficultés d’accès au pays, chercheurs et chercheuses documentent et questionnent ces expérimentations et pratiques politiques au plus près des actrices et acteurs, en dehors des institutions, en portant un intérêt particulier aux variations des échelles (du macro au micro) et des temporalités (du passé au présent, et inversement). La pluralité de ces approches et des terrains invite ainsi à porter la réflexion au-delà de la « faillite de l’État » et des téléologies, pour penser le conflit et ses instances.
L'Année du Maghreb, 2022
Au lendemain de la chute du régime Kadhafi, lorsque le Conseil national de transition soutenu par... more Au lendemain de la chute du régime Kadhafi, lorsque le Conseil national de transition soutenu par l’OTAN a proclamé le début de la transition du pays dans l’aout 2011, une inquiétude croissante s’est manifestée quant à la future configuration institutionnelle de la Libye et à la nécessité de désigner de nouvelles autorités par des élections. Depuis lors, les élections ont été considérées par de nombreux chercheur.e.s internationaux comme des critères permettant de mesurer les progrès du changement de régime en Libye et de statuer sur l’(im)possibilité de la démocratie et l’incapacité de la société libyenne à mettre en place des modes de gouvernance institutionnalisés. Plusieurs études critiques ont abordé le changement politique en Afrique du Nord et au Moyen-Orient après 2011 en déplaçant l’attention des institutions et de la compréhension procédurale de la praxis démocratique au plus près de la société et de ses transformations structurales, en soulignant le rôle des mobilisations populaires visant à remettre en question les décisions de la classe dirigeante, à articuler des demandes politiques alternatives à celles articulées par les autorités intérimaires, ou encore à rejeter des élections considérées comme des simples outils de la « mise en scène de la démocratie » (Benzenine, 2020 ; Gana et Van Hamme, 2020). Cependant, rarement ces perspectives ont été appliquées à l’analyse de la Libye d’après-Kadhafi, où l’acquisition axiomatique de l’existence d’un lien positif entre les élections et la transition démocratique a occulté les potentialités d’un débat englobant toutes les politiques du devenir qui se déroulent même à travers des mobilisations politiques qui échappent et souvent contestent la dynamique électorale. Le choix de l’élection comme la priorité absolue de la Libye post-Kadhafi et le moyen de mettre fin aux rivalités entre les autorités intérimaires, pourtant, n’a jamais été interrogé de façon critique. Dans ces lectures, l’abstentionnisme ou la pratique de délégitimation des autorités élues ont été attribués au manque de la part des citoyens libyens de culture politique démocratique et de la connaissance des instruments institutionnels tant au niveau individuel que collectif, après quelques 42 ans de dictature.
Notre contribution soutient qu’il est nécessaire de se départir de ces conceptions normatives du politique en général pour formuler un autre regard et débattre des formes alternatives de gouvernance délibérative. Nous proposons de renverser la perspective transitologique qui se penche sur l’absence, le report ou l’inefficacité des élections libyennes pour expliquer l’obstacle à l’émergence d’un État démocratique. C’est le manque de canaux efficaces pour promouvoir un débat véritablement inclusif sur la Libye postrévolutionnaire qui entrave la possibilité d’achever le processus de révolution d’un système de pouvoir oppressif, excluant et corrompu initié par le soulèvement du 17 février 2011. Afin d’éclairer le scénario politique actuel, nous proposons ici de reconsidérer le politique par le bas, là où les seules perturbations à l’ordre du modèle néo-libéral ont été détectés jusqu’à présent – et donc désignées par les termes de « chaos », « d’absence d’État » ou de « culture politique ». En adoptant une approche qui se veut centrée sur les stratégies et pratiques de renégociation du politique par les Libyen.ne.s, et raisonnant donc en termes de politique du devenir plutôt qu’en termes de politique de la transition (Dakhlia, 2016), cette analyse requiert de reconsidérer les expériences historiques d’expérimentations politiques et mobilisations sociales qui ont caractérisée le pays dans la longue durée comme des précédents utiles à mieux saisir les formes actuelles d’engagement politique aux niveaux individuelle et collective.
Pour faire cela, nous nous inspirons de l’historiographie sur la Libye moderne, afin de donner une perspective diachronique au débat sur les pratiques multiformes de participation, de légitimation et de délibération politiques dans le pays, au-delà du modèle néolibéral de démocratie. L’enjeu est d’interroger les raisons pour lesquelles les organes représentatifs transitoires de la Libye ne se sont simplement pas effondrés au lendemain des premières élections de juillet 2012 mais, au contraire, ont essaimés en centres de pouvoir rivaux ainsi que, dans certains cas, en institutions fantômes, tout en donnant naissance à des organes locales plus efficaces au niveau infranational. La perspective historique montre, en effet, que ces stratégies de mobilisation conflictuelle témoignent non pas du refus des procédures démocratiques, mais plutôt de la partialité des procédures de représentation des autorités transitoires. Les formes actuelles de mobilisation individuelle et collective, alternatives et même opposées à la démocratie électorale, peuvent constituer des moyens de participer au processus d’articulation d’imaginaires radicalement nouveaux pour les présents de la Libye post-Kadhafi. Ils ne représentent pas non plus la résurgence de conflits prétendument inhérents à la société libyenne labélisée selon certaines expressions orientalistes comme « traditionnelle », incapable de toute forme de capacité d’organisation politique, caractérisée par « l’anarchie », le « désordre » ou « l’immaturité politique ». Elles témoignent plutôt du refus stratégique par certain.e.s citoyen.ne.s, associations, et organisations des représentants intérimaires perçus comme incapables de fournir des formes significatives de représentation politique. Ces revendications constituent des manières de pratiquer la démocratie en abordant la question de la représentation « autrement », ce qui fait écho à d’autres phases de l’histoire du pays.
Middle East Law and Governance, 2021
Based on interviews with young Libyan professionals carried out between 2017 and 2018, this paper... more Based on interviews with young Libyan professionals carried out between 2017 and 2018, this paper examines their role as agenda-setters in international organizations operating in their country since 2011. The growing foreign demand for local expertise after the fall of the old regime was met mostly by the young activists who had helped organize the 2011 uprisings. For foreign organizations, Libyan youth have come to embody brokers, fixers, go-betweens, and persons-in-between, becoming key supporting actors in international project implementation. Despite the opportunities seemingly afforded by the collapse of the old regime, this paper shows that Libyan youth, torn between desires for political change and professional advancement, have struggled to influence the agendas of international organizations, leading to feelings of disenfranchisement. The transformative capacity of international projects is thus often limited by this new class of young, globalized elites who are disengaged from the local needs and realities facing Libyan civil society.
L'Année du Maghreb, 2021
Notes de l'auteur Chiara Pagano a écrit l'introduction, le paragraphe titré "Un aperçu du conflit... more Notes de l'auteur Chiara Pagano a écrit l'introduction, le paragraphe titré "Un aperçu du conflit de 2020" et les sous paragraphe titrés "Conséquences sur les civils et les migrants" et "L'érosion continue des droits civils et politiques face à la propagation de la corruption". Chiara Loschi a écrit les paragraphes titrés "Le rôle de la diplomatie internationale dans le maintien du dialogue intra-libyen" et "Ingérences étrangères et guerre électronique", et le sous paragraphe titré "Récession économique".
Within the EU’s approach to crisis management, it is crucial to consider the point of view of all... more Within the EU’s approach to crisis management, it is crucial to consider the point of view of all stakeholders to ensure that the crisis response is in line with European commitments towards local ownership and conflict sensitivity. This EUNPACK Policy Brief discusses the perceptions of those who have been exposed to the EU’s responses to the crisis unfolding in Libya. It is based on the results of a survey completed in the summer of 2017 by 228 respondents. It highlights, on the one hand, that while the EU is the most widely-known international actor involved in crisis response in Libya, the impact of its initiatives is less visible, thereby prompting a certain degree of dissatisfaction, if not of scepticism. This reaction is particularly pronounced remarkable among ethnic minorities living in peripheral regions. On the other hand, the EU is particularly praised for its initiatives in the fields of humanitarian assistance and capacity building, targeting most notably the most vulnerable social groups.
For more information on EUNPACK project, see http://www.eunpack.eu/.
Geopolitics, 2021
This paper discusses uses and misuses of EU border management models and strategies in the framew... more This paper discusses uses and misuses of EU border management models and strategies in the framework of crisis response interventions in the Southern and Eastern neighbourhoods. It focuses especially on Libya and Ukraine, cases which dramatically stand out as the conflicts at the gates of Europe. The deployment of border management instruments appears to follow different trajectories in the two countries, diverging in terms of both design and implementation. By relying on collaborative research materials resulting from extensive fieldwork, the paper argues that the differentiation of EU's interventions across the ENP countries can be explained as the result of growing political and institutional fragmentation in the EU, the replacement of the "transformative power"-mantra with new stabilization templates and weak strategic consistency among member states, each conveying different security identities and interests vis-à-vis EU's external actions and sectors. Primary data, collected between 2016 and 2018, does not point to an increase in conflict-sensitivity, context-specificity and local ownership, they rather reveal the crisis of the EU´s liberal project.
Working Paper D6.02 EUNPACK, 2018
L'Année du Maghreb, Jul 5, 2017
Les soulèvements de 2011 dans le monde arabe ont eu une dimension territoriale certaine, mettant ... more Les soulèvements de 2011 dans le monde arabe ont eu une dimension territoriale certaine, mettant en relief l’importance des aspects territoriaux des politiques publiques et leurs échecs en termes d’équité et de développement. La décentralisation, comme dispositif de re-légitimation institutionnelle, a alors connu un moment de succès.
Dans ce cadre, la Tunisie et la Libye représentent deux pays qui ont connu de véritables bouleversements politiques en 2011 : dans ces deux cas, les régimes politiques sont tellement enracinés dans les institutions que la reconstruction post-révolutionnaire de l’Etat est sensée être radicale. Les évolutions en termes de stabilité se posent presque aux extrémités, mais la décentralisation y a rapidement émergé comme composante essentielle de la réforme du système politique, en étant un élément phare du changement constitutionnel (Tunisie) ou précédant ce dernier (Libye). Les auteurs se proposent ici de comparer le processus de construction des politiques de décentralisation après la chute desdits régimes, en mettant l’accent sur l’importance de l’héritage institutionnel et politique d’une part, le rôle des acteurs locaux, d’autre part.
La comparaison des deux pays durant la phase de transition, renvoyant aux contextes politiques opposés, permet de saisir les rôles des vieux et nouveaux acteurs et l’articulation entre anciens et récents dispositifs institutionnels ainsi que l’émergence de nouvelles pratiques au niveau local. La question de la réponse que donne l’Etat à ces processus, à travers l’engagement – ou l’affichage de l’engagement – vers la décentralisation (Tunisie) et le gouvernement local (Libye), est ainsi problématique.
Dans les deux pays, la configuration des autorités municipales en phase de transition connaît des différences radicales dont l’analyse contribue à la compréhension de l’appareil de légitimation et reconstruction étatique aux différentes échelles. En ce sens, il est encore plus promettant d’analyser comment se positionnent les groupes locaux dans les deux différents contextes, entre reconfiguration institutionnelle nationale, programmes de développement et réorganisation des intérêts locaux qui précèdent la Révolution.
Social Movement Studies, 2019
This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings.... more This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in
Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings. It analyses the factors underpinning
the rise of the environmental networks during the period of
transition (2011–2014). It details the mobilising strategies that
were crucial for the networks’ growth or survival during this period
of institutional instability. The study shows how networks leaders
were able to bring together social and political actors from different
backgrounds and ideological orientations. It is argued that the
ability of networks to develop new distinctive collective identities
was crucial for network sustainability. Those networks and actors
who did not develop new clearly defined environmental identities
and continued to rely importantly on pre-existing (authoritarian)
structures and practices were more negatively impacted by ideological
cleavages and political calculations. Empirically, the contribution
builds on interviews and observations, as well as
documents collected from Tunisian municipalities between 2013
and 2015. Conceptually, the research proposes a bottom-up perspective
that highlights the interplay between micro- and macrodynamics
and strategies during a political transition. The analysis details the actors’ capacity to build alliances via interpersonal relations at the micro level, and their strategies to engage with institutional actors and processes.
In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction ... more In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction of political authority in the wake of regime change. Continuities of governance between the old and new regimes, the local emergence of new social and political actors, and the competition between new and old local actors, as well as between them and the central state, have challenged the authority of national institutions and elected officials. As national actors attempted to rein in local experiments with " direct democracy, " local politics generated resistance toward the Islamist-led Ennahda coalition.
Since the early 1990s, one of the main targets of local development reforms has been the contract... more Since the early 1990s, one of the main targets of local development reforms has been the contracting out of rubbish collection. As stated by several scholars, Tunisia economic and political reforms fall under the reengagement of the state in national and local politics. The contracting out of that service followed a similar path, and it came along with the strengthening of central political and fiscal authorities. Municipal councils were under the control of the ruling party as well, the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Démocratique (RCD). However in the long run, this apparent implementation caused the fragmentation of power structure and the rise of new politically relevant elites, both economic and political. Under this point of view, the analysis of waste management privatization and its unintended consequences represents a “laboratory” in which to analyze the long-run achievement of a regime change before 2011. The focus on local level is particularly important in order to detect crucial changes that top-down perspectives could have underestimated so far. The choice of two big cities is crucial in order to understand issues concerning implementation and its consequences. Well-off and touristic cities have been targeted by the regime as showcases to strengthen linkages with international moneylenders and tourism, and to protect authoritarian control. The analysis of touristic and well-off cities as such can shed light on further problems and strategies as set by national institutions and local actors before the Revolution. The paper focuses also on nearby poorer outlying neighborhoods, in order to focus on the urban-peripheries relationships related to waste management and to highlight differences in the quality of service.
Memorie Condivise. Popoli, stati, nazioni nel Mediterraneo e in Medio Oriente, 2013
Diacronie Studi Di Storia Contemporanea, 2011
1. L'Italia in Libia: l'ideologia della romanità ll'epoca della dichiarazione di guerra all'imper... more 1. L'Italia in Libia: l'ideologia della romanità ll'epoca della dichiarazione di guerra all'impero Ottomano, nell'ottobre 1911, l'Italia era un paese unificato da cinquant'anni. Mentre nel resto d'Europa gli Stati Nazione stavano ormai concludendo la fase dello "scramble for Africa", l'Italia del governo liberale giolittiano decideva di intraprendere la sua conquista coloniale dopo le disfatte di fine Ottocento a Dogali (1887) e Adua (1896) 1 , per acquisire prestigio internazionale e dare una soluzione ai problemi di povertà ed emigrazione transatlantica che da prima dell'unificazione
Rovesci della fortuna. La minoranza italiana in Libia dalla Seconda Guerra Mondiale all’espulsione, 2016
![Research paper thumbnail of Frontex's evolution from the undisputable to the untenable EU border agency [2022]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/101048581/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Security Praxis [ISSN 2784-9686], 2022
![Research paper thumbnail of Per Patrick Zaki: una situazione disperata per lo studente detenuto e i diritti umani in Egitto [2020]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/101048472/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Centro Studi Piero Gobetti [sito internet], 2020
Osservatorio Iraq, Oct 30, 2014
Osservatorio Iraq, Jul 2, 2014
Presidential Power Blog, Dec 23, 2014
Presidential Power Blog, Nov 27, 2014
Democracy in Africa Blog, Apr 9, 2015
Mese dopo mese queste pagine registrano progressi e difficoltà nel realizzare le speranze della p... more Mese dopo mese queste pagine registrano progressi e difficoltà nel realizzare le speranze della primavera araba un anno dopo il suo inizio. Gli sviluppi in Siria confermano, per ora, il peso decisivo delle forze al potere. Qui, per il momento, la primavera appare abortita. Probabilmente si tratta di un rinvio, difficilmente potendo Assad e il suo gruppo al potere governare unicamente grazie alla forza delle armi. La Libia, di cui si occupa questo numero dell'Osservatorio, è invece paradigmatica delle difficoltà del percorso. E' stato lungo e sanguinoso liberarsi della dittatura di
![Research paper thumbnail of Women's political participation to the Libyan revolution. A first analysis. [2012]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/42971589/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](
I guaritori cosiddetti "tradizionali", dediti a forme di cura alternative alla medicina scientifi... more I guaritori cosiddetti "tradizionali", dediti a forme di cura alternative alla medicina scientifi ca, hanno suscitato e continuano a suscitare molto interesse. Esistono diverse raccolte di interviste e antologie di racconti sul tema, spesso legate a una letteratura in riscoperta della cultura folkloristica locale. Il presente volume, dedicato all'attività dei componenti della famiglia Gerbi, guaritori "settimini" vissuti a Valleandona d'Asti fi no alla morte dell'ultima componente nel 2010, rappresenta un'innovazione nella letteratura sul tema: all'approfondita analisi socio-antropologica della loro azione e dei loro poteri si affi anca la ricchezza di materiale sulla domanda di chi aveva bisogno del loro intervento, aff atto insolita in questa letteratura. Il lavoro riproduce infatti alcuni quaderni sui quali i devoti dei Gerbi annotavano le loro richieste, che potevano riguardare la salute, il lavoro, gli aff ari, ma anche l'equilibrio dei rapporti familiari e sociali. Nello stesso tempo l'analisi approfondisce la storia dei Gerbi, studiandone i gesti e i relativi resoconti che ne danno i devoti, e sottolineandone la capacità di porsi in dialogo sincretico e culturalmente creativo (mai sostitutivo) con le credenze cristiano-cattoliche e con le pratiche scientifi che.
Religioni E Societa, 2011
Religioni E Societa, 2011
Following the 2011 upheavals around the Arab world, the scholarship focused attention on the role... more Following the 2011 upheavals around the Arab world, the scholarship focused attention on the role played by social media and digital networks. Scholars acknowledged that social media had not caused revolutions but rather facilitated collective action. The dramatic change in the information environment over the previous decade had boosted youth and activist competencies in organising collective action and transmitting information from the local to the international level.
How is digital activism changing after the 2011 revolutions? The processes of political transitions have stolen attention from the revolutionary power of digital media. Youth, the principle actors of the digital public sphere, have gone back to social activism focusing on specific campaigns, confirming the contingent and temporary nature of the linkage between social media and revolution. Nevertheless, digital media has become a new arena for self-expression. Youth are now able to develop and broadcast debates, videos and information having multiple political implications beyond challenging ruling coalitions.
In this context, the dialogue between religious and secular/non-religious movements is highly compelling and worthy of further study. For a number of the participants in the Arab uprisings, the real change since 2011 has been the opportunity to debate matters formerly considered taboo and violently repressed, such as atheism and non-religious visions of public space. By mobilising on social media, non-religious groups and individuals have drawn attention from traditional media, such as private TV channels, radio stations and newspapers, and sparked an unprecedented, albeit contentious, dialogue.
Following the Arab revolutions, youth have gained the ability to construct and reconstruct their relations with the state through social media and new debates. The paper will analyse some of the digital activism of non-religious movements that have occurred in Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco after 2011 and more specifically since 2013. These cases have had off-line implications and created informal and temporary mobilisations, in particular during the months of Ramadan. The campaigns have been aimed at spreading information related to a non-religious way of life. They were developed by youth claiming the legitimacy of an explicitly secular and non-religious approach to living; rejecting the religious categories of “apostate,” “blasphemer,” “infidel” and, in general, the charge of having disrupted the public order and morality.
The paper, based on qualitative research and informal interviews, will grant particular attention to the digital mobilisations that have created off-line debates with different actors and/or collective actions in the name of these claims. It will investigate how actors seized on social media in order to organise mobilisations and what consequences they have had in the off-line context. The article will explore the role of digital media in the overlooked aspects of informal irreligious and non-religious youth mobilisations in the Arab World and their reception after 2011. The analysis of non-religious and atheist digital mobilisations could shed some light on real implications of political change and the multiple state-society relations emerging after 2011, while stressing the evolution of the social media and digital arena roles.
In alcune aree del territorio italiano sono presenti guaritori definiti dalla letteratura antropo... more In alcune aree del territorio italiano sono presenti guaritori definiti dalla letteratura antropologica e sociologica del secolo scorso “guaritori di campagna”. L’astigiano non fa eccezione e conta alcuni di questi guaritori tra i suoi abitanti, che nel dialetto locale vengono definiti “sedmin”, settimini.
Autori del secolo scorso come Ernesto de Martino, Vittorio Lanternari, Lombardi Satriani e altri, hanno tracciato vie interessanti per l’analisi di questo fenomeno. Al giorno d’oggi, tuttavia, gli studi che si confrontano con casi moderni di settimini, in particolare, non sono più così abbondanti.
Nel paper che si propone si presenterà una famiglia di contadini della provincia di Asti che per due generazioni ha compiuto il “lavoro” di settimino. In particolare, attraverso le memorie di coloro che ai settimini si sono rivolti si intende approfondire alcune questioni relative alle forme di religione popolare oggi. Innanzitutto focalizzando alcune istanze della devozione in esame: l’eterogeneità nei tipi di richieste sottoposte ai settimini, le interpretazioni sul potere dei settimini che alcuni devoti hanno elaborato, e l’uso che facevano i settimini di un quadro detto “del Santo Padre”. Di conseguenza, si intende riprendere l’analisi dei guaritori tradizionali discutendo alcuni aspetti della letteratura consolidata, come la collocazione dei guaritori nel solo mondo rurale, la questione dei momenti di crisi individuale, per sottolineare l’evoluzione e la modellizzazione sincretica di saperi tra mondo contadino e conoscenze scientifiche e religiose extra-occidentali, e, di conseguenza, la creatività nell’elaborazione degli individui di proposte taumaturgiche o domande di soccorso, di fronte a dubbi e “rischi esistenziali” del quotidiano.
Journal of European Public Policy, Apr 19, 2023
L'Année du Maghreb
Au lendemain de la chute du régime Kadhafi, lorsque le Conseil national de transition soutenu par... more Au lendemain de la chute du régime Kadhafi, lorsque le Conseil national de transition soutenu par l’OTAN a proclamé le début de la transition du pays dans l’aout 2011, une inquiétude croissante s’est manifestée quant à la future configuration institutionnelle de la Libye et à la nécessité de désigner de nouvelles autorités par des élections. Depuis lors, les élections ont été considérées par de nombreux chercheur.e.s internationaux comme des critères permettant de mesurer les progrès du changement de régime en Libye et de statuer sur l’(im)possibilité de la démocratie et l’incapacité de la société libyenne à mettre en place des modes de gouvernance institutionnalisés. Plusieurs études critiques ont abordé le changement politique en Afrique du Nord et au Moyen-Orient après 2011 en déplaçant l’attention des institutions et de la compréhension procédurale de la praxis démocratique au plus près de la société et de ses transformations structurales, en soulignant le rôle des mobilisations populaires visant à remettre en question les décisions de la classe dirigeante, à articuler des demandes politiques alternatives à celles articulées par les autorités intérimaires, ou encore à rejeter des élections considérées comme des simples outils de la « mise en scène de la démocratie » (Benzenine, 2020 ; Gana et Van Hamme, 2020). Cependant, rarement ces perspectives ont été appliquées à l’analyse de la Libye d’après-Kadhafi, où l’acquisition axiomatique de l’existence d’un lien positif entre les élections et la transition démocratique a occulté les potentialités d’un débat englobant toutes les politiques du devenir qui se déroulent même à travers des mobilisations politiques qui échappent et souvent contestent la dynamique électorale. Le choix de l’élection comme la priorité absolue de la Libye post-Kadhafi et le moyen de mettre fin aux rivalités entre les autorités intérimaires, pourtant, n’a jamais été interrogé de façon critique. Dans ces lectures, l’abstentionnisme ou la pratique de délégitimation des autorités élues ont été attribués au manque de la part des citoyens libyens de culture politique démocratique et de la connaissance des instruments institutionnels tant au niveau individuel que collectif, après quelques 42 ans de dictature. Notre contribution soutient qu’il est nécessaire de se départir de ces conceptions normatives du politique en général pour formuler un autre regard et débattre des formes alternatives de gouvernance délibérative. Nous proposons de renverser la perspective transitologique qui se penche sur l’absence, le report ou l’inefficacité des élections libyennes pour expliquer l’obstacle à l’émergence d’un État démocratique. C’est le manque de canaux efficaces pour promouvoir un débat véritablement inclusif sur la Libye postrévolutionnaire qui entrave la possibilité d’achever le processus de révolution d’un système de pouvoir oppressif, excluant et corrompu initié par le soulèvement du 17 février 2011. Afin d’éclairer le scénario politique actuel, nous proposons ici de reconsidérer le politique par le bas, là où les seules perturbations à l’ordre du modèle néo-libéral ont été détectés jusqu’à présent – et donc désignées par les termes de « chaos », « d’absence d’État » ou de « culture politique ». En adoptant une approche qui se veut centrée sur les stratégies et pratiques de renégociation du politique par les Libyen.ne.s, et raisonnant donc en termes de politique du devenir plutôt qu’en termes de politique de la transition (Dakhlia, 2016), cette analyse requiert de reconsidérer les expériences historiques d’expérimentations politiques et mobilisations sociales qui ont caractérisée le pays dans la longue durée comme des précédents utiles à mieux saisir les formes actuelles d’engagement politique aux niveaux individuelle et collective. Pour faire cela, nous nous inspirons de l’historiographie sur la Libye moderne, afin de donner une perspective diachronique au débat sur les pratiques multiformes de participation, de légitimation et de délibération politiques dans le pays, au-delà du modèle néolibéral de démocratie. L’enjeu est d’interroger les raisons pour lesquelles les organes représentatifs transitoires de la Libye ne se sont simplement pas effondrés au lendemain des premières élections de juillet 2012 mais, au contraire, ont essaimés en centres de pouvoir rivaux ainsi que, dans certains cas, en institutions fantômes, tout en donnant naissance à des organes locales plus efficaces au niveau infranational. La perspective historique montre, en effet, que ces stratégies de mobilisation conflictuelle témoignent non pas du refus des procédures démocratiques, mais plutôt de la partialité des procédures de représentation des autorités transitoires. Les formes actuelles de mobilisation individuelle et collective, alternatives et même opposées à la démocratie électorale, peuvent constituer des moyens de participer au processus d’articulation d’imaginaires radicalement nouveaux pour les présents de la…
L'Année du Maghreb
Introduction du Dossier spécial. Depuis la thawra fibrayir (« la révolution de février ») et la c... more Introduction du Dossier spécial. Depuis la thawra fibrayir (« la révolution de février ») et la chute du régime de Mu’ammar Kadhafi, la Libye connaît des changements sociopolitiques majeurs. Si la recherche s’est surtout attachée à analyser les conflits et à mettre en lumière les contradictions et les intérêts géopolitiques sous-jacents, la dimension sociale des transformations post-2011 reste en grande partie encore à étudier, en particulier la pluralité des modes de mobilisation et de participation politiques, qui s’inscrivent à la fois dans les cadres locaux et au sein d’une histoire et d’une géographie des mobilisations plus larges.Ce dossier entend poser les jalons d’une analyse attentive à cette dimension sociale et diachronique afin de questionner les formes du politique et, notamment, les dynamiques de reconstruction de la sphère publique et des luttes pour y prendre part. Malgré les difficultés d’accès au pays, chercheurs et chercheuses documentent et questionnent ces expérimentations et pratiques politiques au plus près des actrices et acteurs, en dehors des institutions, en portant un intérêt particulier aux variations des échelles (du macro au micro) et des temporalités (du passé au présent, et inversement). La pluralité de ces approches et des terrains invite ainsi à porter la réflexion au-delà de la « faillite de l’État » et des téléologies, pour penser le conflit et ses instances.
Recensione del volume Patria di parole. Autobiografia degli italiani di Libia, di Domenico Infant... more Recensione del volume Patria di parole. Autobiografia degli italiani di Libia, di Domenico Infantolin
La Révolution tunisienne, qui a ouvert la vague des Printemps arabes, a obligé les chercheurs à r... more La Révolution tunisienne, qui a ouvert la vague des Printemps arabes, a obligé les chercheurs à reconsidérer les analyses qui identifient la Tunisie comme exemple dans la transition démocratique ; en même temps l’enclenchement de mouvements de contestations au niveau national a aussi mis en discussion la tendance de l’État à confirmer sa persistance par le biais de son réengagement dans les reformes institutionnelles et économiques. Sous la pression des bailleurs des fonds à partir des années..
Within the EU’s approach to crisis management, it is crucial to consider the point of view of all... more Within the EU’s approach to crisis management, it is crucial to consider the point of view of all stakeholders to ensure that the crisis response is in line with European commitments towards local ownership and conflict sensitivity. This EUNPACK Policy Brief discusses the perceptions of those who have been exposed to the EU’s responses to the crisis unfolding in Libya. It is based on the results of a survey completed in the summer of 2017 by 228 respondents. It highlights, on the one hand, that while the EU is the most widely-known international actor involved in crisis response in Libya, the impact of its initiatives is less visible, thereby prompting a certain degree of dissatisfaction, if not of scepticism. This reaction is particularly pronounced remarkable among ethnic minorities living in peripheral regions. On the other hand, the EU is particularly praised for its initiatives in the fields of humanitarian assistance and capacity building, targeting most notably the most vulnerable social groups. For more information on EUNPACK project, see http://www.eunpack.eu/.
HISTORIA MAGISTRA, 2011
Le connessioni tra Italia e Libia non corrono solo sul filo delle amicizie tra il nostro premier ... more Le connessioni tra Italia e Libia non corrono solo sul filo delle amicizie tra il nostro premier Silvio Berlusconi e l'ancora colonnello Mu'ammar Gheddafi. Non si esauriscono nemmeno nella vicenda degli italiani rimpatriati dal governo rivoluzionario libico nel 1970, ancora oggi riuniti in associazioni dirette a promuovere l'esperienza di molti testimoni del periodo coloniale e dei loro discendenti. E nemmeno si consumano completamente nelle importanti analisi geopolitiche e strategiche di quello che sta avvenendo in Tripolitania e Cirenaica, ...
The Role of EU Agencies in the Eurozone and Migration Crisis, 2020
While scholarly literature on Frontex has mushroomed over the last decade, agency’s interaction w... more While scholarly literature on Frontex has mushroomed over the last decade, agency’s interaction with other EU Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) agencies has received less attention. It is the objective of this paper to analyse how the crisis has shaped the horizontal interactions between EU JHA agencies and ask whether these relations have either enhanced the law enforcement focus of EU JHA or, conversely, strengthened a human rights-promoting EU as a ‘Union of Values’. Empirically, the chapter assesses the relations of Frontex with other JHA-related agencies such as the European Asylum Support Office or the Fundamental Rights Agency before and after the 2015 migration crisis. We argue that despite an increased human rights sensitivity, the migration crisis has not substantially changed the border management approach of Frontex but rather consolidated law enforcement profile of interagency cooperation and led only to minor improvements of fundamental rights.
Middle East Law and Governance, 2021
Based on interviews with young Libyan professionals carried out between 2017 and 2018, this paper... more Based on interviews with young Libyan professionals carried out between 2017 and 2018, this paper examines their role as agenda-setters in international organizations operating in their country since 2011. The growing foreign demand for local expertise after the fall of the old regime was met mostly by the young activists who had helped organize the 2011 uprisings. For foreign organizations, Libyan youth have come to embody brokers, fixers, go-betweens, and persons-in-between, becoming key supporting actors in international project implementation. Despite the opportunities seemingly afforded by the collapse of the old regime, this paper shows that Libyan youth, torn between desires for political change and professional advancement, have struggled to influence the agendas of international organizations, leading to feelings of disenfranchisement. The transformative capacity of international projects is thus often limited by this new class of young, globalized elites who are disengaged...
Mediterranean Politics, 2020
Despite the bilateral commitment to engage in 'regular dialogue on issues related to mobility, mi... more Despite the bilateral commitment to engage in 'regular dialogue on issues related to mobility, migration and asylum', EU incentives have failed in leveraging Algeria to secure cooperation notwithstanding seemingly converging interests. What explains the Algerian endless resistance to the EU's pressure and incentives? This paper claims that a focus on the historical development of the Algerian security regime improves the understanding of its non-cooperative approach vis-à-vis the EU.
Social Movement Studies, 2018
This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings.... more This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings. It analyses the factors underpinning the rise of the environmental networks during the period of transition (2011-2014). It details the mobilising strategies that were crucial for the networks' growth or survival during this period of institutional instability. The study shows how networks leaders were able to bring together social and political actors from different backgrounds and ideological orientations. It is argued that the ability of networks to develop new distinctive collective identities was crucial for network sustainability. Those networks and actors who did not develop new clearly defined environmental identities and continued to rely importantly on pre-existing (authoritarian) structures and practices were more negatively impacted by ideological cleavages and political calculations. Empirically, the contribution builds on interviews and observations, as well as documents collected from Tunisian municipalities between 2013 and 2015. Conceptually, the research proposes a bottom-up perspective that highlights the interplay between micro-and macrodynamics and strategies during a political transition. The analysis details the actors' capacity to build alliances via interpersonal relations at the micro level, and their strategies to engage with institutional actors and processes.
The Middle East Journal, 2016
Abstract:In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the recons... more Abstract:In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction of political authority in the wake of regime change. Continuities of governance between the old and new regimes, the local emergence of new social and political actors, and the competition between new and old local actors, as well as between them and the central state, have challenged the authority of national institutions and elected officials. As national actors attempted to rein in local experiments with “direct democracy,” local politics generated resistance toward the Islamist-led Ennahda coalition.