Eva-Maria Roessler | Universidade Estadual de Campinas (original) (raw)
Papers by Eva-Maria Roessler
Linguisticæ Investigationes
The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential object... more The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential objects seem far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the Guaraní dom systems exhibit a differential treatment of certain direct objects within narrow syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that [+dom] direct objects scramble out of their base position into a higher, vP-internal, projection, namely αP (following López 2012). This short DO scrambling is derived including data from simple transitive, ditransitive, and applicative constructions as well as from object conjunction. The short scrambling within vP is followed by further direct object dislocation into a higher functional domain, an operation described in literature as triggered by φ-feature under T° and targeting a specifier in an expanded functional domain (Freitas 2011b). DOs that move out of their base position may be marked with the overt case marker, homophonous with dat case. The h...
Lingvisticae Investigationes (John Benjamins Publishing Company), 2019
The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential object... more The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential objects seem far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the Guaraní DOM systems exhibit a differential treatment of certain direct objects within narrow syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that [+DOM] direct objects scramble out of their base position into a higher, vP-internal, projection, namely αP (following López 2012). This short DO scrambling is derived including data from simple transitive, ditransitive, and applicative constructions as well as from object conjunction. The short scrambling within vP is followed by further direct object dislocation into a higher functional domain, an operation described in literature as triggered by φ-feature under T° and targeting a specifier in an expanded functional domain (Freitas 2011b). DOs that move out of their base position may be marked with the overt case marker, homophonous with DAT case. The homophony between DAT and DOM is conceived as morphological opacity in the Guaraní case. Syntactically, however, [+DOM] DOs pattern together with their zero-marked ACC counterparts, rather than with indirect objects.
Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 10, n. 2, p. 371-393, Sep 2015
This paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache cont... more This paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache contains restricted functional morphology when compared to most Tupí-Guaraní languages. Although erosion of inflection is attested in linear historical developments within this genetic context; the degree of inflectional erosion observed in Ache is exceptional. Ache lacks all TG prefixes, consequently, processes linked to person-number agreement, such as person hierarchy effects, are unattested. Ache enclitics for tense-aspect-mood marking (TAM) appear to be more similar to other TG languages. However, given closer examination, also for TAM considerable restructuring is revealed. Besides describing erosion and retention patterns of inflection, it is exemplified how Ache copes with the overall functional restructuring by generating innovative syntactic patterns and novel lexical items. Inspired by subclasses of inflection given in Roberts and Bresnan (2008), it becomes evident that inherent inflection (i.e. TAM) is far more stable in Ache than so-called contextual inflection (i.e. person, case); a characteristic result of contact induced grammar change. Thus, this study of inflectional restructuring contributes strong evidence for the long-standing hypothesis that Ache is a TG contact language (Dietrich, 1990; Rodrigues, 2000; Rößler, 2008).
Conference Presentations by Eva-Maria Roessler
Poster at ECR Workshop: The New Historical Linguistics and the World of Annotated Copora (IEL-Unicamp, 9 – 13 March 2015), 2015
Talks by Eva-Maria Roessler
With the latest descriptions of Tupí-Guaraní languages and comparative works, we feel called upon... more With the latest descriptions of Tupí-Guaraní languages and comparative works, we feel called upon a new analysis of internal structures of the TG language family, concentrating on the two most southern subgroups 1 and 2 (Rodrigues’ 1984/85 classification). A recent survey of Bolivian TG languages with particular focus on Siriono, Yuki, and the before undescribed
Jorá language (Danielsen & Gasparini, forthcoming), thus, already engaged in some comparative lexical and morphosyntactic research for southern TG groups.
For the here-proposed talk, we now focus on the grammatical category of postposition(s) and their additional function as Differential Object Markers (DOM) in transitive constructions. Our data set is rather extended, including (i) 4 Guaraní variations, namely Mbya, Paĩ Tavyterã/Kaiowa, Ava-Guaraní and Paraguayan Guaraní and their understudied sister language Aché (Rössler 2008 and forthcoming), all belonging to TG-subgroup-1 and (ii) to Siriono, Yuki, Guarayu, Jorá and the yet unclassified, but geographically close TG language Pauserna (von Horn Fitz Gibbon 1955), possibly all classifiable within subgroup-2.
By further analyzing the functioning mainly of cognates to Proto-Tupí-Guaraní {*-pe}, we intend to shed light on postpositional structures in TG, discussing their multiple uses in
locative adjuncts and on direct objects in transitive structure, a yet rather understudied aspect of TG grammar (Bossong 1985, Shain & Tonhauser 2011, Rößler forthcoming). In the centre
of analysis are phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic features of these markers. The comparative study is designed to provide further evidence for TG classification. Additionally
some of the languages involved have claimed to be grammatically restructured due to language contact. Thus, this research may feed into a recently up-coming debate on language change and language contact within this particular genetic context (Cabral 1995, Michael forthcoming, Rößler forthcoming).
References:
Bossong, Georg. 1985. Markierung von Aktantenfunktionen im Guaraní. In: Frans Plank (ed.), Relational typology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1-29.
Cabral, Ana Suelly. 1995. Contact Induced Language Change in the Western Amazon: The Non-Genetic Origin of the Kokama languages. PhD thesis, University of Pittsburgh.
Danielsen, Swintha & Noé Gasparini. forthcoming. News from the Jorá (Tupí-Guaraní) in the Bolivian Amazonia. In: Wolf Dietrich & Sebastian Drude (eds.), Etnolingüística.
Michael, Lev. forthcoming. On the Pre-Columbian Origin of Proto-Omagua-Kokama. Journal of Language Contact, 7(2).
Rodrigues, Aryon Dall’Igna. 1984/85. Relações internas na família lingüistica tupi-guarani. Revista de Anthropologia, Vol. 27/28, 33-53.
Rose, Françoise. forthcoming. When “you” and “I” mess around with the hierarchy. A comparative study of Tupi-Guarani hierarchical indexing systems. In: Wolf Dietrich &
Sebastian Drude (eds), Ethnolingüística.
Rößler, Eva-Maria. 2008. Aspetos da Gramática Achê. MA thesis, Universidade Estadual de Campinas.
Rößler, Eva-Maria. forthcoming. Inflectional Morphology Restructuring in Aché Discussing Grammar Change and Language Contact in Tupí-Guaraní Subgroup-1. In: Wolf Dietrich
& Sebastian Drude (eds), Ethnolingüística.
Shain, Cory, & Tonhauser, Judith. 2011. The synchrony and diachrony of differential object marking in Paraguayan Guaraní. Language Variation and Change, 22(3), 321-346.
von Horn Fitz Gibbon, Friedrich. 1955. Breves notas sobre la lengua de los indios Pausernas El Üaradu-ñe-e. Sociedad de Estudios Geograficos e Historicos, Santa Cruz de la Sierra.
Thesis Chapters by Eva-Maria Roessler
Ph.D. Thesis (Campinas University; UNICAMP), 2018
ABSTRACT Syntactic Effects of Inflectional Morphology Restructuring in Aché On Language Change a... more ABSTRACT
Syntactic Effects of Inflectional Morphology Restructuring in Aché
On Language Change and Language Contact in Tupí–Guaraní Subgroup–1
This dissertation presents a comparative study on the nature of contact-induced grammar change at the morphology–syntax interface in Aché. The language is for long considered an outlier or contact variety within the Tupí-Guaraní family (TG, Dietrich, 1990; Rodrigues, 1985, 2000). Using a formal and comparative approach to morphosyntax, I examine aspects of inflectional erosion and possibly associated syntactic restructuring in Aché when compared to several, contemporary varieties of Guaraní (Roessler, 2008, 2015). The Aché and Guaraní data are consistently presented in parallel fashion since some historical variety of Guaraní is taken to be the most likely lexical and grammatical source language in the emergence of Aché.
Three general goals guide this research: First, I aim at contributing to language documentation and description, specifically regarding the understudied TG language Aché. Second, this dissertation provides a formal study of historical developments and language contact phenomena in Aché grammar. And third, I introduce data from a novel genetic background into recent debates on language contact within the diachronic syntax framework. I suggest that extending the empirical base in this field may provide us with an unique opportunity to test and possibly revise long-standing generalizations in comparative syntax and (minimalist) parameter theory.
Guaraní languages are notoriously rich in agreement, allowing verbal marking of external and internal arguments. This system of agreement is governed by a person hierarchy (1P | 2P> 3P) and inverse argument alignment (Freitas, 2011a, b, Nevins and Sandalo, 2010, Oxford, 2015, 2017a, Sandalo, 2009, 2014, Zubizarreta and Pancheva, 2017). Aché, on the other hand, lost all agreement markers and seems almost isolating in structure. Additionally, I show that all Guaraní varieties and Aché display consistent differential object marking (DOM) patterns. The Aché system, however, underwent partial erosion of the morphology inventory of DOM (Roessler, 2015). In two case studies, I examine a diverse set of syntactic effects associated to this inflectional restructuring and the licensing of overt and null core arguments.
The first case, I specifically debate diachronic aspects of differential object marking (DOM) and object scrambling for Aché and the Guaraní cluster (see Shain and Tonhauser, 2011 on Paraguayan Guaraní). The data suggest that Guaraní differential objects are far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the DOM system also triggers particular operations in syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that presuppositional direct object (DOs) may scramble out of their base position into a higher vP– internal, projections (Lopéz, 2012). This short object scrambling is shown in simple transitive, ditransitive/applicative constructions as well as in constructions with object conjunction. Then, from within vP, another direct object scrambling operation is enabled in Guaraní, namely a φ– feature associated object dislocation into the TP–domain (see Freitas, 2011a, b).
For Aché, this, φ–feature related DO–scrambling seems to be entirely lost. I observe that full erosion of agreement and partial erosion of DOM in Aché led to very little change in word order patterns, despite clear alternation in the formal licensing of the involved syntactic operations. Provided the debate on DOM, I claim that Aché and Guaraní data equip us with novel evidence in support of a weak version of the so-called ‘Rich Agreement Hypothesis’ – RAH as suggested in Bobaljik and Thráinsson (1998).
The second case study is the first formal account of the nature of pro-drop in Aché and Guaraní. I demonstrate that current minimalist approaches to pro typologies allow us to formalize Guaraní pro-drop systems, even though several innovative aspects to the theoretical debate and the respective parameter theory come to light (Barbosa, 2011a; b; Holmberg, 2005; Roberts, 2010; Roberts and Holmberg, 2010). For Guaraní, I attest pro-drop patterns so far undescribed in specialized literature, which I refer to as Person Split Pro-Drop. In such a pattern both subjects and objects can be omitted and identified by verbal agreement. In addition, I observe the realization of null topics that occur in environments without agreement. The Guaraní system of pro-drop operates determined by the p—hierarchy and inverse voice. Guaraní-style agreement-based pro is licensed asymmetrically, differentiating local and non- local arguments, since φ-features under the T° and v° heads play a more decisive role than the grammatical function of the core arguments. Consequently, I argue that the licensing of pro in Guaraní languages can be modeled quite naturally once formal proposals on p—hierarchy and inverse alignment are both included in the account. Finally, I observed changes regarding null arguments found in Aché. Strikingly, there the complete erosion of verbal agreement does not lead to the erosion of pro-drop options. To the contrary, syntactic reanalysis in Aché yields a rather classical radical or discourse anchored pro-drop pattern, such as normally attested in East Asian languages (Huang, 1984, 1989).
In general, both case studies aim at demonstrating how contact-induced grammatical change at the morphology-syntax interface of TG outlier Aché can be formally understood.
KEYWORDS:
MA Thesis (IEL, Campinas University, Brazil), 2008
Linguisticæ Investigationes
The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential object... more The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential objects seem far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the Guaraní dom systems exhibit a differential treatment of certain direct objects within narrow syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that [+dom] direct objects scramble out of their base position into a higher, vP-internal, projection, namely αP (following López 2012). This short DO scrambling is derived including data from simple transitive, ditransitive, and applicative constructions as well as from object conjunction. The short scrambling within vP is followed by further direct object dislocation into a higher functional domain, an operation described in literature as triggered by φ-feature under T° and targeting a specifier in an expanded functional domain (Freitas 2011b). DOs that move out of their base position may be marked with the overt case marker, homophonous with dat case. The h...
Lingvisticae Investigationes (John Benjamins Publishing Company), 2019
The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential object... more The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential objects seem far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the Guaraní DOM systems exhibit a differential treatment of certain direct objects within narrow syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that [+DOM] direct objects scramble out of their base position into a higher, vP-internal, projection, namely αP (following López 2012). This short DO scrambling is derived including data from simple transitive, ditransitive, and applicative constructions as well as from object conjunction. The short scrambling within vP is followed by further direct object dislocation into a higher functional domain, an operation described in literature as triggered by φ-feature under T° and targeting a specifier in an expanded functional domain (Freitas 2011b). DOs that move out of their base position may be marked with the overt case marker, homophonous with DAT case. The homophony between DAT and DOM is conceived as morphological opacity in the Guaraní case. Syntactically, however, [+DOM] DOs pattern together with their zero-marked ACC counterparts, rather than with indirect objects.
Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 10, n. 2, p. 371-393, Sep 2015
This paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache cont... more This paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache contains restricted functional morphology when compared to most Tupí-Guaraní languages. Although erosion of inflection is attested in linear historical developments within this genetic context; the degree of inflectional erosion observed in Ache is exceptional. Ache lacks all TG prefixes, consequently, processes linked to person-number agreement, such as person hierarchy effects, are unattested. Ache enclitics for tense-aspect-mood marking (TAM) appear to be more similar to other TG languages. However, given closer examination, also for TAM considerable restructuring is revealed. Besides describing erosion and retention patterns of inflection, it is exemplified how Ache copes with the overall functional restructuring by generating innovative syntactic patterns and novel lexical items. Inspired by subclasses of inflection given in Roberts and Bresnan (2008), it becomes evident that inherent inflection (i.e. TAM) is far more stable in Ache than so-called contextual inflection (i.e. person, case); a characteristic result of contact induced grammar change. Thus, this study of inflectional restructuring contributes strong evidence for the long-standing hypothesis that Ache is a TG contact language (Dietrich, 1990; Rodrigues, 2000; Rößler, 2008).
Poster at ECR Workshop: The New Historical Linguistics and the World of Annotated Copora (IEL-Unicamp, 9 – 13 March 2015), 2015
With the latest descriptions of Tupí-Guaraní languages and comparative works, we feel called upon... more With the latest descriptions of Tupí-Guaraní languages and comparative works, we feel called upon a new analysis of internal structures of the TG language family, concentrating on the two most southern subgroups 1 and 2 (Rodrigues’ 1984/85 classification). A recent survey of Bolivian TG languages with particular focus on Siriono, Yuki, and the before undescribed
Jorá language (Danielsen & Gasparini, forthcoming), thus, already engaged in some comparative lexical and morphosyntactic research for southern TG groups.
For the here-proposed talk, we now focus on the grammatical category of postposition(s) and their additional function as Differential Object Markers (DOM) in transitive constructions. Our data set is rather extended, including (i) 4 Guaraní variations, namely Mbya, Paĩ Tavyterã/Kaiowa, Ava-Guaraní and Paraguayan Guaraní and their understudied sister language Aché (Rössler 2008 and forthcoming), all belonging to TG-subgroup-1 and (ii) to Siriono, Yuki, Guarayu, Jorá and the yet unclassified, but geographically close TG language Pauserna (von Horn Fitz Gibbon 1955), possibly all classifiable within subgroup-2.
By further analyzing the functioning mainly of cognates to Proto-Tupí-Guaraní {*-pe}, we intend to shed light on postpositional structures in TG, discussing their multiple uses in
locative adjuncts and on direct objects in transitive structure, a yet rather understudied aspect of TG grammar (Bossong 1985, Shain & Tonhauser 2011, Rößler forthcoming). In the centre
of analysis are phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic features of these markers. The comparative study is designed to provide further evidence for TG classification. Additionally
some of the languages involved have claimed to be grammatically restructured due to language contact. Thus, this research may feed into a recently up-coming debate on language change and language contact within this particular genetic context (Cabral 1995, Michael forthcoming, Rößler forthcoming).
References:
Bossong, Georg. 1985. Markierung von Aktantenfunktionen im Guaraní. In: Frans Plank (ed.), Relational typology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1-29.
Cabral, Ana Suelly. 1995. Contact Induced Language Change in the Western Amazon: The Non-Genetic Origin of the Kokama languages. PhD thesis, University of Pittsburgh.
Danielsen, Swintha & Noé Gasparini. forthcoming. News from the Jorá (Tupí-Guaraní) in the Bolivian Amazonia. In: Wolf Dietrich & Sebastian Drude (eds.), Etnolingüística.
Michael, Lev. forthcoming. On the Pre-Columbian Origin of Proto-Omagua-Kokama. Journal of Language Contact, 7(2).
Rodrigues, Aryon Dall’Igna. 1984/85. Relações internas na família lingüistica tupi-guarani. Revista de Anthropologia, Vol. 27/28, 33-53.
Rose, Françoise. forthcoming. When “you” and “I” mess around with the hierarchy. A comparative study of Tupi-Guarani hierarchical indexing systems. In: Wolf Dietrich &
Sebastian Drude (eds), Ethnolingüística.
Rößler, Eva-Maria. 2008. Aspetos da Gramática Achê. MA thesis, Universidade Estadual de Campinas.
Rößler, Eva-Maria. forthcoming. Inflectional Morphology Restructuring in Aché Discussing Grammar Change and Language Contact in Tupí-Guaraní Subgroup-1. In: Wolf Dietrich
& Sebastian Drude (eds), Ethnolingüística.
Shain, Cory, & Tonhauser, Judith. 2011. The synchrony and diachrony of differential object marking in Paraguayan Guaraní. Language Variation and Change, 22(3), 321-346.
von Horn Fitz Gibbon, Friedrich. 1955. Breves notas sobre la lengua de los indios Pausernas El Üaradu-ñe-e. Sociedad de Estudios Geograficos e Historicos, Santa Cruz de la Sierra.
Ph.D. Thesis (Campinas University; UNICAMP), 2018
ABSTRACT Syntactic Effects of Inflectional Morphology Restructuring in Aché On Language Change a... more ABSTRACT
Syntactic Effects of Inflectional Morphology Restructuring in Aché
On Language Change and Language Contact in Tupí–Guaraní Subgroup–1
This dissertation presents a comparative study on the nature of contact-induced grammar change at the morphology–syntax interface in Aché. The language is for long considered an outlier or contact variety within the Tupí-Guaraní family (TG, Dietrich, 1990; Rodrigues, 1985, 2000). Using a formal and comparative approach to morphosyntax, I examine aspects of inflectional erosion and possibly associated syntactic restructuring in Aché when compared to several, contemporary varieties of Guaraní (Roessler, 2008, 2015). The Aché and Guaraní data are consistently presented in parallel fashion since some historical variety of Guaraní is taken to be the most likely lexical and grammatical source language in the emergence of Aché.
Three general goals guide this research: First, I aim at contributing to language documentation and description, specifically regarding the understudied TG language Aché. Second, this dissertation provides a formal study of historical developments and language contact phenomena in Aché grammar. And third, I introduce data from a novel genetic background into recent debates on language contact within the diachronic syntax framework. I suggest that extending the empirical base in this field may provide us with an unique opportunity to test and possibly revise long-standing generalizations in comparative syntax and (minimalist) parameter theory.
Guaraní languages are notoriously rich in agreement, allowing verbal marking of external and internal arguments. This system of agreement is governed by a person hierarchy (1P | 2P> 3P) and inverse argument alignment (Freitas, 2011a, b, Nevins and Sandalo, 2010, Oxford, 2015, 2017a, Sandalo, 2009, 2014, Zubizarreta and Pancheva, 2017). Aché, on the other hand, lost all agreement markers and seems almost isolating in structure. Additionally, I show that all Guaraní varieties and Aché display consistent differential object marking (DOM) patterns. The Aché system, however, underwent partial erosion of the morphology inventory of DOM (Roessler, 2015). In two case studies, I examine a diverse set of syntactic effects associated to this inflectional restructuring and the licensing of overt and null core arguments.
The first case, I specifically debate diachronic aspects of differential object marking (DOM) and object scrambling for Aché and the Guaraní cluster (see Shain and Tonhauser, 2011 on Paraguayan Guaraní). The data suggest that Guaraní differential objects are far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the DOM system also triggers particular operations in syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that presuppositional direct object (DOs) may scramble out of their base position into a higher vP– internal, projections (Lopéz, 2012). This short object scrambling is shown in simple transitive, ditransitive/applicative constructions as well as in constructions with object conjunction. Then, from within vP, another direct object scrambling operation is enabled in Guaraní, namely a φ– feature associated object dislocation into the TP–domain (see Freitas, 2011a, b).
For Aché, this, φ–feature related DO–scrambling seems to be entirely lost. I observe that full erosion of agreement and partial erosion of DOM in Aché led to very little change in word order patterns, despite clear alternation in the formal licensing of the involved syntactic operations. Provided the debate on DOM, I claim that Aché and Guaraní data equip us with novel evidence in support of a weak version of the so-called ‘Rich Agreement Hypothesis’ – RAH as suggested in Bobaljik and Thráinsson (1998).
The second case study is the first formal account of the nature of pro-drop in Aché and Guaraní. I demonstrate that current minimalist approaches to pro typologies allow us to formalize Guaraní pro-drop systems, even though several innovative aspects to the theoretical debate and the respective parameter theory come to light (Barbosa, 2011a; b; Holmberg, 2005; Roberts, 2010; Roberts and Holmberg, 2010). For Guaraní, I attest pro-drop patterns so far undescribed in specialized literature, which I refer to as Person Split Pro-Drop. In such a pattern both subjects and objects can be omitted and identified by verbal agreement. In addition, I observe the realization of null topics that occur in environments without agreement. The Guaraní system of pro-drop operates determined by the p—hierarchy and inverse voice. Guaraní-style agreement-based pro is licensed asymmetrically, differentiating local and non- local arguments, since φ-features under the T° and v° heads play a more decisive role than the grammatical function of the core arguments. Consequently, I argue that the licensing of pro in Guaraní languages can be modeled quite naturally once formal proposals on p—hierarchy and inverse alignment are both included in the account. Finally, I observed changes regarding null arguments found in Aché. Strikingly, there the complete erosion of verbal agreement does not lead to the erosion of pro-drop options. To the contrary, syntactic reanalysis in Aché yields a rather classical radical or discourse anchored pro-drop pattern, such as normally attested in East Asian languages (Huang, 1984, 1989).
In general, both case studies aim at demonstrating how contact-induced grammatical change at the morphology-syntax interface of TG outlier Aché can be formally understood.
KEYWORDS:
MA Thesis (IEL, Campinas University, Brazil), 2008