CRiSSMA UC | Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore (Catholic University of the Sacred Heart) (original) (raw)
Papers by CRiSSMA UC
CRiSSMA Working Papers, 2019
As water takes the shape of its container but maintains its own features, the Huthis of Yemen hav... more As water takes the shape of its container but maintains its own features, the Huthis of Yemen have demonstrated great adaptability to a fluid domestic and regional context, thanks also to a vague political identity. Framing the Huthi movement in the Yemeni Zaydi Shia tradition, this contribution explores the evolution of the Huthis as a political movement and militia, from the Saada wars (200410) to the civil conflict started in 2015. Viewing the Huthis as political actors within Yemen’s multiple geographies, it contends that the northern insurgents have been able to capitalize on internal and external dynamics, embodying a form of populist elitism. Pursuing the autonomy of the northern highlands, the Huthis have formally and informally penetrated the state they used to contest, transforming from local insurgents into, paradoxically, national contenders in a fractured and polycentric Yemen, despite their persistent local identity and goals.
Five years after the uprisings that marked the end of one of the most brutal dictatorships histor... more Five years after the uprisings that marked the end of one of the most brutal dictatorships history ever witnessed, Libya is still on the brink. Notwithstanding its huge economic, human and geopolitical potential, the country is still straddling be- tween the promises of a new era and the perils of fragmenta- tion. The history of the post-Qaddafi Libya is a tale of squan- dered opportunities, internal strife and external interfer- ences. However, all these difficulties did not completely erad- icate hope. Hope in a future able to reverse the legacy of ha- tred and instability left by the civil war and in the promises set forth by a “spring” whose importance – despite all the difficul- ties that followed the 2011 events – is still strong and vivid in the minds of the population.
The process that should have transformed the country into a model of democracy, prosperity and stability began to come under growing strain somewhere between 2012 and 2014. On 11 September 2012 the assassination of US Ambassador Chris- topher Stevens in Benghazi shed light on a socio-political and security scenario that, almost a year after the toppling of the Qaddafi regime and a few months (August 2012) after the proclamation of the General National Council (GNC) was far from being rosy, challenged by a series of internal and exter- nal factors that came to threaten the very foundations of the Libyan system. A situation well reflected by the fall, between October 2012 and June 2014, of three cabinets (the ones led by Mr. Mustafa Abushaghur, Mr. Ali Zeidan and Mr. Abdullah al-Thani) and – even more – by the deep fissures that emerged with the 2014 elections. The outcome of the voting was fiercely contested by an array of different political and paramilitary forces that refused to recognize the new parlia- ment. Their occupation of the capital and the plea for prose- cution of the GNC mandate was met by stiff local and interna- tional opposition that in any case proved unable to protect the new assembly.
Threatened by growing insecurity and turmoil, most of the members of the newly elected parliament abandoned Tripoli and reconvened in Tobruk, where they could count on the protection of the forces loyal to Gen. Khalifa Haftar. From that moment on two distinct bodies (the assemblies in Tripoli and Tobruk) claimed to be the sole legitimate representative of a country that began to crumble under competing interests and growing financial stress. The impasse was followed by fierce military clashes that contributed to the fragmentation of the nascent Libyan institutions and to the emergence of a broad array of actors who did not hesitate to exploit the situa- tion to fill the socio-political vacuum. Among them there were forces loyal to the self-proclaimed “Islamic State” that, despite being limited to a restricted string of territories (mainly Der- na, Sirte and more recently Sabratha) and being backed by a few thousand militants, claimed to represent a third autono- mous decisional centre, de facto contributing to the deepening fragmentation of the country.
To respond to the polarisation that affected the country and to the growing instability, the international community launched – under the auspices of the United Nations – a se- ries of diplomatic efforts that led to the so-called Skhirat Agreement. The deal, signed in Morocco in December 2015, paved the way for the creation of a unified government and for the beginning of a new phase for the Libyan system. A passage that, while marred by important internal opposition and competing external agendas, seems to reflect the desire of the huge majority of the Libyan population, setting the conditions for a reconciliation process that – albeit difficult – is still possible.
It is within this framework that CRiSSMA – with the support of the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs – organized during the second half of 2015 a series of closed Italian-Libyan roundtables aimed at deepening the understanding of the complex equilibriums governing the Libyan scenario and at defining a set of concrete measures that could be implement- ed to support Libyan reconciliation and reconstruction pro- cesses. Among the initiatives realized, CRiSSMA convened a group of experts tasked with the drafting of targeted working papers aimed at tackling some of the main challenges affect- ing the current Libyan scenario.
In his opening chapter, Dr. Arturo Varvelli addresses the deep causes and distant origins that fed the extremely critical period Libya recently went through, from weak national Liby- an identity to the controversial legacies of the 2011 civil war. In particular, the author analyses the impact and significance of the Skhirat agreement, its enforcement and sustainability, the challenges related to integrations of the militias in the Libyan security forces and, finally, the role and extent of ji- hadi groups’ activities in the country.
The second chapter drafted by Dr. Claudia Gazzini pre- sents a detailed analysis of the most important implications stemming from “the battle for Libya’s oil and revenues”. The au- thor underlines how the ongoing quest for Libya’s hydrocar- bon infrastructure and resources perfectly condenses the countless challenges posed by the post-Qaddafi transition era.
According to Dr. Gazzini, the recovery of the Libyan econom- ic sector should be considered a priority of any unity govern- ment as well as a confidence-building measure able to strengthen mutual trust among all the belligerents.
In the third chapter, Dr. Mattia Toaldo describes the posi- tive impact exerted by local administrations on the peace- making process, focusing in particular on the conditions that led to the successful establishment of several cease-fires, espe- cially in the eastern part of the country. As the paper under- lines, although partially under-estimated, Libyan municipali- ties remain one of the few democratically elected institutions that continue to enjoy significant popular credibility, thanks also to their ability to deliver services to a population long ne- glected by central governments and institutions. According to Dr. Toaldo, municipalities should be supported in improving service delivery, institutional resilience, urban planning, eco- nomic regulations and, finally, in their ability to act as neutral forums for the multiple socio-political actors claiming to rep- resent Libyan interests and positions.
In the last chapter, Dr. Giovanni Parigi reconsiders the current Libyan scenario through the lenses of the lessons learned in Iraq since 2003. As the author points out, although huge differences separate the two case studies, they share the experience of the disruptive role of militias and rentierism as well as the controversial legacy of pervasive regimes, civil wars and jihadist activism. Dr. Parigi stresses the importance of power-sharing agreements and political reforms as necessary conditions for the setting up of national security forces. At the same time, this will also require flexibility towards local bal- ances of power, given the strong relationship between mili- tias, local communities and tribes. Accordingly, in order to avoid the mistakes made in Iraq with the demobilization of the pro-American and pro-government Sunni militias of the Sahwa, it will be of strategic importance to integrate reconcil- able militias within the framework of a Libyan National Guard.
All these analyses maintain their significance, beyond the confusing pace of events, conflict decisions and diverging narratives which characterize the current Libyan scenario, of- fering the reader a valuable key to understanding them.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the course of state building dur- ing the Mandate period as a... more The aim of this paper is to analyze the course of state building dur- ing the Mandate period as a dynamic process which gave rise to a new socio-political field, both modern and traditional at the same time: the Hashemite state of Transjordan (1923). The state-building process was not only a direct consequence of the interaction between Hashemite and British interests in the Near East, but rather the result of the inter- action and effective overlap of these elements with the particular socio- political tribal system of Transjordan. Firstly, the paper will describe the local socio-political structure of Transjordan during the 19th cen- tury. It was during that period that the process of intertwining and overlapping between the logic of the ‘tribe’ and that of the ‘state’ began. Secondly, the paper describes the particular administrative structure of the Hashemite Emirate of Transjordan, which was based on a division between tribal administration and modern European administration. Thirdly, the paper describes how British colonial policies worked with the Hashemite method of rule and how the Muslim and Christians tribes of Transjordan reacted, raising the first political national move- ment and signing the National Pact (1929-1936). Finally, the paper de- scribes the achievements of the British-Hashemite and National Pact.
Reading texts in local languages and translating them represent an essential instrument to know o... more Reading texts in local languages and translating them represent an essential instrument to know other cultures and to engage in a fruitful dialogue with the ‘Other’, leading to mutual understanding, respect and constructive interactions in many scientific fields. That is a reality, well espressed by Dr. Hend Al-Sudairy in the first article of this Working Paper, through the focus on literary translation and the cross-cultural borrowing between the Arab world and the European continent.
The article by Elena Maestri puts emphasis on the Other’s language as expression of a different cultural dimension, which needs to be un- derstood and interpreted in all its forms of communication. Within the wider Arab world and its regional specificities, the Arabian cultural context of the Gulf is tackled with reference to its unique cultural mi- lieu, its shared sense of history and values. Within this dimension, the author’s analysis focuses on Tradition and Modernity between differ- ent forms of communication, towards the creation of knowledge-based societies in the region.
The article by Beatrice Nicolini is focused on the Swahili civilization and culture. Within an ‘interlinked cluster’ like the Indian Ocean, the Swahili civilization arose at the confluence between the continental world of East Africa and the maritime worlds of the Indian Ocean, which is visible in every aspect of their culture. Similar tendencies char- acterise the Hadhrami coast of Arabia and the Malabar coast of India, and even beyond in the Indonesian archipelago. They were part of a global unity that long preceded the capitalist unification of the world starting from the sixteenth century.
This volume collects some female educational perspectives, with special focus on Saudi Arabia. Th... more This volume collects some female educational perspectives, with special focus on Saudi Arabia.
The introduction is by Hatoon Al Fassi, a Saudi historian originally from Makkah, who is specialist in women’s history at King Saud Uni- versity (Riyadh) and at Qatar University (Doha). She published books and articles in Arabic and in English on historical, social, economic, educational and political issues, with special reference to women’s is- sues, rights in Islam and reforms in her country. Hatoon Al Fassi deliv- ers much-needed insight into the lively debate open in Saudi society on crucial issues, such as the educational process and identity formation, and she remarks very significantly that in Saudi Arabia the crisis of identity is often justified by a “Saudi particularity”, which can also ex- plain the difficulties that some local social forces are facing “in dealing with modernity”.
Identity in the region is a vital issue and the archaeological and his- torical Park-Museum emerges as a possible pathway towards building identity through education: it is one of the promising projects, as pre- sented in this volume, which, if adopted in Saudi Arabia by the Com- mission for Tourism and Antiquities, can also contribute effectively to strengthen cultural links between our peoples.
The objective is to promote a positive interaction and to correct some stereotypical images of the “Other”, while spreading the aware- ness that there are questions of common concern, in which intercom- munication between women from different countries and cultural envi- ronments can enhance the sense of mutual interdependence and the urgent need of more synergic efforts to give the appropriate answers. The conflict between the “traditional factor” and modernity is debated in the media, in conferences/workshops and in universities, both in Saudi Arabia and in the West, and it is re-evoked in this Working Pa- per.
The first article by Annemarie Profanter and Stephanie Ryan Cate draws from the experience the authors had as educators in the female section of Prince Mohammed University, in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. The second article by Elena Maestri and Valeria Fiorani Piacentini is largely based on the speech the authors delivered in Jed- dah, on the occasion of the 10th year anniversary celebrations of Effat College, an outstanding female private education institution in the He- jaz, which was transformed in University in March 2009.
It is clear that the shift towards a knowledge-based economy in Saudi Arabia, and in the GCC region as a whole, cannot neglect the voice and the role of women, who can make the difference, while pro- viding at the same time reference models for human development within an Islamic context. The success of the process would finally be a major result, within a network of cooperation efforts to be hoped for enhanced human security between the Gulf, the Mediterranean basin and the European Union.
All articles, whether commissioned or unsolicited, undergo peer review, based on initial inhouse ... more All articles, whether commissioned or unsolicited, undergo peer review, based on initial inhouse screening and out-of-house anonymous refeereing.
The aim of this study is to analyse the systemic-structural realities of the Republic of Turkey, ... more The aim of this study is to analyse the systemic-structural realities of the Republic of Turkey, special focus on the traditional factors which have always conditioned Turkey’s life and history, evaluating impact and interaction with the political-institutional and social-economic Middle Asiatic framework. Such an approach inevitably poses a central query: is it possible the reformulation of these terms in a Central Asian Paradigm? Divergence or Diversity? A query yet to be resolved.
The reality of the situation makes it essential to infer and evaluate three specific traditional, structural factors of the Turkish social and political asset, namely:
1. Turkism and the ethno-cultural dimension
2. The Islam-Factor and the religious/cultural dimension
3. The Military-Factor.
Such an analysis can provide a precious key to understanding some
analogies and realities, which change and evolve according to mecha- nisms set in motion by the logical coherence of these traditional charac- teristics, favouring convergences and divergences in line with the tradi- tions of the individual Middle-Asiatic cultures.
“Turkism” “the Religious-Factor” and “the Military” are three ele- ments deeply rooted in the cultural humus of Turkic peoples. They are at one and the same time positive parameters, which set in motion individual political, social and economic choices. If one views the evolving political stage in the light of the logic of these forces and the mecha- nisms by which these function and the gears which kept – and still keep – them turning today, then it is well possible to perceive special ties. I refer to “cultural solidarities”, that have given life to vigorous domestic and international political debates, which are acquiring today a special force, outward expression of the significance and the role played by these ancient elements on the social and economic platform.
With specific regard to the Middle Asiatic region, it is a proved his- torical fact that Ankara has played an active role since the aftermath of the Second World War. The key elements of such a policy were an ar- ticulated set of alliances and bilateral/multilateral “cultural” agree- ments. Under the Presidency of Türküt Özal this political trend evolved and developed into a particularly dynamic system.
Closely linked and intertwining with Ankara’s political panorama we have the rise of other no less significant Central Asiatic issues, which also enter the social and financial-economic dimension:
(i) National identity, popular consensus and the existing borders (Turkism/Panturkism): which relationships with the financial and economic development?
(ii) Convergences and divergences within the pre- and post-bipolar Middle Asiatic region. The bilateral and multilateral forums.
(iii) Thepolitical-institutional,socialandeconomicTurkishmodel vs. the Middle Asiatic panorama: an historical excursus (2009).
(iv) The cultural revisionism of the ex-soviet Central Asiatic Re-
publics: which national identity? Which national political trend? A cultural debate towards new regional power mecha- nisms and new political/social-economic models (1991-2009).
(v) Compatibility and Sustainability of a Turkish role as a “re- gional” or “sectorial” power.
(vi) The “Documents” of Ankara’s National Security Council and the “Özal System”: a round circle structure. The political rele- vance. Domestic interactions and international inter-relations.
(vii) The Gulf and the Middle Asiatic region. The UE and Italy. Diversities, discrepancies, political and strategic synergies.
At the beginning of the 20th century the population of Eastern Arabia was estimated at some 760,0... more At the beginning of the 20th century the population of Eastern Arabia was estimated at some 760,000 people. Almost all of them belonged to one of the 260 or more tribes, whose names were enumerated in the Gazetteer1 as a result of field work conducted between 1904 and 1907. This area is now covered by five modern states. They are the Sultanate of Oman, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the State of Qatar, the Kingdom of Bahrain and the State of Kuwait, making up five of the six member countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council2. All five states are members of the UN and many other international organisations; they have secured their particular roles on the world stage. For the purpose of tracing the process of transition from tribe to state the seven individual emirates, which now constitute the federal state of the UAE, should also be considered as states in their own right because many parallels can be seen, for instance, between Kuwait or Qatar and Dubai or other emirates in the ways in which authority of a tribal sheikh has developed into the use of executive and administrative power.
When the material for the Gazetteer was compiled for use by officials of the Government of India, the population of Oman was estimated at 500,000 people, that of Bahrain at 100,000, the Trucial States was 80,000, Kuwait 50,000 and Qatar 30,0003. Today’s inhabitants of these five modern states are not all descendents of this tribal population by a long way. The nationals, who are broadly deemed to descend from the various regional tribes, have indeed almost everywhere become a minority. All five states are now home – even if only temporarily – to a very large number of immigrants from neighbouring countries and further afield. The total population of the five GCC states excluding Saudi Arabia is currently estimated at some 12, 2 million.
What is the function of a modern Gulf state, if the originally tribal population is now in the minority in most of the region’s societies? Is the tribe defunct because there is a state? Do tribe and state co-exist or has tribe merged into state?
The first part of this paper will highlight the various aspects of the role, which the tribal structure played in people’s lives, when this region’s society was still homogenously tribal. The second part recalls the relationship between the individual and a modern state as a theoretical concept. There follows a description of the historically pivotal moments in the transition from the prevalence of the tribal social structures of the past to the five modern states of today. Finally, current structures will be analysed with a view to tracing the elements of tribal structures, which are woven through the contemporary manifestations of statehood.
Modernization, progress, efficiency, growth, production do not clash with principles such as soci... more Modernization, progress, efficiency, growth, production do not clash with principles such as social justice and economic progress, as they do not clash with the search for identity, translating social resistance into new forms: the perceptual and collective identities in public and domestic spaces, the process of identification, the phenomenon of continuity and change of identity.
The emergence of a modern Administration, a Bureaucracy, and the development of oil can be considered the two major processes that affected the authority system and the new state structures formation within tribal systems in the Arab Gulf region and Eastern Arabia. The social bases of power were transformed and the traditional economy was wiped out. The search and exploitation of fresh sources of wealth and new markets caused the Arab Gulf tribal leaders to forge particularly close links with the expanding Western world, which earned them a privileged position and a reorganised social rank – a sort of institutional formalisation of their new power and role, including bureaucratic-patrimonial positions (of a fiscal nature too), which did not imply any prejudice to their patrimonialism and the local traditional power-system based on the tribal structure. We are confronted with a delicate transitional period, vital historical and cultural traditions coming together in a strange mixture with the heterogeneous elements brought by an impending and inescapable “westernised” modernity. The studies collected in this volume and in the following one explore from different perspectives some implications of such a crucial socio-cultural phase and epoch in Arabia, by shedding light on specific and particularly significant issues and realities.
The project aims to look at some of the contemporary issues facing the ‘Islamic city’, and in thi... more The project aims to look at some of the contemporary issues facing the ‘Islamic city’, and in this context, the study ponders on the historical transformations of Islamic cities with focus on the time phase from where the decline started. The attempt is to ascertain the causes and factors responsible for this rapid and unprecedented change, as also the patterns of change over a period of time. Consequently, the study has tried to identify some of the negative aspects of transformations incurred during this period, as it is the negative patterns, which are of concern to us. This was mainly done through study of a carefully selected case study of the ‘Medina of Tunis’.
Finally, the study has recommended a set of abstract principles to guide future growth with emphasis on control and checking of negative transformations and attempt is to look for solutions for balancing the situation in a way, to retain and rejuvenate the essence of Islamic city in the contemporary context.
CENTRO DI RICERCHE SUL SISTEMA SUD E IL MEDITERRANEO ALLARGATO RESEARCH CENTRE ON THE SOUTHERN SY... more CENTRO DI RICERCHE SUL SISTEMA SUD E IL MEDITERRANEO ALLARGATO RESEARCH CENTRE ON THE SOUTHERN SYSTEM AND WIDER MEDITERRANEAN All articles, whether commissioned or unsolicited, undergo peer review, based on initial in-house screening and out-of-house anonymous refeereing.
Human development, education, regional integration, and non-oil industrialisation are the main to... more Human development, education, regional integration, and non-oil industrialisation are the main topics tackled in this paper, with reference to the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) region, and with special emphasis on Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. It is clear that in the region an evolutionary change can only be conceived within the framework of integrated regional, economic and human development. Considering the new challenges of globalisation, the GCC is called to play a more active role in the promotion of a collective and co-operative approach to security, taken as a multi- dimensional concept.
When Iron Curtain fell and Soviet systems in Europe collapsed, both EU and NATO set steps and mea... more When Iron Curtain fell and Soviet systems in Europe collapsed, both EU and NATO set steps and measures to integrate new transformation states in Central and Eastern Europe as well as successor states of the former Soviet Union into the Euro-Atlantic stabilisation process. During the early 1990s, EU, NATO, and OSCE initiated respectively enhanced Mediterranean Dialogue processes as integral parts of cooperative approaches to security. These processes are based on the recognition that security in Europe is closely linked with security and stability in the broader Mediterranean region.
After Cold War, the Mediterranean region entered as security region to the centre of attention of European institutions. About eight million immigrants from Maghreb countries1 live in EU member states, mainly in Belgium, France, Italy, and Spain. Twenty-two states comprising 350 million inhabitants with at least three monotheist religions on three continents are bordering the Mediterranean Sea. This region is characterised by manifold religious, cultural and economic pluralism. By economic terms, this region is of enormous relevance. The Channel of Suez links the Mediterranean with the Red Sea, the Strait of Gibraltar links the Mediterranean with the Atlantic Ocean. About thirty percent of all vessels worldwide cruise this area.
The Mediterranean region belongs to the most important oil regions of the world. Industrial nations like Japan have been importing ninety percent of their oil from this region. Egypt is the most relevant producer of gas. Gas also is exported to Jordan, to Lebanon and to Syria. Huge oil and gas fields which are exploited by international enterprises are located in Libya. Some 65 percent of the oil and gas comsumed in Western Europe passes through the Mediterranean2. In particular, Southern Mediterranean states are of geostrategic relevance for Europe – relating to security, environment, resources and migration: “The Mediterranean region is of strategic importance to the EU. A prosperous, democratic, stable and secure region, with an open perspective towards Europe, is in the best interests of the EU and Europe as a whole”3. In the region of Middle East and North Africa (MENA), the security concerns terrorism, economic disparities, demographic imbalances, the potential for social and political instability, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. In this region, too many old conflicts persist, from the crisis between Israel and the Palestinian Authority to the Cyprus problem or Western Sahara. However, there is no region that has a greater impact on European security than the region of MENA. So therefore, OSCE, EU and NATO have been engaged in this broader Middle East region.
Generally speaking, the drafting of a Defence Doctrine follows the drafting and adoption, on the ... more Generally speaking, the drafting of a Defence Doctrine follows the drafting and adoption, on the part of a government, of a National Security Policy, which includes the statement of the country’s Defence Policy and, consequently, its Defence Doctrine.
In order to clarify the theoretical premises of the aims underlying the drafting of the Defence Doctrine, a set of definitions must be presented in detail.
It should be stressed that this framework proposal, by its very nature, cannot be considered to imply a detailed presentation of the country’s New Defence Doctrine. It simply aims to outline the essential parameters which, in the eyes of its authors, should be considered by the country’s political leadership so that the final drafting of this Chart will be both complete and effective in view of protecting our national interest in all its aspects.
We live in physical places. Unless there are particular meanings embodied in these places, we ca... more We live in physical places. Unless there are particular meanings embodied in these places, we cannot feel that we belong to them. The meanings we give to the physical forms do not exist, in reality, in the forms themselves. But they exist in our minds and are generated from our past experience and significant events related to these forms. In this sense, culture, history and architecture are interrelated concepts and we cannot understand any one of them in isolation from the other.
This paper is concerned with all these concepts. However, we need to discuss some of them in a preliminary way here so as to introduce the issue of identity in the Arab cities, its roots and its consequences. It presents the issue of identity as a phenomenon associated with the drastic transformation of social and physical traditions in Arab cities. We are looking for continuity and change of political and social identity and its impact on the urban form of these cities. Concepts such as traditions, modernization, and westernization will be addressed with special consideration of their role in enhancing the search for identity in the Arab cities.
Searching for social and urban identity in contemporary Arab cities can be seen from the debate that took place in the beginning of the twentieth century when Arab intellectuals questioned the local situation and tried to adopt western culture. This debate goes back to the beginning of the nineteenth century when Mohammed Ali (the governor of Egypt) took over after French withdrawal from Egypt. What we are trying to say here is that the crises of identity in the contemporary Arab cities need to be understood through the political and cultural situations that influenced the formation of modern Arab cities and architecture.
In general the study addresses four paradigms that Arab urbanization has passed through. These paradigms are closely linked to the political events that took place in the region. This is because, as Stewart (2001) said: “in the Arabic-Islamic cities there is an interconnection between spiritual and political”1. In this sense, it is difficult to understand what happened in the Arab towns without understanding the connection between religion and politics. In this study a number of examples are from the Arab cities presented, but there is a special reference to Saudi urban experience, especially when we come to the modernization of the Arab town in the second half of the twentieth century.
CRiSSMA Working Papers, 2019
As water takes the shape of its container but maintains its own features, the Huthis of Yemen hav... more As water takes the shape of its container but maintains its own features, the Huthis of Yemen have demonstrated great adaptability to a fluid domestic and regional context, thanks also to a vague political identity. Framing the Huthi movement in the Yemeni Zaydi Shia tradition, this contribution explores the evolution of the Huthis as a political movement and militia, from the Saada wars (200410) to the civil conflict started in 2015. Viewing the Huthis as political actors within Yemen’s multiple geographies, it contends that the northern insurgents have been able to capitalize on internal and external dynamics, embodying a form of populist elitism. Pursuing the autonomy of the northern highlands, the Huthis have formally and informally penetrated the state they used to contest, transforming from local insurgents into, paradoxically, national contenders in a fractured and polycentric Yemen, despite their persistent local identity and goals.
Five years after the uprisings that marked the end of one of the most brutal dictatorships histor... more Five years after the uprisings that marked the end of one of the most brutal dictatorships history ever witnessed, Libya is still on the brink. Notwithstanding its huge economic, human and geopolitical potential, the country is still straddling be- tween the promises of a new era and the perils of fragmenta- tion. The history of the post-Qaddafi Libya is a tale of squan- dered opportunities, internal strife and external interfer- ences. However, all these difficulties did not completely erad- icate hope. Hope in a future able to reverse the legacy of ha- tred and instability left by the civil war and in the promises set forth by a “spring” whose importance – despite all the difficul- ties that followed the 2011 events – is still strong and vivid in the minds of the population.
The process that should have transformed the country into a model of democracy, prosperity and stability began to come under growing strain somewhere between 2012 and 2014. On 11 September 2012 the assassination of US Ambassador Chris- topher Stevens in Benghazi shed light on a socio-political and security scenario that, almost a year after the toppling of the Qaddafi regime and a few months (August 2012) after the proclamation of the General National Council (GNC) was far from being rosy, challenged by a series of internal and exter- nal factors that came to threaten the very foundations of the Libyan system. A situation well reflected by the fall, between October 2012 and June 2014, of three cabinets (the ones led by Mr. Mustafa Abushaghur, Mr. Ali Zeidan and Mr. Abdullah al-Thani) and – even more – by the deep fissures that emerged with the 2014 elections. The outcome of the voting was fiercely contested by an array of different political and paramilitary forces that refused to recognize the new parlia- ment. Their occupation of the capital and the plea for prose- cution of the GNC mandate was met by stiff local and interna- tional opposition that in any case proved unable to protect the new assembly.
Threatened by growing insecurity and turmoil, most of the members of the newly elected parliament abandoned Tripoli and reconvened in Tobruk, where they could count on the protection of the forces loyal to Gen. Khalifa Haftar. From that moment on two distinct bodies (the assemblies in Tripoli and Tobruk) claimed to be the sole legitimate representative of a country that began to crumble under competing interests and growing financial stress. The impasse was followed by fierce military clashes that contributed to the fragmentation of the nascent Libyan institutions and to the emergence of a broad array of actors who did not hesitate to exploit the situa- tion to fill the socio-political vacuum. Among them there were forces loyal to the self-proclaimed “Islamic State” that, despite being limited to a restricted string of territories (mainly Der- na, Sirte and more recently Sabratha) and being backed by a few thousand militants, claimed to represent a third autono- mous decisional centre, de facto contributing to the deepening fragmentation of the country.
To respond to the polarisation that affected the country and to the growing instability, the international community launched – under the auspices of the United Nations – a se- ries of diplomatic efforts that led to the so-called Skhirat Agreement. The deal, signed in Morocco in December 2015, paved the way for the creation of a unified government and for the beginning of a new phase for the Libyan system. A passage that, while marred by important internal opposition and competing external agendas, seems to reflect the desire of the huge majority of the Libyan population, setting the conditions for a reconciliation process that – albeit difficult – is still possible.
It is within this framework that CRiSSMA – with the support of the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs – organized during the second half of 2015 a series of closed Italian-Libyan roundtables aimed at deepening the understanding of the complex equilibriums governing the Libyan scenario and at defining a set of concrete measures that could be implement- ed to support Libyan reconciliation and reconstruction pro- cesses. Among the initiatives realized, CRiSSMA convened a group of experts tasked with the drafting of targeted working papers aimed at tackling some of the main challenges affect- ing the current Libyan scenario.
In his opening chapter, Dr. Arturo Varvelli addresses the deep causes and distant origins that fed the extremely critical period Libya recently went through, from weak national Liby- an identity to the controversial legacies of the 2011 civil war. In particular, the author analyses the impact and significance of the Skhirat agreement, its enforcement and sustainability, the challenges related to integrations of the militias in the Libyan security forces and, finally, the role and extent of ji- hadi groups’ activities in the country.
The second chapter drafted by Dr. Claudia Gazzini pre- sents a detailed analysis of the most important implications stemming from “the battle for Libya’s oil and revenues”. The au- thor underlines how the ongoing quest for Libya’s hydrocar- bon infrastructure and resources perfectly condenses the countless challenges posed by the post-Qaddafi transition era.
According to Dr. Gazzini, the recovery of the Libyan econom- ic sector should be considered a priority of any unity govern- ment as well as a confidence-building measure able to strengthen mutual trust among all the belligerents.
In the third chapter, Dr. Mattia Toaldo describes the posi- tive impact exerted by local administrations on the peace- making process, focusing in particular on the conditions that led to the successful establishment of several cease-fires, espe- cially in the eastern part of the country. As the paper under- lines, although partially under-estimated, Libyan municipali- ties remain one of the few democratically elected institutions that continue to enjoy significant popular credibility, thanks also to their ability to deliver services to a population long ne- glected by central governments and institutions. According to Dr. Toaldo, municipalities should be supported in improving service delivery, institutional resilience, urban planning, eco- nomic regulations and, finally, in their ability to act as neutral forums for the multiple socio-political actors claiming to rep- resent Libyan interests and positions.
In the last chapter, Dr. Giovanni Parigi reconsiders the current Libyan scenario through the lenses of the lessons learned in Iraq since 2003. As the author points out, although huge differences separate the two case studies, they share the experience of the disruptive role of militias and rentierism as well as the controversial legacy of pervasive regimes, civil wars and jihadist activism. Dr. Parigi stresses the importance of power-sharing agreements and political reforms as necessary conditions for the setting up of national security forces. At the same time, this will also require flexibility towards local bal- ances of power, given the strong relationship between mili- tias, local communities and tribes. Accordingly, in order to avoid the mistakes made in Iraq with the demobilization of the pro-American and pro-government Sunni militias of the Sahwa, it will be of strategic importance to integrate reconcil- able militias within the framework of a Libyan National Guard.
All these analyses maintain their significance, beyond the confusing pace of events, conflict decisions and diverging narratives which characterize the current Libyan scenario, of- fering the reader a valuable key to understanding them.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the course of state building dur- ing the Mandate period as a... more The aim of this paper is to analyze the course of state building dur- ing the Mandate period as a dynamic process which gave rise to a new socio-political field, both modern and traditional at the same time: the Hashemite state of Transjordan (1923). The state-building process was not only a direct consequence of the interaction between Hashemite and British interests in the Near East, but rather the result of the inter- action and effective overlap of these elements with the particular socio- political tribal system of Transjordan. Firstly, the paper will describe the local socio-political structure of Transjordan during the 19th cen- tury. It was during that period that the process of intertwining and overlapping between the logic of the ‘tribe’ and that of the ‘state’ began. Secondly, the paper describes the particular administrative structure of the Hashemite Emirate of Transjordan, which was based on a division between tribal administration and modern European administration. Thirdly, the paper describes how British colonial policies worked with the Hashemite method of rule and how the Muslim and Christians tribes of Transjordan reacted, raising the first political national move- ment and signing the National Pact (1929-1936). Finally, the paper de- scribes the achievements of the British-Hashemite and National Pact.
Reading texts in local languages and translating them represent an essential instrument to know o... more Reading texts in local languages and translating them represent an essential instrument to know other cultures and to engage in a fruitful dialogue with the ‘Other’, leading to mutual understanding, respect and constructive interactions in many scientific fields. That is a reality, well espressed by Dr. Hend Al-Sudairy in the first article of this Working Paper, through the focus on literary translation and the cross-cultural borrowing between the Arab world and the European continent.
The article by Elena Maestri puts emphasis on the Other’s language as expression of a different cultural dimension, which needs to be un- derstood and interpreted in all its forms of communication. Within the wider Arab world and its regional specificities, the Arabian cultural context of the Gulf is tackled with reference to its unique cultural mi- lieu, its shared sense of history and values. Within this dimension, the author’s analysis focuses on Tradition and Modernity between differ- ent forms of communication, towards the creation of knowledge-based societies in the region.
The article by Beatrice Nicolini is focused on the Swahili civilization and culture. Within an ‘interlinked cluster’ like the Indian Ocean, the Swahili civilization arose at the confluence between the continental world of East Africa and the maritime worlds of the Indian Ocean, which is visible in every aspect of their culture. Similar tendencies char- acterise the Hadhrami coast of Arabia and the Malabar coast of India, and even beyond in the Indonesian archipelago. They were part of a global unity that long preceded the capitalist unification of the world starting from the sixteenth century.
This volume collects some female educational perspectives, with special focus on Saudi Arabia. Th... more This volume collects some female educational perspectives, with special focus on Saudi Arabia.
The introduction is by Hatoon Al Fassi, a Saudi historian originally from Makkah, who is specialist in women’s history at King Saud Uni- versity (Riyadh) and at Qatar University (Doha). She published books and articles in Arabic and in English on historical, social, economic, educational and political issues, with special reference to women’s is- sues, rights in Islam and reforms in her country. Hatoon Al Fassi deliv- ers much-needed insight into the lively debate open in Saudi society on crucial issues, such as the educational process and identity formation, and she remarks very significantly that in Saudi Arabia the crisis of identity is often justified by a “Saudi particularity”, which can also ex- plain the difficulties that some local social forces are facing “in dealing with modernity”.
Identity in the region is a vital issue and the archaeological and his- torical Park-Museum emerges as a possible pathway towards building identity through education: it is one of the promising projects, as pre- sented in this volume, which, if adopted in Saudi Arabia by the Com- mission for Tourism and Antiquities, can also contribute effectively to strengthen cultural links between our peoples.
The objective is to promote a positive interaction and to correct some stereotypical images of the “Other”, while spreading the aware- ness that there are questions of common concern, in which intercom- munication between women from different countries and cultural envi- ronments can enhance the sense of mutual interdependence and the urgent need of more synergic efforts to give the appropriate answers. The conflict between the “traditional factor” and modernity is debated in the media, in conferences/workshops and in universities, both in Saudi Arabia and in the West, and it is re-evoked in this Working Pa- per.
The first article by Annemarie Profanter and Stephanie Ryan Cate draws from the experience the authors had as educators in the female section of Prince Mohammed University, in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. The second article by Elena Maestri and Valeria Fiorani Piacentini is largely based on the speech the authors delivered in Jed- dah, on the occasion of the 10th year anniversary celebrations of Effat College, an outstanding female private education institution in the He- jaz, which was transformed in University in March 2009.
It is clear that the shift towards a knowledge-based economy in Saudi Arabia, and in the GCC region as a whole, cannot neglect the voice and the role of women, who can make the difference, while pro- viding at the same time reference models for human development within an Islamic context. The success of the process would finally be a major result, within a network of cooperation efforts to be hoped for enhanced human security between the Gulf, the Mediterranean basin and the European Union.
All articles, whether commissioned or unsolicited, undergo peer review, based on initial inhouse ... more All articles, whether commissioned or unsolicited, undergo peer review, based on initial inhouse screening and out-of-house anonymous refeereing.
The aim of this study is to analyse the systemic-structural realities of the Republic of Turkey, ... more The aim of this study is to analyse the systemic-structural realities of the Republic of Turkey, special focus on the traditional factors which have always conditioned Turkey’s life and history, evaluating impact and interaction with the political-institutional and social-economic Middle Asiatic framework. Such an approach inevitably poses a central query: is it possible the reformulation of these terms in a Central Asian Paradigm? Divergence or Diversity? A query yet to be resolved.
The reality of the situation makes it essential to infer and evaluate three specific traditional, structural factors of the Turkish social and political asset, namely:
1. Turkism and the ethno-cultural dimension
2. The Islam-Factor and the religious/cultural dimension
3. The Military-Factor.
Such an analysis can provide a precious key to understanding some
analogies and realities, which change and evolve according to mecha- nisms set in motion by the logical coherence of these traditional charac- teristics, favouring convergences and divergences in line with the tradi- tions of the individual Middle-Asiatic cultures.
“Turkism” “the Religious-Factor” and “the Military” are three ele- ments deeply rooted in the cultural humus of Turkic peoples. They are at one and the same time positive parameters, which set in motion individual political, social and economic choices. If one views the evolving political stage in the light of the logic of these forces and the mecha- nisms by which these function and the gears which kept – and still keep – them turning today, then it is well possible to perceive special ties. I refer to “cultural solidarities”, that have given life to vigorous domestic and international political debates, which are acquiring today a special force, outward expression of the significance and the role played by these ancient elements on the social and economic platform.
With specific regard to the Middle Asiatic region, it is a proved his- torical fact that Ankara has played an active role since the aftermath of the Second World War. The key elements of such a policy were an ar- ticulated set of alliances and bilateral/multilateral “cultural” agree- ments. Under the Presidency of Türküt Özal this political trend evolved and developed into a particularly dynamic system.
Closely linked and intertwining with Ankara’s political panorama we have the rise of other no less significant Central Asiatic issues, which also enter the social and financial-economic dimension:
(i) National identity, popular consensus and the existing borders (Turkism/Panturkism): which relationships with the financial and economic development?
(ii) Convergences and divergences within the pre- and post-bipolar Middle Asiatic region. The bilateral and multilateral forums.
(iii) Thepolitical-institutional,socialandeconomicTurkishmodel vs. the Middle Asiatic panorama: an historical excursus (2009).
(iv) The cultural revisionism of the ex-soviet Central Asiatic Re-
publics: which national identity? Which national political trend? A cultural debate towards new regional power mecha- nisms and new political/social-economic models (1991-2009).
(v) Compatibility and Sustainability of a Turkish role as a “re- gional” or “sectorial” power.
(vi) The “Documents” of Ankara’s National Security Council and the “Özal System”: a round circle structure. The political rele- vance. Domestic interactions and international inter-relations.
(vii) The Gulf and the Middle Asiatic region. The UE and Italy. Diversities, discrepancies, political and strategic synergies.
At the beginning of the 20th century the population of Eastern Arabia was estimated at some 760,0... more At the beginning of the 20th century the population of Eastern Arabia was estimated at some 760,000 people. Almost all of them belonged to one of the 260 or more tribes, whose names were enumerated in the Gazetteer1 as a result of field work conducted between 1904 and 1907. This area is now covered by five modern states. They are the Sultanate of Oman, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the State of Qatar, the Kingdom of Bahrain and the State of Kuwait, making up five of the six member countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council2. All five states are members of the UN and many other international organisations; they have secured their particular roles on the world stage. For the purpose of tracing the process of transition from tribe to state the seven individual emirates, which now constitute the federal state of the UAE, should also be considered as states in their own right because many parallels can be seen, for instance, between Kuwait or Qatar and Dubai or other emirates in the ways in which authority of a tribal sheikh has developed into the use of executive and administrative power.
When the material for the Gazetteer was compiled for use by officials of the Government of India, the population of Oman was estimated at 500,000 people, that of Bahrain at 100,000, the Trucial States was 80,000, Kuwait 50,000 and Qatar 30,0003. Today’s inhabitants of these five modern states are not all descendents of this tribal population by a long way. The nationals, who are broadly deemed to descend from the various regional tribes, have indeed almost everywhere become a minority. All five states are now home – even if only temporarily – to a very large number of immigrants from neighbouring countries and further afield. The total population of the five GCC states excluding Saudi Arabia is currently estimated at some 12, 2 million.
What is the function of a modern Gulf state, if the originally tribal population is now in the minority in most of the region’s societies? Is the tribe defunct because there is a state? Do tribe and state co-exist or has tribe merged into state?
The first part of this paper will highlight the various aspects of the role, which the tribal structure played in people’s lives, when this region’s society was still homogenously tribal. The second part recalls the relationship between the individual and a modern state as a theoretical concept. There follows a description of the historically pivotal moments in the transition from the prevalence of the tribal social structures of the past to the five modern states of today. Finally, current structures will be analysed with a view to tracing the elements of tribal structures, which are woven through the contemporary manifestations of statehood.
Modernization, progress, efficiency, growth, production do not clash with principles such as soci... more Modernization, progress, efficiency, growth, production do not clash with principles such as social justice and economic progress, as they do not clash with the search for identity, translating social resistance into new forms: the perceptual and collective identities in public and domestic spaces, the process of identification, the phenomenon of continuity and change of identity.
The emergence of a modern Administration, a Bureaucracy, and the development of oil can be considered the two major processes that affected the authority system and the new state structures formation within tribal systems in the Arab Gulf region and Eastern Arabia. The social bases of power were transformed and the traditional economy was wiped out. The search and exploitation of fresh sources of wealth and new markets caused the Arab Gulf tribal leaders to forge particularly close links with the expanding Western world, which earned them a privileged position and a reorganised social rank – a sort of institutional formalisation of their new power and role, including bureaucratic-patrimonial positions (of a fiscal nature too), which did not imply any prejudice to their patrimonialism and the local traditional power-system based on the tribal structure. We are confronted with a delicate transitional period, vital historical and cultural traditions coming together in a strange mixture with the heterogeneous elements brought by an impending and inescapable “westernised” modernity. The studies collected in this volume and in the following one explore from different perspectives some implications of such a crucial socio-cultural phase and epoch in Arabia, by shedding light on specific and particularly significant issues and realities.
The project aims to look at some of the contemporary issues facing the ‘Islamic city’, and in thi... more The project aims to look at some of the contemporary issues facing the ‘Islamic city’, and in this context, the study ponders on the historical transformations of Islamic cities with focus on the time phase from where the decline started. The attempt is to ascertain the causes and factors responsible for this rapid and unprecedented change, as also the patterns of change over a period of time. Consequently, the study has tried to identify some of the negative aspects of transformations incurred during this period, as it is the negative patterns, which are of concern to us. This was mainly done through study of a carefully selected case study of the ‘Medina of Tunis’.
Finally, the study has recommended a set of abstract principles to guide future growth with emphasis on control and checking of negative transformations and attempt is to look for solutions for balancing the situation in a way, to retain and rejuvenate the essence of Islamic city in the contemporary context.
CENTRO DI RICERCHE SUL SISTEMA SUD E IL MEDITERRANEO ALLARGATO RESEARCH CENTRE ON THE SOUTHERN SY... more CENTRO DI RICERCHE SUL SISTEMA SUD E IL MEDITERRANEO ALLARGATO RESEARCH CENTRE ON THE SOUTHERN SYSTEM AND WIDER MEDITERRANEAN All articles, whether commissioned or unsolicited, undergo peer review, based on initial in-house screening and out-of-house anonymous refeereing.
Human development, education, regional integration, and non-oil industrialisation are the main to... more Human development, education, regional integration, and non-oil industrialisation are the main topics tackled in this paper, with reference to the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) region, and with special emphasis on Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. It is clear that in the region an evolutionary change can only be conceived within the framework of integrated regional, economic and human development. Considering the new challenges of globalisation, the GCC is called to play a more active role in the promotion of a collective and co-operative approach to security, taken as a multi- dimensional concept.
When Iron Curtain fell and Soviet systems in Europe collapsed, both EU and NATO set steps and mea... more When Iron Curtain fell and Soviet systems in Europe collapsed, both EU and NATO set steps and measures to integrate new transformation states in Central and Eastern Europe as well as successor states of the former Soviet Union into the Euro-Atlantic stabilisation process. During the early 1990s, EU, NATO, and OSCE initiated respectively enhanced Mediterranean Dialogue processes as integral parts of cooperative approaches to security. These processes are based on the recognition that security in Europe is closely linked with security and stability in the broader Mediterranean region.
After Cold War, the Mediterranean region entered as security region to the centre of attention of European institutions. About eight million immigrants from Maghreb countries1 live in EU member states, mainly in Belgium, France, Italy, and Spain. Twenty-two states comprising 350 million inhabitants with at least three monotheist religions on three continents are bordering the Mediterranean Sea. This region is characterised by manifold religious, cultural and economic pluralism. By economic terms, this region is of enormous relevance. The Channel of Suez links the Mediterranean with the Red Sea, the Strait of Gibraltar links the Mediterranean with the Atlantic Ocean. About thirty percent of all vessels worldwide cruise this area.
The Mediterranean region belongs to the most important oil regions of the world. Industrial nations like Japan have been importing ninety percent of their oil from this region. Egypt is the most relevant producer of gas. Gas also is exported to Jordan, to Lebanon and to Syria. Huge oil and gas fields which are exploited by international enterprises are located in Libya. Some 65 percent of the oil and gas comsumed in Western Europe passes through the Mediterranean2. In particular, Southern Mediterranean states are of geostrategic relevance for Europe – relating to security, environment, resources and migration: “The Mediterranean region is of strategic importance to the EU. A prosperous, democratic, stable and secure region, with an open perspective towards Europe, is in the best interests of the EU and Europe as a whole”3. In the region of Middle East and North Africa (MENA), the security concerns terrorism, economic disparities, demographic imbalances, the potential for social and political instability, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. In this region, too many old conflicts persist, from the crisis between Israel and the Palestinian Authority to the Cyprus problem or Western Sahara. However, there is no region that has a greater impact on European security than the region of MENA. So therefore, OSCE, EU and NATO have been engaged in this broader Middle East region.
Generally speaking, the drafting of a Defence Doctrine follows the drafting and adoption, on the ... more Generally speaking, the drafting of a Defence Doctrine follows the drafting and adoption, on the part of a government, of a National Security Policy, which includes the statement of the country’s Defence Policy and, consequently, its Defence Doctrine.
In order to clarify the theoretical premises of the aims underlying the drafting of the Defence Doctrine, a set of definitions must be presented in detail.
It should be stressed that this framework proposal, by its very nature, cannot be considered to imply a detailed presentation of the country’s New Defence Doctrine. It simply aims to outline the essential parameters which, in the eyes of its authors, should be considered by the country’s political leadership so that the final drafting of this Chart will be both complete and effective in view of protecting our national interest in all its aspects.
We live in physical places. Unless there are particular meanings embodied in these places, we ca... more We live in physical places. Unless there are particular meanings embodied in these places, we cannot feel that we belong to them. The meanings we give to the physical forms do not exist, in reality, in the forms themselves. But they exist in our minds and are generated from our past experience and significant events related to these forms. In this sense, culture, history and architecture are interrelated concepts and we cannot understand any one of them in isolation from the other.
This paper is concerned with all these concepts. However, we need to discuss some of them in a preliminary way here so as to introduce the issue of identity in the Arab cities, its roots and its consequences. It presents the issue of identity as a phenomenon associated with the drastic transformation of social and physical traditions in Arab cities. We are looking for continuity and change of political and social identity and its impact on the urban form of these cities. Concepts such as traditions, modernization, and westernization will be addressed with special consideration of their role in enhancing the search for identity in the Arab cities.
Searching for social and urban identity in contemporary Arab cities can be seen from the debate that took place in the beginning of the twentieth century when Arab intellectuals questioned the local situation and tried to adopt western culture. This debate goes back to the beginning of the nineteenth century when Mohammed Ali (the governor of Egypt) took over after French withdrawal from Egypt. What we are trying to say here is that the crises of identity in the contemporary Arab cities need to be understood through the political and cultural situations that influenced the formation of modern Arab cities and architecture.
In general the study addresses four paradigms that Arab urbanization has passed through. These paradigms are closely linked to the political events that took place in the region. This is because, as Stewart (2001) said: “in the Arabic-Islamic cities there is an interconnection between spiritual and political”1. In this sense, it is difficult to understand what happened in the Arab towns without understanding the connection between religion and politics. In this study a number of examples are from the Arab cities presented, but there is a special reference to Saudi urban experience, especially when we come to the modernization of the Arab town in the second half of the twentieth century.
Dinamiche geopolitiche contemporanee. Ce.St.In.Geo. geopolitical outlook 2023 CRiSSMA Working Paper n. 29, 2023
11.html 2 Si rimanda a tal proposito al Report of the Iraq Inquiry pubblicato nel 2016 e visionab... more 11.html 2 Si rimanda a tal proposito al Report of the Iraq Inquiry pubblicato nel 2016 e visionabile anche sul sito del governo britannico: https://www.gov.uk/government/ publications/the-report-of-the-iraq-inquiry Si vedano in merito anche le dichiarazioni rilasciate da Colin Powel che, in quegli anni, aveva ricoperto la carica di Segretario di Stato perorando in sede Onu la necessità di un attacco. Al-Jazeera,
CRiSSMA working paper n. 28, 2022, 2022
Dinamiche geopolitiche contemporanee. a cura di ANDREA PLEBANI Milano 2022
CRiSSMA working paper n. 27, 2021
Prefazione MAURIZIO PRIMO CARANDINI «Una scuola, un luogo perché le cose accadano» è il motto del... more Prefazione MAURIZIO PRIMO CARANDINI «Una scuola, un luogo perché le cose accadano» è il motto della nostra scuola, ma è anche il senso che tentiamo di dare al nostro agire orientato verso gli studenti. Con questo modo di vedere le cose e di interpretare il mondo legato ai processi di apprendimento iniziò l'avventura di Ce.St.In.Geo., che oggi compie ben dodici anni. Sono stati anni entusiasmanti che, con la nostra consueta baldanza, ci hanno portato a risultati importanti per i docenti e gli studenti che abbiamo accompagnato in un percorso di formazione. Anche in questo faticoso anno scandito dalla pandemia Covid-19 non ci siamo arresi, e tanto meno fermati, realizzando percorsi dedicati ad oltre 130 studenti dell'I.I.S. Balbo e Leardi di Casale Monferrato e dell'I.I.S. Cellini di Valenza. Oltre cento docenti di ogni ordine e grado in formazione permanente e oltre duecento partecipanti alla presentazione del libro di Vittorio Emanuele Parsi "Vulnerabili: come la pandemia sta cambiando la politica e il mondo". No, non ci siamo fermati perché, insieme a Riccardo Redaelli, Andrea Plebani e la faculty di Ce.St.In.Geo. abbiamo assunto dodici anni fa un impegno che dobbiamo e vogliamo mantenere: offrire risposte esaustive agli studenti che chiedono con entusiasmo ed audacia il perché della fatica legata all'apprendimento. Dinamiche geopolitiche contemporanee 8 Così, anche attraverso il nostro Centro Studi, possiamo affermare che la vera educazione deve e può essere una educazione alla critica e al vero, mossi dal desiderio di crescere e far crescere anche in tempo di pandemia.
CRiSSMA working paper n. 26, 2020, 2020
Si ringrazia il dott. Giuseppe Dentice per il sostegno nella fase di editing e rilettura del test... more Si ringrazia il dott. Giuseppe Dentice per il sostegno nella fase di editing e rilettura del testo. copertina: progetto grafico Studio Editoriale EDUCatt Introduzione ANDREA PLEBANI E RICCARDO REDAELLI Geography is about power. Although often assumed to be innocent, the geography of the world is not a product of nature but a product of histories of struggle between competing authorities over the power to organize, occupy and administer space [...] within the context of this struggle, the cartographic and other descriptive forms of knowledge that took the name "geography" in the early modern period and that were written in the name of the sovereign could hardly be anything else but political 1 .