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https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/11/1/40/htm by Vasile BABOTA

in Essays on the Psalms of Solomon. Ed. K. Atkinson, P. Pouchelle & F. Albrecht (Parabiblica 2; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck 2023) 29-47., 2023

The focus here is on the temple as a biblical institution. The general aim is to analyze the perc... more The focus here is on the temple as a biblical institution. The general aim is to analyze the perception of the temple of Jerusalem in individual psalms. This study seeks to trace the development and possible change/s in the perception of the temple from psalm to psalm and, possibly, within individual psalms. Not all the Pss. Sol. display the same interest/s towards the temple. Some psalms show clear concern for the temple: e.g., 1, 2, 7, 8, 11, and probably 17. Most, however, do not show such concern: e.g., 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. This study will not limit itself to the examination of those psalms or verses which make clear references to the temple. We also will shortly reflect on those psalms that do not seem to allude to the temple. Thus, we shall also ask the question of why the temple is not a consistent concern of the collection.

Revue de Qumran , 2020

The re-emergence of the Sons of Zadok in CD-A, and later in D a , 1QS-1QSa-1QSb, 4QFlor, and 4Qpa... more The re-emergence of the Sons of Zadok in CD-A, and later in D a , 1QS-1QSa-1QSb, 4QFlor, and 4Qpap pIsa c has generated a variety of scholarly interpretations. Many scholars have looked at the Sons of Zadok mainly in relation to the Sons of Aaron, and most often within the setting of the yaḥad. While some argued for an exile of the Zadokites from Jerusalem, many other scholars posited internal fractures within the yaḥad itself; still others proposed this appellation should not be understood in genealogical sense or even that it should be taken as a literary invent. First, this study proposes to look at the Sons of Zadok against the backdrop of Hasmonean rule. It does this by interpreting this designation in the light of Ezek 40-48 and in co-relation with other ideologies that had been imported into the DSS. As in Ezek 40-48, in the DSS the Sons of Zadok are used ideologically. The adoption of this appellation was an ideological strategy by the Zadokite scribes to further validate their two Messiah eschatology, which stipulates a separation of the high priesthood from royal office. It appears to have implied refusal to accept the authority of the Hasmonean ruler, Alexander Janneus, especially as high priest. By the same token, this designation reflects a further radicalization and self-perception of the yaḥad itself, or of significant part of it. Second, this study suggests that all these DSS derive from the same circle of scribes. Even though all, or almost all, are probably based on earlier exemplars, these scrolls appear to have been produced to be read together. The re-emergence of the Sons of Zadok in the DSS as well as probably in Sir 51:12a-o can thus tentatively be dated to the time of Janneus. Political and other changes following his death may be an explanation why the Sons of Zadok do not appear in later DSS.

Religions 11, 2020

Josephus refers explicitly to Alexander Janneus in his narratives in both War and Antiquities onl... more Josephus refers explicitly to Alexander Janneus in his narratives in both War and Antiquities only as king. Janneus's high priestly office is only implied, and that in a context that is hostile to him (War 1.88//Ant. 13.372). If one looks at Josephus's list of high priests in Ant. 20.242, there he reports that Janneus acted both as king and priest for "twenty-seven years". Was it Josephus who did not want to refer explicitly to Janneus as high priest in his narratives, was this dictated by his source/s, or by some other reason/s? More specifically, why is there a contrast between the narratives and the list? This study adopts source-critical, comparative, and interdisciplinary approach. It also compares Janneus with other rulers from the Hellenistic world with whom he shared many characteristics. However, certain aspects make the Hasmonean high priestly monarchy unique, dictated mainly by theological reasons. That of Janneus is an example of an institutional clash. Josephus was aware of the complexity and controversial aspects surrounding the institution of Hasmonean kingship and its combination with the high priesthood. For various reasons he chose not to identify Janneus explicitly as high priest in his narratives, but rather focus mainly on the royal policy. As an alternative, the Flavian historian drafted an idealized list of high priests in Ant. 20.225-245 that became the basis for developing his theocratic model of government, which-he probably hoped-could co-exist under the Roman emperor.

The present study focuses on a significant portion of the non-biblical DSS often classified by sc... more The present study focuses on a significant portion of the non-biblical DSS often classified by scholars as ‘parabiblical’. These texts originated in the Second Temple period. Some of them are as old as – or older than – some of our biblical texts. Since discovering these texts, scholars have struggled how to categorize them and find a fitting term with which to designate them. This study tries to illustrate these difficulties and makes some further proposals. Because of their nature and the variety of their genres it locates these texts in between biblical texts and the pesharim, even though the use itself of the term ‘biblical’ in that context is not without problems.

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2013

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

Resumé: The more general aim of this paper is to clarify as to why there were in use – and still ... more Resumé: The more general aim of this paper is to clarify as to why there were in use – and still are in certain Churches – two collections of Psalms: the one found in the Old Testament, the other used for liturgical needs. This study thus introduces the readers into the most significant stages of the history of the transmission of Psalms in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin biblical traditions. The oldest texts of Psalms are to be found among the Dead Sea Scrolls. There are close to forty scrolls each containing at least several Psalms. Rather than attesting to the existence of a 'Psalter', these scrolls attest to several distinct collections of Psalms. While there is a critical edition of the Hebrew Psalms, the edition of the Greek Psalms prepared by Alfred Rahlfs (1931, 3 1979) is far from being really an editio maior. In addition to many methodological flaws pointed in this paper, this Göttingen edition does not evaluate several important ancient papyri dating to the II– IV century CE: e.g. the Antinoopolis Papyrus 7 which contains Psalms 81–82, the Chester Beatty Papyrus XIII which contains Psalms 72–88 and the Bodmer Papyrus XXIV which contains Psalms 17,45–118,44. However, in the absence of such critical edition, any serious translator of Psalter should take into consideration not only these Greek papyri but also the complex history of the transmission of Psalms in the He-brew, Greek, and Latin biblical traditions.

THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE EARLY CENTURIES generated the need for biblical texts in a lang... more THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE EARLY CENTURIES generated the need for biblical texts in a language Christians could (better) understand. Th e three source languages in which these texts were composed and/or translated before the emergence of Christianity (i.e. Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek) could no longer fully satisfy this need 2. Th us certain Christian communities decided to have the sacred texts translated into their own daily spoken language. Th e fi rst two translations by Christians were done in Latin and Syriac 3. Th ese translations were an innovation in the transmission history of the sacred texts. In what follows, I shall deal with the Latin translation(s). Th e focus of this contribution is the so-called Vulgata Bible(s). I shall outline some of the most salient aspects of its history only.

Brill Publishing House http://www.brill.com/products/book/institution-hasmonean-high-priesthood, Jan 2014

S u p p l e m e n t s t o t h e J o u r n a l f o r t h e S t u d y o f J u d a i s m [ 1 6 5 ] S... more S u p p l e m e n t s t o t h e J o u r n a l f o r t h e S t u d y o f J u d a i s m [ 1 6 5 ] S u p p l e m e n t s t o t h e J o u r n a l f o r t h e S t u d y o f J u d a i s m [ 1 6 5 ] jsjs 165

Rumors of Wisdom. Job 28 as Poetry (BZAW 398). Berlin -New York, Walter de Gruyter, 2009. xx-293 ... more Rumors of Wisdom. Job 28 as Poetry (BZAW 398). Berlin -New York, Walter de Gruyter, 2009. xx-293 p. 16 × 23,5. € 89,95. Nel c. 1 del libro Gb 28 è designato come un "Problematic Masterpiece", con difficoltà di struttura, difficoltà di comprendere il suo posto e la sua funzione. Jones accenna al rapporto difficile tra approccio filologico e approccio letterario nello studio della poesia biblica. Nel passato l'approccio filologico e la critica letteraria ignoravano l'approccio letterario, il quale però negli anni 1960, nelle sue varie forme, ha preso il sopravvento al punto di avere poca attenzione per l'analisi filologica e per la critica letteraria. Ma è chiaro che non si possono comprendere i poemi biblici senza tener conto dei vari aspetti della lingua e del testo.

Talks by Vasile BABOTA

Papers by Vasile BABOTA

Textual History of the Bible vol. 2C , 2020

in Essays on the Psalms of Solomon. Ed. K. Atkinson, P. Pouchelle & F. Albrecht (Parabiblica 2; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck 2023) 29-47., 2023

The focus here is on the temple as a biblical institution. The general aim is to analyze the perc... more The focus here is on the temple as a biblical institution. The general aim is to analyze the perception of the temple of Jerusalem in individual psalms. This study seeks to trace the development and possible change/s in the perception of the temple from psalm to psalm and, possibly, within individual psalms. Not all the Pss. Sol. display the same interest/s towards the temple. Some psalms show clear concern for the temple: e.g., 1, 2, 7, 8, 11, and probably 17. Most, however, do not show such concern: e.g., 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. This study will not limit itself to the examination of those psalms or verses which make clear references to the temple. We also will shortly reflect on those psalms that do not seem to allude to the temple. Thus, we shall also ask the question of why the temple is not a consistent concern of the collection.

Revue de Qumran , 2020

The re-emergence of the Sons of Zadok in CD-A, and later in D a , 1QS-1QSa-1QSb, 4QFlor, and 4Qpa... more The re-emergence of the Sons of Zadok in CD-A, and later in D a , 1QS-1QSa-1QSb, 4QFlor, and 4Qpap pIsa c has generated a variety of scholarly interpretations. Many scholars have looked at the Sons of Zadok mainly in relation to the Sons of Aaron, and most often within the setting of the yaḥad. While some argued for an exile of the Zadokites from Jerusalem, many other scholars posited internal fractures within the yaḥad itself; still others proposed this appellation should not be understood in genealogical sense or even that it should be taken as a literary invent. First, this study proposes to look at the Sons of Zadok against the backdrop of Hasmonean rule. It does this by interpreting this designation in the light of Ezek 40-48 and in co-relation with other ideologies that had been imported into the DSS. As in Ezek 40-48, in the DSS the Sons of Zadok are used ideologically. The adoption of this appellation was an ideological strategy by the Zadokite scribes to further validate their two Messiah eschatology, which stipulates a separation of the high priesthood from royal office. It appears to have implied refusal to accept the authority of the Hasmonean ruler, Alexander Janneus, especially as high priest. By the same token, this designation reflects a further radicalization and self-perception of the yaḥad itself, or of significant part of it. Second, this study suggests that all these DSS derive from the same circle of scribes. Even though all, or almost all, are probably based on earlier exemplars, these scrolls appear to have been produced to be read together. The re-emergence of the Sons of Zadok in the DSS as well as probably in Sir 51:12a-o can thus tentatively be dated to the time of Janneus. Political and other changes following his death may be an explanation why the Sons of Zadok do not appear in later DSS.

Religions 11, 2020

Josephus refers explicitly to Alexander Janneus in his narratives in both War and Antiquities onl... more Josephus refers explicitly to Alexander Janneus in his narratives in both War and Antiquities only as king. Janneus's high priestly office is only implied, and that in a context that is hostile to him (War 1.88//Ant. 13.372). If one looks at Josephus's list of high priests in Ant. 20.242, there he reports that Janneus acted both as king and priest for "twenty-seven years". Was it Josephus who did not want to refer explicitly to Janneus as high priest in his narratives, was this dictated by his source/s, or by some other reason/s? More specifically, why is there a contrast between the narratives and the list? This study adopts source-critical, comparative, and interdisciplinary approach. It also compares Janneus with other rulers from the Hellenistic world with whom he shared many characteristics. However, certain aspects make the Hasmonean high priestly monarchy unique, dictated mainly by theological reasons. That of Janneus is an example of an institutional clash. Josephus was aware of the complexity and controversial aspects surrounding the institution of Hasmonean kingship and its combination with the high priesthood. For various reasons he chose not to identify Janneus explicitly as high priest in his narratives, but rather focus mainly on the royal policy. As an alternative, the Flavian historian drafted an idealized list of high priests in Ant. 20.225-245 that became the basis for developing his theocratic model of government, which-he probably hoped-could co-exist under the Roman emperor.

The present study focuses on a significant portion of the non-biblical DSS often classified by sc... more The present study focuses on a significant portion of the non-biblical DSS often classified by scholars as ‘parabiblical’. These texts originated in the Second Temple period. Some of them are as old as – or older than – some of our biblical texts. Since discovering these texts, scholars have struggled how to categorize them and find a fitting term with which to designate them. This study tries to illustrate these difficulties and makes some further proposals. Because of their nature and the variety of their genres it locates these texts in between biblical texts and the pesharim, even though the use itself of the term ‘biblical’ in that context is not without problems.

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2013

The Institution of the Hasmonean High Priesthood, 2014

Resumé: The more general aim of this paper is to clarify as to why there were in use – and still ... more Resumé: The more general aim of this paper is to clarify as to why there were in use – and still are in certain Churches – two collections of Psalms: the one found in the Old Testament, the other used for liturgical needs. This study thus introduces the readers into the most significant stages of the history of the transmission of Psalms in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin biblical traditions. The oldest texts of Psalms are to be found among the Dead Sea Scrolls. There are close to forty scrolls each containing at least several Psalms. Rather than attesting to the existence of a 'Psalter', these scrolls attest to several distinct collections of Psalms. While there is a critical edition of the Hebrew Psalms, the edition of the Greek Psalms prepared by Alfred Rahlfs (1931, 3 1979) is far from being really an editio maior. In addition to many methodological flaws pointed in this paper, this Göttingen edition does not evaluate several important ancient papyri dating to the II– IV century CE: e.g. the Antinoopolis Papyrus 7 which contains Psalms 81–82, the Chester Beatty Papyrus XIII which contains Psalms 72–88 and the Bodmer Papyrus XXIV which contains Psalms 17,45–118,44. However, in the absence of such critical edition, any serious translator of Psalter should take into consideration not only these Greek papyri but also the complex history of the transmission of Psalms in the He-brew, Greek, and Latin biblical traditions.

THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE EARLY CENTURIES generated the need for biblical texts in a lang... more THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE EARLY CENTURIES generated the need for biblical texts in a language Christians could (better) understand. Th e three source languages in which these texts were composed and/or translated before the emergence of Christianity (i.e. Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek) could no longer fully satisfy this need 2. Th us certain Christian communities decided to have the sacred texts translated into their own daily spoken language. Th e fi rst two translations by Christians were done in Latin and Syriac 3. Th ese translations were an innovation in the transmission history of the sacred texts. In what follows, I shall deal with the Latin translation(s). Th e focus of this contribution is the so-called Vulgata Bible(s). I shall outline some of the most salient aspects of its history only.

Brill Publishing House http://www.brill.com/products/book/institution-hasmonean-high-priesthood, Jan 2014

S u p p l e m e n t s t o t h e J o u r n a l f o r t h e S t u d y o f J u d a i s m [ 1 6 5 ] S... more S u p p l e m e n t s t o t h e J o u r n a l f o r t h e S t u d y o f J u d a i s m [ 1 6 5 ] S u p p l e m e n t s t o t h e J o u r n a l f o r t h e S t u d y o f J u d a i s m [ 1 6 5 ] jsjs 165

Rumors of Wisdom. Job 28 as Poetry (BZAW 398). Berlin -New York, Walter de Gruyter, 2009. xx-293 ... more Rumors of Wisdom. Job 28 as Poetry (BZAW 398). Berlin -New York, Walter de Gruyter, 2009. xx-293 p. 16 × 23,5. € 89,95. Nel c. 1 del libro Gb 28 è designato come un "Problematic Masterpiece", con difficoltà di struttura, difficoltà di comprendere il suo posto e la sua funzione. Jones accenna al rapporto difficile tra approccio filologico e approccio letterario nello studio della poesia biblica. Nel passato l'approccio filologico e la critica letteraria ignoravano l'approccio letterario, il quale però negli anni 1960, nelle sue varie forme, ha preso il sopravvento al punto di avere poca attenzione per l'analisi filologica e per la critica letteraria. Ma è chiaro che non si possono comprendere i poemi biblici senza tener conto dei vari aspetti della lingua e del testo.

Textual History of the Bible vol. 2C , 2020

Ricerche Storico Bibliche 12/1 (2023) 91-108, 2023

Nella storia d’Israele biblico varie sono state le migrazioni verso e dalla terra promessa. Alt... more Nella storia d’Israele biblico varie sono state le migrazioni verso e
dalla terra promessa. Altrettante sono state le ragioni che hanno spinto
vari gruppi e individui a emigrare: religiose, socio-economiche, politico
militari, e altre. L’emigrazione da parte di membri della dinastia sommo
sacerdotale degli Oniadi è un caso unico nella storia del periodo del se
condo tempio, in quanto a emigrare sono i membri di una istituzione sim
bolica e centrale della Giudea. Non solo emigrano nell’Egitto tolemai
co, ma radunano una comunità intorno a sé. Per di più, fondano un tem
pio e lo fanno sul suolo «pagano» a Leontopoli. Anche se sappiamo po
chissimo sulla storia tra la sua fondazione e la sua chiusura nel 73/74 d.C.
(Bell. 7,433-435), con molta probabilità questo è stato l’ultimo tempio di
YHWH in funzione.

Il fuoco della Parola: Il lezionario e l’eucologia della solennità di Pentecoste, 2023

A livello canonico, Babele/Babilonia è la prima città di cui si narra nella Bibbia. L'autore di G... more A livello canonico, Babele/Babilonia è la prima città di cui si narra nella Bibbia. L'autore di Gen 11,1-9 sembrerebbe voler sintetizzare la storia di questa metropoli sin dalla sua fondazione 1. Malgrado la sua brevità (121 parole), il racconto della torre di Babilonia è uno dei più conosciuti di tutto l'Antico Testamento. Esso ha attirato l'attenzione di tanti semplici lettori, ma anche di filosofi, storici, linguisti, esegeti, teologi, poeti, artisti e di non pochi archeologi 2. Filone d'Alessandria (ca. 20 a.C.-ca. 50 d.C.) dedicò a Gen 11,1-9 un intero trattato, meglio conosciuto come La confusione delle lingue 3. Nel difendere la sua interpretazione allegorica, dopo aver elogiato Omero come il più grande poeta di tutti i tempi, lo cita a proposito degli Aloadi, i quali hanno tentato di mettere sopra il Monte Olimpo due montagne con lo scopo di raggiungere il cielo (oúranos). Ci tiene a precisare, sin dall'inizio, che anche se tutte le parti della terra fossero messe una sopra l'altra, la distanza dal cielo sarebbe ancora enorme (Confusione 1,4-5). Subito dopo, Filone cita un altro racconto, ove gli animali parlano la stessa lingua, ma successivamente vengono puniti dalla divinità per via della confusione (sýnchysis; 1,6-8). Con questi due esempi mitologici, il filosofo giudaico non solo avverte la necessità di prestare attenzione ai racconti di altri popoli-come fa, tra l'altro, l'autore biblico stesso-ma soprattutto evidenzia i tre elementi chiave che caratterizzano Gen 11,1-9: la torre, la questione delle lingue (diálektoi), e la grandezza di Dio. L’autore di Gen 11,1-9 si muove su più livelli: linguistico, letterario, poli
tico-ideologico, storico e, soprattutto, teologico. Egli si ispira alla tradizione
mesopotamica su Babele/Babilonia e la sua torre (ziqqurrat). Con pochissime informazioni e parole, riesce a trasmettere più di un messaggio. L’autore-scriba, forse un sacerdote, sceglie i lessemi più adatti che gli permettono di cogliere il massimo di ciò che vuol comunicare ai suoi destinatari; e lo fa in modo anche ironico. Mentre la città-capitale con le sue imponenti mura rappresentava la potenza politica e militare dell’impero, la sua torre era il simbolo visivo della supremazia religiosa.

Rivista Biblica 1 (2023): 5-41 , 2023

https://www.dehoniane.it/contents/rbonline/2023/1/RB%201\_2023\_5-41\_Babota.pdf

Sacred Texts and Disparate Interpretations: Qumran Manuscripts Seventy Years Later