Marco Budassi | University of Pavia (original) (raw)
Papers by Marco Budassi
Proceedings of the second European symposium in Celtic Studies, held at Prifysgol Bangor University from July 31ˢt to August 3ʳd 2017, 2018
More than a century of research has not unravelled the origin of Insular Celtic absolute vs. conj... more More than a century of research has not unravelled the origin of Insular Celtic absolute vs. conjunct verbal endings opposition. In this contribution, I aim at defending the thesis that both absolute and relative endings spread from a set of inherited ‘conjunct’ endings due to functional reasons.
In pre-attested phases of Insular Celtic, a deictic subject clitic occurred attached to simple sentence-initial verb forms to mark the declarative use of verbs. The agglutination to the verb form of this clitic (which was phonologically different from one person to another) gave rise to the set of absolute endings.
Complementarily to the subject clitic in declaratives, the linguistic element *yo occurred as a functional marker of relative uses of verbs. From a synchronic standpoint, *yo seems rather indisputably a relative marker in both Insular and Continental Celtic. Nevertheless, perhaps the original value of *yo was anaphoric, from which the relative meaning developed given the frequent occurrence of *yo in relative constructions. The
agglutination of *yo to the verb gave rise to the set of relative endings.
As far as compound verbs are concerned, the infixation of either *yo or the subject clitic between preverb and verb might have led to the (attested) system in which relative forms of compound verbs are marked by mutation after the lexical preverb, while declarative forms of compound verbs show non-mutation. Nevertheless, I will argue that such a phonology-based system of mutation was probably replaced by a function-based system
of mutation in attested phases of Insular Celtic.
Indogermanische Forschungen: Zeitschrift für Indogermanistik und allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, 2018
Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal... more Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal inflection is still debated. In this paper, we defend the thesis that the set of absolute endings was originated by the agglutination of a subject clitic to the verb form. This clitic marked the declarative (vs. relative) use of verbs, since its distribution was complementary to that of the relative marker *yo. The present indicative as well as the preterite (in both the absolute and conjunct inflection) of one strong verb (berid, 'bring') and one weak verb (lécid, 'leave') are reconstructed according to this theory. For compound verb forms, the clitic ~ *yo alternation can be posited as well. The cases in which the distribution of initial mutations on the verb stem after preverbs does not follow the diachronic phonological rules of Old Irish (that is, there is no lenition after preverbs originally ending in a vowel) are accounted for from a synchronic standpoint. This " anomalous " behaviour can be explained by positing that a functionally relevant (morphological) system of mutations had replaced the previous phonology-based system.
This paper aims at examining the diachronic distribution of one of the richest classes of nouns i... more This paper aims at examining the diachronic distribution of one of the richest classes of nouns in Latin, namely those ending in-io. The work is performed through the combined use of a morphological analyser for Latin (Lemlat), and a database collecting all word forms occurring through different periods of Latin language (TF-CILF).
Word Formation Latin (WFL) is a derivational lexicon of Classical Latin that connects lexical ite... more Word Formation Latin (WFL) is a derivational lexicon of Classical Latin that connects lexical items on the basis of word-formation rules (WFRs). This paper describes the process of inserting the class of Latin-sc-verbs as a test case for discussing a number of linguistic theory issues arising from pigeonholing such a multiform class of verbs into a model regulated by a strict morphotactic approach. Additionally it discusses the first steps towards the design of a Word and Paradigm model for the representation of derivational families in Latin.
Cifra caratteristica dell’italiano neo-standard sono tratti linguistici una volta appartenenti al... more Cifra caratteristica dell’italiano neo-standard sono tratti linguistici una volta appartenenti al sub-standard, come il ‘che’ polivalente. In questo lavoro mi sono occupato di valutare se sia possibile o meno rintracciare il ‘che’ polivalente in un corpus annotato solamente per part of speech. Dai dati emerge come le sotto-tipologie di ‘che’ polivalente di tipo ‘giustappositivo’ siano estraibili dal corpus tramite query, mentre le sotto-tipologie di tipo ‘restrittivo’ non lo siano.
The recent enhancement of the morphological analyser for Latin Lemlat with a large Onomasticon en... more The recent enhancement of the morphological analyser for Latin Lemlat with a large Onomasticon enables us to analyse both the morphology and the distribution of loanwords in the Latin lexicon. In this paper, first we describe the categories of proper names that were not possible to insert into Lemlat automatically, showing that a large part of them are loanwords. Then, we present the results of a qualitative analysis of loanwords to detect those ‘exceptional’ endings that identify loanwords featuring inflectional properties not assimilated to those regular in the morphological system of Latin. In the end, we report a quantitative analysis of data to study the frequency of such loanwords in Latin texts.
This paper introduces the main components of the downloadable package of the 3.0 version of the m... more This paper introduces the main components of the downloadable package of the 3.0 version of the morphological analyser for Latin Lemlat. The processes of word form analysis and treatment of spelling variation performed by the tool are detailed, as well as the different output formats and the connection of the results with a recently built resource for deri-vational morphology of Latin. A light evaluation of the tool's lexical coverage against a diachronic vocabulary of the entire Latin world is also provided.
We present a study on the degree of homonymy between the lexicon of a morphological analyser for ... more We present a study on the degree of homonymy between the lexicon of a morphological analyser for Latin and an Onomasticon. To understand the impact of homonymy, we discuss an experiment on four Latin texts of different era and genre.
Lemlat is a morphological analyser for Latin, which shows a remarkably wide coverage of the Latin... more Lemlat is a morphological analyser for Latin, which shows a remarkably wide coverage of the Latin lexicon. However, the performance of the tool is limited by the absence of proper names in its lexical basis. In this paper we present the extension of Lemlat with a large Onomasticon for Latin. First, we describe and motivate the automatic and manual procedures for including the proper names in Lem-lat. Then, we compare the new version of Lemlat with the previous one, by evaluating their lexical coverage of four Latin texts of different era and genre.
Proceedings of the second European symposium in Celtic Studies, held at Prifysgol Bangor University from July 31ˢt to August 3ʳd 2017, 2018
More than a century of research has not unravelled the origin of Insular Celtic absolute vs. conj... more More than a century of research has not unravelled the origin of Insular Celtic absolute vs. conjunct verbal endings opposition. In this contribution, I aim at defending the thesis that both absolute and relative endings spread from a set of inherited ‘conjunct’ endings due to functional reasons.
In pre-attested phases of Insular Celtic, a deictic subject clitic occurred attached to simple sentence-initial verb forms to mark the declarative use of verbs. The agglutination to the verb form of this clitic (which was phonologically different from one person to another) gave rise to the set of absolute endings.
Complementarily to the subject clitic in declaratives, the linguistic element *yo occurred as a functional marker of relative uses of verbs. From a synchronic standpoint, *yo seems rather indisputably a relative marker in both Insular and Continental Celtic. Nevertheless, perhaps the original value of *yo was anaphoric, from which the relative meaning developed given the frequent occurrence of *yo in relative constructions. The
agglutination of *yo to the verb gave rise to the set of relative endings.
As far as compound verbs are concerned, the infixation of either *yo or the subject clitic between preverb and verb might have led to the (attested) system in which relative forms of compound verbs are marked by mutation after the lexical preverb, while declarative forms of compound verbs show non-mutation. Nevertheless, I will argue that such a phonology-based system of mutation was probably replaced by a function-based system
of mutation in attested phases of Insular Celtic.
Indogermanische Forschungen: Zeitschrift für Indogermanistik und allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, 2018
Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal... more Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal inflection is still debated. In this paper, we defend the thesis that the set of absolute endings was originated by the agglutination of a subject clitic to the verb form. This clitic marked the declarative (vs. relative) use of verbs, since its distribution was complementary to that of the relative marker *yo. The present indicative as well as the preterite (in both the absolute and conjunct inflection) of one strong verb (berid, 'bring') and one weak verb (lécid, 'leave') are reconstructed according to this theory. For compound verb forms, the clitic ~ *yo alternation can be posited as well. The cases in which the distribution of initial mutations on the verb stem after preverbs does not follow the diachronic phonological rules of Old Irish (that is, there is no lenition after preverbs originally ending in a vowel) are accounted for from a synchronic standpoint. This " anomalous " behaviour can be explained by positing that a functionally relevant (morphological) system of mutations had replaced the previous phonology-based system.
This paper aims at examining the diachronic distribution of one of the richest classes of nouns i... more This paper aims at examining the diachronic distribution of one of the richest classes of nouns in Latin, namely those ending in-io. The work is performed through the combined use of a morphological analyser for Latin (Lemlat), and a database collecting all word forms occurring through different periods of Latin language (TF-CILF).
Word Formation Latin (WFL) is a derivational lexicon of Classical Latin that connects lexical ite... more Word Formation Latin (WFL) is a derivational lexicon of Classical Latin that connects lexical items on the basis of word-formation rules (WFRs). This paper describes the process of inserting the class of Latin-sc-verbs as a test case for discussing a number of linguistic theory issues arising from pigeonholing such a multiform class of verbs into a model regulated by a strict morphotactic approach. Additionally it discusses the first steps towards the design of a Word and Paradigm model for the representation of derivational families in Latin.
Cifra caratteristica dell’italiano neo-standard sono tratti linguistici una volta appartenenti al... more Cifra caratteristica dell’italiano neo-standard sono tratti linguistici una volta appartenenti al sub-standard, come il ‘che’ polivalente. In questo lavoro mi sono occupato di valutare se sia possibile o meno rintracciare il ‘che’ polivalente in un corpus annotato solamente per part of speech. Dai dati emerge come le sotto-tipologie di ‘che’ polivalente di tipo ‘giustappositivo’ siano estraibili dal corpus tramite query, mentre le sotto-tipologie di tipo ‘restrittivo’ non lo siano.
The recent enhancement of the morphological analyser for Latin Lemlat with a large Onomasticon en... more The recent enhancement of the morphological analyser for Latin Lemlat with a large Onomasticon enables us to analyse both the morphology and the distribution of loanwords in the Latin lexicon. In this paper, first we describe the categories of proper names that were not possible to insert into Lemlat automatically, showing that a large part of them are loanwords. Then, we present the results of a qualitative analysis of loanwords to detect those ‘exceptional’ endings that identify loanwords featuring inflectional properties not assimilated to those regular in the morphological system of Latin. In the end, we report a quantitative analysis of data to study the frequency of such loanwords in Latin texts.
This paper introduces the main components of the downloadable package of the 3.0 version of the m... more This paper introduces the main components of the downloadable package of the 3.0 version of the morphological analyser for Latin Lemlat. The processes of word form analysis and treatment of spelling variation performed by the tool are detailed, as well as the different output formats and the connection of the results with a recently built resource for deri-vational morphology of Latin. A light evaluation of the tool's lexical coverage against a diachronic vocabulary of the entire Latin world is also provided.
We present a study on the degree of homonymy between the lexicon of a morphological analyser for ... more We present a study on the degree of homonymy between the lexicon of a morphological analyser for Latin and an Onomasticon. To understand the impact of homonymy, we discuss an experiment on four Latin texts of different era and genre.
Lemlat is a morphological analyser for Latin, which shows a remarkably wide coverage of the Latin... more Lemlat is a morphological analyser for Latin, which shows a remarkably wide coverage of the Latin lexicon. However, the performance of the tool is limited by the absence of proper names in its lexical basis. In this paper we present the extension of Lemlat with a large Onomasticon for Latin. First, we describe and motivate the automatic and manual procedures for including the proper names in Lem-lat. Then, we compare the new version of Lemlat with the previous one, by evaluating their lexical coverage of four Latin texts of different era and genre.