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In contemporary politics of migration governance, the criterion of legal validity is hindered by ... more In contemporary politics of migration governance, the criterion of legal validity is hindered by legal efficiency. Or parliamentary government before executive governance. This tension between legal efficiency and legal validity can emerge in bilateral soft agreements. The article analyses the EU-Turkey Statement (2016) and the Memorandum of Understanding between Libya and Italy (2017). From these bilateral soft agreements, a turn from legal validity to legal efficiency can be observed. The efficiency criterion, by replacing the one of validity, limits significantly the role of the Parliaments and thus affects the overall institutional balance and the rule of law. The article recognises the geopolitical contingences that determine the adoption of soft law bilateral agreements. However, it suggests reflecting on how legal forms are manipulated to externalise and securitise the borders of Europe by retuning border management from legal efficiency towards legal validity, or in other words from soft to hard law.

Keywords: international agreements; migration policy; soft law; legitimacy; borders; externalisation; constitutionalisation

Multinational corporations and Kalecki

La pandemia come opportunità di una vera Unione Europea solidale e comunitaria oltre il neoliberi... more La pandemia come opportunità di una vera Unione Europea solidale e comunitaria oltre il neoliberismo Dopo la crisi finanziaria del 2008, l'Europa si è trovata di fronte a diverse sfide portate dall'ascesa di partiti e movimenti populisti euroscettici. Diversi studiosi hanno affermato che le élite politiche europee e le masse hanno una concezione sempre più divergente della politica. La persistente crisi economica e la mancanza di politiche anti-povertà e antidisoccupazione a livello europeo hanno rappresentato alcune delle cause della divergenza tra l'elettorato ei partiti politici tradizionali. I partiti politici più colpiti da questi sviluppi sono stati quelli socialdemocratici, che hanno chiaramente perso il loro fascino tra il loro elettorato più rappresentativo: la classe operaia. Questo processo di disincanto tra le élite politiche socialdemocratiche e la classe operaia è un prodotto di forze contingenti storiche che hanno spianato la strada a un allontanamento dalle razionalità del welfare state verso quelle neoliberiste. Infatti, a partire dagli anni Novanta, allontanandosi dall'idea di una "Terza Via", le élite di sinistra hanno affermato che era tempo di trasformare le strutture antiquate di una società capitalista implementando un'agenda neoliberista che ridisegnasse i concetti di individuo, stato e mercato. Nel corso degli anni le élite di sinistra europee hanno cercato di ricalibrare la portata di questa trasformazione sottolineando la necessità di costruire un'Europa sociale in cui si difendessero gli interessi dei perdenti della globalizzazione. Eppure, alla luce dei recenti eventi come il referendum sulla Brexit e le sollevazioni dei partiti populisti in tutta Europa, sembra che questo progetto di un'Europa sociale sia fallito. In molti degli Stati membri dell'Unione europea (UE) i partiti populisti hanno identificato le cause dell'aumento della disuguaglianza e della disoccupazione nelle politiche perseguite dai principali partiti politici dell'UE. Questi sentimenti anti-UE stanno diventando attraenti per ampi segmenti delle società europee, in particolare tra le classi lavoratrici che si sono sentite tradite dai partiti di sinistra. Oggigiorno la maggior parte delle politiche attuate dagli Stati membri dell'UE sono concepite dalle istituzioni dell'UE. Spesso le istituzioni dell'UE vengono criticate dai partiti populisti europei a causa del cosiddetto "Deficit democratico" o per le politiche di austerità perseguite. Tra le istituzioni dell'UE l'unica che ha una legittimità democratica diretta è il Parlamento europeo. Pertanto, i cittadini europei percepiscono i loro membri nazionali del Parlamento europeo come gli unici rappresentanti democraticamente eletti dei loro interessi all'interno delle istituzioni dell'UE. Eppure, la fiducia degli elettori nei confronti dei loro rappresentanti sta diminuendo in tutta Europa. In particolare, i partiti socialdemocratici stanno perdendo elettori in tutta Europa a causa della loro incapacità di influenzare l'agenda economica

Negli ultimi anni la politica migratoria italiana ha costruito una retorica anti-immigrazione att... more Negli ultimi anni la politica migratoria italiana ha costruito una retorica anti-immigrazione attorno a due fondamenti: il populismo criminale e la criminalizzazione della solidarietà. Per "gestire" la cosiddetta crisi migratoria, molti paesi europei hanno utilizzato strumenti di diritto penale e di diritto amministrativo dell'immigrazione per individuare, controllare e criminalizzare i migranti. La criminalizzazione della migrazione si materializza in un triplice processo: con l'adozione del diritto penale sostanziale, mediante il ricorso al tradizionale meccanismo di applicazione della legge penale che comprende la sorveglianza e la detenzione, nonché tramite lo sviluppo di meccanismi di prevenzione. I partiti populisti di destra-ma non solo-descrivono i migranti irregolari come una minaccia alla sovranità, al benessere pubblico e alla sicurezza nazionale. In questo modo, come ha sostenuto il Luigi Ferrajoli-professore di filosofia del diritto all'università di Roma Tre-il populismo penale diventa un carattere distintivo di politiche securitarie perseguite dai partiti populisti. Nella letteratura specializzata è stato coniato un neologismo per descrivere questo insieme di pratiche di controllo sociale: "sistema di controllo di crimmigration". Pertanto, sembrerebbe che gli strumenti di crimmigration abbiano una considerevole natura di esclusione poiché privano i migranti dei diritti fondamentali di cui avrebbero diritto. Nei diversi "assemblaggi istituzionali" i migranti sono esclusi dal territorio del paese di destinazione, dalla politica e dai diritti fondamentali a cui hanno diritto. Nel fare ciò, i paesi e molti altri attori concordano nel rafforzare un sistema globale di polizia, punizione e controllo per difendere le "fortezze Europee".

Our aim is to gather young researchers to critically discuss global challenges from a multi and i... more Our aim is to gather young researchers to critically discuss global challenges from a multi and interdisciplinary perspective. We aim to nurture a sophisticated appreciation of the institutional foundations of global capitalism(s): how they are consolidated in legal, social and economic practice, and how they are susceptible of reform, resistance, hacking, contestation. The approach entails a determination to look beyond positivistic approaches to understand the plural complexity of the latest theoretical developments in the humanities and social sciences. This vision translates in Common Horizons where a plurality of voices can be heard: from the global North and the Global South, from legal scholars alongside critical economists, philosophers, sociologists and anthropologists, from analytical and deconstructive perspectives in tandem with holistic and generative visions. We invite young researchers at least in their second year of PhD to prepare a short video of max 10 minutes in an informal non-academic format in which they address the following items: 1) Place your work in the overall global challenges (Health, Migration, Environment, Neoliberal/Surveillance Capitalism among others) 2) Indicate one legal, political, economic instrument that in your research displays the tension between: private/public; territorial/extraterritorial; government/governance/governmentality; hard/soft; law/science; cosmopolitanism/nationalism; communitarianism/individualism 3) In relation to the overall global challenge that you explore in your research what is the 'most' critical issue(s) and what could be an interdisciplinary 'research agenda'

In the last years some members states of the European Union have constructed an anti-immigration ... more In the last years some members states of the European Union have constructed an anti-immigration rhetoric around two notions: criminal populism and criminalization of solidarity. These two notions are interrelated because it is through the laws enacted by populist parties that the criminalization of solidarity materialises in migration politics. Against this backdrop, EU law emerged has an important instrument able to impose limits to the power of member states to adopt national legislation in this field. In particular, the intersection of EU criminal and migration law has exercised a ‘protective’ function against the criminalisation laws enacted at national level. The paper analysis the recent Italy’s migration policies introduced by the populist former interior minister Matteo Salvini in light of EU criminal law and human rights frameworks. In doing so, it explores if EU law represents a ‘protection’ against national laws that criminalise migration and solidarity.
Salvini designed two law decrees that created a situation of outright exclusion. First, it produced a state of illegality for many migrants by limiting significantly the humanitarian protection. Second, Salvini initiated a policy of ‘closed ports’ that is not illegal per se but has severe humanitarian consequences. By doing so, NGOs activities were subject to many measures that intentionally created the conditions for the criminalization of their solidarity practices. Thus, the paper sheds light on the country-speciﬁc dynamics of the process of anti-immigration policies with the aim of identifying the intersection between EU law and national law in migration management. Moreover, it aims to illustrate a case study in which anti-immigration rhetoric was based on the combination of criminal populism and criminalization of solidarity.

In contemporary capitalism some multinational companies possess assets across the world higher th... more In contemporary capitalism some multinational companies possess assets across the world higher than the gross domestic product of some developed countries such as Portugal, Greece and Austria. Nowadays in most economies any business of substance depends from a multinational company. These are becoming powerful private global actors that are able to influence economic and political outcomes in many parts of the world. More importantly - from an economic theory perspective - multinational companies can be regarded as the driver forces of the business cycle. In fact, multinational companies’ investments determine the levels of production and employment in contemporary capitalism. From the nineteenth eighties there was significant expansion of financial activities and financial deregulation, processes that gave rise to a significant hegemony of the financial sphere on the industrial one.
In this contest one of the most important financial innovations was determined by the elimination of capital controls in United Kingdom and in North America. This innovation paved the way for the emergence of a specific kind of multinational companies the so called financially enhanced multinational companies. Analysing the expansion of multinational companies involve an historical investigation of the social and economic dynamics with the recognition of existent relations of production within the economic system. Since most of the studies on multinational companies adopt a micro perspective the thesis considers their role from a macro perspective. In fact, a macro perspective can offer more significant elements to understand the role of multinational companies in contemporary capitalism.
The paper explores some of the dynamics that characterized the emergence of multinational companies. In particular, it recognizes – building on Michal Kalecki’s business cycle theory - their crucial role in channeling investments to maintain the equilibrium in the business cycle. Moreover, the paper shows how after the financial crisis the level of investments decreased significantly in many countries. Thus, it is essential to explain through the support of economic theories the key role that multinational companies play in channelling investments in light of contemporary neoliberal globalisation.

GRITIM Working Paper Series Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Sep 20, 2019

The EU is facing a migration management dilemma. The compromise between inclusion and exclusion d... more The EU is facing a migration management dilemma. The compromise between inclusion and exclusion developed by the European Court of Human Rights failed to guarantee human rights obligations and security challenges. This situation has put pressure on the member states overlooking the Mediterranean Sea namely Italy, Greece and Spain. In this scenario, these member states have attempted to pursue strategies to contain the phenomenon assuring both human rights and security. This paper analyses two different strategies developed by the Italian government in the last five years to respond to the Libyan migration crisis. These strategies are the Mare Nostrum operation and the Minniti doctrine. These strategies are designed around three pillars: Borders; Territory; Human Rights. The paper suggests that these pillars are assembled differently at different times to achieve specific policy goals. In doing so, the normative assemblage could be instrumental to either an inclusive or an exclusive strategy.

Reviglio, M. (2019). Externalizing Migration Management through Soft Law: The Case of the Memorandum of Understanding between Libya and Italy. Global Jurist., 2019

The externalization of migration management to third countries is a recurrent phenomenon in inter... more The externalization of migration management to third countries is a recurrent phenomenon in international migration. Soft law instruments emerged as an important strategy to externalize migration management to third countries through international migration agreements. In particular, in the last years the European Union and some member states have adopted bilateral and multilateral migration agreements in order to diminish the arrival of migrants in Europe. These agreements in the form of soft law instruments are problematic because do not follow the ordinary process of law making and thus it is difficult to assess their legal effectivity. An emblematic case is represented by the bilateral agreement between Libya and Italy signed in February 2017. From a critical discussion of the agreement, many problems in relation to its legal and material validity follow. In particular, in relation to the protection of migrants’ human rights there are many breaches of law that emerged in Libya after the signature of the agreement.
Keywords: migration management, externalization, soft law, Libya, human rights, international law

LLM Thesis - International University College of Turin, 2016

Paper for the course in Governing the Commons

MA Thesis in Global History- Utrecht Universiteit, 2014

Teaching Documents by Martino Reviglio

Reading based on my experience of student and teacher. I think represents a vary limited overview... more Reading based on my experience of student and teacher. I think represents a vary limited overview of some of the most pressing issues in our time. There are way more, and I invite you to stimulate the discussion with other literature and approach. These are open to anyone wants to contribute with active mental and physical participation.

Readings selected by 'improvisation'

Papers by Martino Reviglio

The Age of human Rights Journal, 2024

The European Union migration governance is characterised by non-linearity and complexity. Such go... more The European Union migration governance is characterised by non-linearity and complexity. Such governance represents the competition of a multitude of actors that compete for power and visibility. The policies designed by its member states-based on the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights-oscillate between an inclusive and an exclusive migration governance approach. A concept that can offer a comprehensive understanding of the social and normative dynamics that transformed the Mediterranean Sea as a space of inclusion and exclusion is assemblage. The article suggests that the EU and its member states design migration governance policies on an instrumental assemblage of borders, territory and human rights. From the discussion of these assemblages, it emerges how the compromise developed by the European Court of Human Rights contributed to further exclusion and human rights violations in the Mediterranean Sea. Thus, assemblage offers a critical perspective on the normative limits of the migration management policies unfolding at EU borders.