Elisabetta De Giorgi | Università degli Studi di Trieste (original) (raw)
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Papers by Elisabetta De Giorgi
Oxford University Press eBooks, Oct 20, 2022
European political science, Jun 3, 2024
South European Society and Politics, Apr 3, 2022
Routledge eBooks, Aug 10, 2021
The special issue explores government, party system and political attitudes as dimensions reveali... more The special issue explores government, party system and political attitudes as dimensions revealing Portugal\u2019s exceptionalism during its post-bailout period (2015\u201319). It shows that government stability was greater in Portugal, no party system revolution took place and political trust recovered more quickly than in the other countries. In contrast, Portugal is not dissimilar from the other South European cases regarding the prevalence of populist attitudes, even though populist actors did not achieve electoral success before 2019
Routledge eBooks, Aug 10, 2021
Politics and Governance
Under the motto “God, homeland, and family”—but also by stressing one further important marker of... more Under the motto “God, homeland, and family”—but also by stressing one further important marker of social identity, i.e., gender—Italian radical right party leader Giorgia Meloni multiplied her party seats in parliament from 2013 onwards. After the 2022 elections, she became the first woman prime minister in Italy. Starting from an overview of the figure of Giorgia Meloni as a radical right woman leader, we explore her and her party’s position on women-related issues and their relevance while exploring, in opposition, two different contexts: representative institutions and social media. To do that, we draw on parliamentary data—bills and parliamentary questions introduced in parliament by Fratelli d’Italia—and on Meloni’s public discourse—examined in an analysis of all the tweets posted by her official Twitter account, between 2013 and 2021. As expected, a low saliency of women’s issues appears in all the types of data examined, although some of them are more exposed to the shift in ...
UID/CPO/04627/2013 SFRH/BD/86762/2012 IF/00926/2015This project aims to shed light on the changes... more UID/CPO/04627/2013 SFRH/BD/86762/2012 IF/00926/2015This project aims to shed light on the changes in political decision-making processes across Europe in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC). Crisis responses have challenged traditional parliamentary-democratic ideals such as accountability, representation and deliberation. As a result, taking a multi-disciplinary and comparative perspective, this project seeks to address the concentration of power, looking particularly at locations (arenas), processes (institutional and discursive) and long-term impact.publishersversionpublishe
This chapter has two major goals: to explore the process that brought the Socialist Party (PS), t... more This chapter has two major goals: to explore the process that brought the Socialist Party (PS), the Left Bloc (BE) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) together with the Greens (PEV) close enough to cooperate with each other and to support the so called Geringon\ue7a (\u201cContraption\u201d) established in Portugal in 2015; and to see what happened to the relationship among the same parties after the beginning of this unprecedented alliance. The first objective has to do with a series of questions. What brought the Socialists and the radical left parties to collaborate after many years spent so far from each other? Had they already started any sort of convergence in ideological or policy terms before 2015? Or was it simply the fear of another legislature led by the centre-right coalition that pushed them to find a common ground for discussion and collaboration after the 2015 election? This first objective is related to the phase that preceded the agreement among the PS and the ...
O Observat\uf3rio Portugu\ueas das Din\ue2micas Parlamentares (POPaD) constitui uma infraestrutur... more O Observat\uf3rio Portugu\ueas das Din\ue2micas Parlamentares (POPaD) constitui uma infraestrutura de dados destinada a todos os interessados na pol\uedtica portuguesa e no parlamento portugu\ueas em particular. Combina diferentes informa\ue7\uf5es sobre o parlamento portugu\ueas, desde o in\uedcio da II Legislatura (1980-1983) at\ue9 aos dias de hoje, numa plataforma \ufanica e de f\ue1cil e livre acesso. Inclui dados sobre legisla\ue7\ue3o aprovada, iniciativas legislativas (quer as propostas de lei quer os projectos de lei) e o respetivo processo legislativo, perguntas e requerimentos e debates parlamentares. A sua interface web e o formato universalmente reconhecido \u2013 csv \u2013 no qual se podem encontrar os dados, permite aos investigadores pesquisar e descarregar os dados de maneira simples e r\ue1pida. Al\ue9m disso, a infraestrutura do POPaD \ue9 dirigida tamb\ue9m a cientistas internacionais interessados na pol\uedtica portuguesa e por isso s\ue3o, tamb\ue9m, disponibi...
Following the banking collapse in the US and shortly after the beginning of the Greek sovereign d... more Following the banking collapse in the US and shortly after the beginning of the Greek sovereign debt crisis in the first quarter of 2010, Portugal was pin-pointed as a high-risk investment: demands for bonds issued by government shrank and the interest rate shot up. The Prime Minister (PM) José Sócrates kept insisting that the country would not have be bailed out on the grounds that the minority Socialist government was successfully approving austerity packages with the help of the main opposition party – the Social Democratic Party (PSD). However, in March 2011, the government proposed an additional fourth package that was rejected by all the opposition parties. This led to Sócrates’ resignation and shortly after the international lenders were called in. In the election of June 2011, a centre-right coalition composed of the PSD and the CDS-PP obtained an absolute majority and started to implement a series of painful austerity measures, most of which were conditioned by the internat...
Following the 2018 election and a long phase of negotiations, Lega and the Five Star Movement (FS... more Following the 2018 election and a long phase of negotiations, Lega and the Five Star Movement (FSM) appointed the first cabinet in Western Europe that does not include any mainstream party family. The ‘elective affinities’ between the electorates of these two challenger parties had been quite evident for some time, but in the present work we argue that there are further traits that the two parties had shared well before 2018 that could help to further prove their proximity. We propose a new dimension of analysis that should be taken into consideration when studying (new) challenger parties: their relationship vis-a-vis the other opposition parties. We would expect them to enter parliament for the first time with both the goals usually related to the two different opposition status (temporary vs. permanent) in mind: leaving the opposition and exploiting the opposition. Furthermore, we would expect them to stand apart from the other parties, no matter whether the latter are in governm...
Una definizione di opposizione in Italia, il suo contesto, la sua storia e la sua evoluzione tra ... more Una definizione di opposizione in Italia, il suo contesto, la sua storia e la sua evoluzione tra prima e seconda repubblica
L\u2019anno del centro-destra pu\uf2 essere ben racchiuso tra questi due estremi: da un lato la L... more L\u2019anno del centro-destra pu\uf2 essere ben racchiuso tra questi due estremi: da un lato la Lega che cerca di completare la ridefinizione della propria identit\ue0, dimenticando l\u2019indipendentismo padano e posizionandosi all\u2019estrema destra, enfatizzando le posizioni anti-immigrati e anti-euro, con l\u2019ambizione di espandere il proprio elettorato anche al centro-sud [Vampa 2017]; dall\u2019altro Berlusconi che costruisce per s\ue9 e per il proprio partito un\u2019immagine di forza politica moderata e affidabile, inevitabile cerniera di qualunque alleanza post-elettorale. In mezzo, Fratelli d\u2019Italia (FdI), il piccolo partito di Giorgia Meloni, che raccoglie i voti dei nostalgici del Movimento sociale italiano (Msi). Come vedremo, alla destra di questi partiti \uabistituzionali\ubb, sono riemerse frange neo-fasciste, rappresentate da due gruppi extraparlamentari \u2013 Forza Nuova e CasaPound \u2013 che hanno conquistato una sorprendente e preoccupante centralit\ue...
In this paper, a method was developed to estimate in-situ the emissivity of the W-coated graphite... more In this paper, a method was developed to estimate in-situ the emissivity of the W-coated graphite divertor tiles in the WEST tokamak. This method is based on the double heating method and take advantages of the divertor temperature increase after successive plasma experiments due to the inertial behavior of the plasma facing components. Photonic calculations have been used to disentangle the emitted and the reflected parts in the measured radiances from the infrared system. The uncertainty as well as the robustness of the method have been investigated thanks to the wide IR and thermocouple coverage in the WEST divertor. The results show strong variation of the emissivity along the divertor W surfaces with a factor 4 variation after the experimental campaigns including 18.3 GJ and about 21 000 s of cumulated injected energy and duration, respectively. Finally, the implication of a non-uniform emissivity on heat flux estimation from IR measurements is discussed, showing that non-uniform emissivity must be considered to obtain an accurate heat flux decay width.
Oxford University Press, 2021
Oxford University Press eBooks, Oct 20, 2022
European political science, Jun 3, 2024
South European Society and Politics, Apr 3, 2022
Routledge eBooks, Aug 10, 2021
The special issue explores government, party system and political attitudes as dimensions reveali... more The special issue explores government, party system and political attitudes as dimensions revealing Portugal\u2019s exceptionalism during its post-bailout period (2015\u201319). It shows that government stability was greater in Portugal, no party system revolution took place and political trust recovered more quickly than in the other countries. In contrast, Portugal is not dissimilar from the other South European cases regarding the prevalence of populist attitudes, even though populist actors did not achieve electoral success before 2019
Routledge eBooks, Aug 10, 2021
Politics and Governance
Under the motto “God, homeland, and family”—but also by stressing one further important marker of... more Under the motto “God, homeland, and family”—but also by stressing one further important marker of social identity, i.e., gender—Italian radical right party leader Giorgia Meloni multiplied her party seats in parliament from 2013 onwards. After the 2022 elections, she became the first woman prime minister in Italy. Starting from an overview of the figure of Giorgia Meloni as a radical right woman leader, we explore her and her party’s position on women-related issues and their relevance while exploring, in opposition, two different contexts: representative institutions and social media. To do that, we draw on parliamentary data—bills and parliamentary questions introduced in parliament by Fratelli d’Italia—and on Meloni’s public discourse—examined in an analysis of all the tweets posted by her official Twitter account, between 2013 and 2021. As expected, a low saliency of women’s issues appears in all the types of data examined, although some of them are more exposed to the shift in ...
UID/CPO/04627/2013 SFRH/BD/86762/2012 IF/00926/2015This project aims to shed light on the changes... more UID/CPO/04627/2013 SFRH/BD/86762/2012 IF/00926/2015This project aims to shed light on the changes in political decision-making processes across Europe in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC). Crisis responses have challenged traditional parliamentary-democratic ideals such as accountability, representation and deliberation. As a result, taking a multi-disciplinary and comparative perspective, this project seeks to address the concentration of power, looking particularly at locations (arenas), processes (institutional and discursive) and long-term impact.publishersversionpublishe
This chapter has two major goals: to explore the process that brought the Socialist Party (PS), t... more This chapter has two major goals: to explore the process that brought the Socialist Party (PS), the Left Bloc (BE) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) together with the Greens (PEV) close enough to cooperate with each other and to support the so called Geringon\ue7a (\u201cContraption\u201d) established in Portugal in 2015; and to see what happened to the relationship among the same parties after the beginning of this unprecedented alliance. The first objective has to do with a series of questions. What brought the Socialists and the radical left parties to collaborate after many years spent so far from each other? Had they already started any sort of convergence in ideological or policy terms before 2015? Or was it simply the fear of another legislature led by the centre-right coalition that pushed them to find a common ground for discussion and collaboration after the 2015 election? This first objective is related to the phase that preceded the agreement among the PS and the ...
O Observat\uf3rio Portugu\ueas das Din\ue2micas Parlamentares (POPaD) constitui uma infraestrutur... more O Observat\uf3rio Portugu\ueas das Din\ue2micas Parlamentares (POPaD) constitui uma infraestrutura de dados destinada a todos os interessados na pol\uedtica portuguesa e no parlamento portugu\ueas em particular. Combina diferentes informa\ue7\uf5es sobre o parlamento portugu\ueas, desde o in\uedcio da II Legislatura (1980-1983) at\ue9 aos dias de hoje, numa plataforma \ufanica e de f\ue1cil e livre acesso. Inclui dados sobre legisla\ue7\ue3o aprovada, iniciativas legislativas (quer as propostas de lei quer os projectos de lei) e o respetivo processo legislativo, perguntas e requerimentos e debates parlamentares. A sua interface web e o formato universalmente reconhecido \u2013 csv \u2013 no qual se podem encontrar os dados, permite aos investigadores pesquisar e descarregar os dados de maneira simples e r\ue1pida. Al\ue9m disso, a infraestrutura do POPaD \ue9 dirigida tamb\ue9m a cientistas internacionais interessados na pol\uedtica portuguesa e por isso s\ue3o, tamb\ue9m, disponibi...
Following the banking collapse in the US and shortly after the beginning of the Greek sovereign d... more Following the banking collapse in the US and shortly after the beginning of the Greek sovereign debt crisis in the first quarter of 2010, Portugal was pin-pointed as a high-risk investment: demands for bonds issued by government shrank and the interest rate shot up. The Prime Minister (PM) José Sócrates kept insisting that the country would not have be bailed out on the grounds that the minority Socialist government was successfully approving austerity packages with the help of the main opposition party – the Social Democratic Party (PSD). However, in March 2011, the government proposed an additional fourth package that was rejected by all the opposition parties. This led to Sócrates’ resignation and shortly after the international lenders were called in. In the election of June 2011, a centre-right coalition composed of the PSD and the CDS-PP obtained an absolute majority and started to implement a series of painful austerity measures, most of which were conditioned by the internat...
Following the 2018 election and a long phase of negotiations, Lega and the Five Star Movement (FS... more Following the 2018 election and a long phase of negotiations, Lega and the Five Star Movement (FSM) appointed the first cabinet in Western Europe that does not include any mainstream party family. The ‘elective affinities’ between the electorates of these two challenger parties had been quite evident for some time, but in the present work we argue that there are further traits that the two parties had shared well before 2018 that could help to further prove their proximity. We propose a new dimension of analysis that should be taken into consideration when studying (new) challenger parties: their relationship vis-a-vis the other opposition parties. We would expect them to enter parliament for the first time with both the goals usually related to the two different opposition status (temporary vs. permanent) in mind: leaving the opposition and exploiting the opposition. Furthermore, we would expect them to stand apart from the other parties, no matter whether the latter are in governm...
Una definizione di opposizione in Italia, il suo contesto, la sua storia e la sua evoluzione tra ... more Una definizione di opposizione in Italia, il suo contesto, la sua storia e la sua evoluzione tra prima e seconda repubblica
L\u2019anno del centro-destra pu\uf2 essere ben racchiuso tra questi due estremi: da un lato la L... more L\u2019anno del centro-destra pu\uf2 essere ben racchiuso tra questi due estremi: da un lato la Lega che cerca di completare la ridefinizione della propria identit\ue0, dimenticando l\u2019indipendentismo padano e posizionandosi all\u2019estrema destra, enfatizzando le posizioni anti-immigrati e anti-euro, con l\u2019ambizione di espandere il proprio elettorato anche al centro-sud [Vampa 2017]; dall\u2019altro Berlusconi che costruisce per s\ue9 e per il proprio partito un\u2019immagine di forza politica moderata e affidabile, inevitabile cerniera di qualunque alleanza post-elettorale. In mezzo, Fratelli d\u2019Italia (FdI), il piccolo partito di Giorgia Meloni, che raccoglie i voti dei nostalgici del Movimento sociale italiano (Msi). Come vedremo, alla destra di questi partiti \uabistituzionali\ubb, sono riemerse frange neo-fasciste, rappresentate da due gruppi extraparlamentari \u2013 Forza Nuova e CasaPound \u2013 che hanno conquistato una sorprendente e preoccupante centralit\ue...
In this paper, a method was developed to estimate in-situ the emissivity of the W-coated graphite... more In this paper, a method was developed to estimate in-situ the emissivity of the W-coated graphite divertor tiles in the WEST tokamak. This method is based on the double heating method and take advantages of the divertor temperature increase after successive plasma experiments due to the inertial behavior of the plasma facing components. Photonic calculations have been used to disentangle the emitted and the reflected parts in the measured radiances from the infrared system. The uncertainty as well as the robustness of the method have been investigated thanks to the wide IR and thermocouple coverage in the WEST divertor. The results show strong variation of the emissivity along the divertor W surfaces with a factor 4 variation after the experimental campaigns including 18.3 GJ and about 21 000 s of cumulated injected energy and duration, respectively. Finally, the implication of a non-uniform emissivity on heat flux estimation from IR measurements is discussed, showing that non-uniform emissivity must be considered to obtain an accurate heat flux decay width.
Oxford University Press, 2021