Evanthis Hatzivassiliou | National & Kapodistrian University of Athens (original) (raw)

Papers by Evanthis Hatzivassiliou

This publication is a selection of articles originally published in: Ελένη Γαρδίκα-Κατσιαδάκη και... more This publication is a selection of articles originally published in: Ελένη Γαρδίκα-Κατσιαδάκη και Ευάνθης Χατζηβασιλείου (επιμ.), Από τις Σέβρες στη Λωζάννη-From Sèvres to Lausanne, Πρακτικά συνεδρίου, Αθήνα, Ίδρυμα της Βουλής των Ελλήνων για τον Κοινοβουλευτισμό και τη Δημοκρατία-Εθνικό Ίδρυμα Ερευνών και Μελετών «Ελευθέριος Κ. Βενιζέλος», 2024

The article discusses receptions of Classical antiquity in Star Trek: The Original Series (TOS), ... more The article discusses receptions of Classical antiquity in Star Trek: The Original Series (TOS), from 1966-9, based on analysis of the episodes and the archive of the creator, Gene Roddenberry, as well as the archive of scriptwriter Paul Schneider. TOS allows scholars to trace aspects of the perceptions of Classical antiquity during a time when American society was undergoing important transformations; as it slowly entered the post-industrial era, it naturally rethought its legacies. Although respect for Classical antiquity was clear, TOS appeared ambivalent towards its legacies, which it connected with isolationism or conservatism. This is a characteristic of the discourse of novel worldviews during the time of their growth, when they have to establish their distinction from older concepts. In contrast, TOS's sequel from the 1980s, The Next Generation, was created at a time when the move to the post-industrial era had been completed, and it tended to insist on the value of intellectual legacies as a necessary ingredient of a conscious modernity.

Proceedings of the Danish Institute at Athens, 2019

The Balkans in the Cold War, 2017

By 1951–2, NATO, always retaining its emphasis on the military level, also initiated a series of ... more By 1951–2, NATO, always retaining its emphasis on the military level, also initiated a series of studies on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, trying to assess their adversary’s political and economic strengths and weaknesses. This chapter focuses on the findings of the NATO working groups regarding Yugoslavia’s sui generis position in the Cold War. It argues that NATO experts mostly viewed this pivotal country in a narrowly Eastern European context, and rather neglected its role as a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement. Moreover, they failed to appreciate the peculiar international position or the ideological orientations and needs of the Tito regime which, in order to survive as a heretical communist polity, had to be—and be seen as being—independent of both East and West. It was only by the mid-1960s, mostly after the impressive reforms in the Yugoslav economy, that NATO working groups became definitely convinced that Yugoslavia represented a real ‘heresy’ in the communist world which could be exploited by the West.

Cyprus from Colonialism to the Present: Visions and Realities, 2017

Balkan studies, 1992

The history of Greek-Bulgarian relations in the first post-war period is very complicated. It is ... more The history of Greek-Bulgarian relations in the first post-war period is very complicated. It is in a combination of factors that one should seek to trace the perceptions of statesmen in Athens and in Sofia. Apart from differences of their political economic and social systems, additional factors divided the two countries. Since 1870, there was an uninterrupted legacy of conflict between Greece and Bulgaria. This made the Greeks reluctant to believe that the Bulgarians would abandon their traditional policy of pursuing territorial revision. The break up of the Korean war in 1950 seemed to confirm these fears. Greek armed forces, furthermore, were far weaker than the Bulgarian ones, something which did not allow the Greek governments to take a confident attitude towards Sofia. Finally, the Cyprus question permitted the Soviet bloc (of which the major representative in the Balkans was Bulgaria) to exert all kinds of pressure to Athens. It was only after the 1962 Cuban missile crisis t...

The Greek Junta and the International System, 2020

Cold War History, 2012

This article discusses the reports of the NATO study groups on the situation in the Third World, ... more This article discusses the reports of the NATO study groups on the situation in the Third World, from the aftermath of the Suez crisis until the 1967 reorganization of the alliance through the Harmel Report. These were the infamous ‘out-of-area’ issues which caused significant disagreements within the alliance. NATO analysis was dominated by the primacy of the Cold War: its major subject was ‘Soviet penetration’ of the periphery, rather than the problems of the global South as such. Arguably, this Cold War perspective prevented the NATO analysts from fully evaluating the dangers of the situation in the Third World.

Journal of European Integration History, 2015

The International History Review, 2015

In early 1969 the new US President, Richard Nixon, suggested the expansion of allied political co... more In early 1969 the new US President, Richard Nixon, suggested the expansion of allied political consultation, as well as the setting up of a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) committee which would deal with environmental problems. The Americans stressed that their proposal did not involve merely the technical aspects of environmental protection, but also the need for modern governance to evolve in order to safeguard the ‘quality of life’, a prime aspect affecting the legitimisation of the political and social systems. The US proposal was not received enthusiastically by the allies, who had little desire for radical changes, and did not regard this as a proper subject for the alliance; some even feared that a NATO role in environmental questions might mask a US disengagement from European security, especially during an era of détente. However, after making sure that the new committee would be fully under the control of the Council (in accordance with NATO's inter-governmental character), the allies finally agreed to its creation. The NATO discussions on the Committee on the Challenges of Modern Society (CCMS) point to the emergence of a new, more complex international agenda, and raise interesting questions regarding transatlantic relations during an era of wider transitions.

The Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy Yearbook Series, 2010

... C. Arvanitopoulos and KE Botsiou (eds.), The Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy ... more ... C. Arvanitopoulos and KE Botsiou (eds.), The Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy Yearbook 2010, © Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2010 ... For example, the two Greek dictators of the interwar years (Theodore Pangalos of the Venizelists and Ioannis Metaxas of ...

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 2012

Balkan postwar animosities involved the osmosis of Cold War cleavages with older regional/nationa... more Balkan postwar animosities involved the osmosis of Cold War cleavages with older regional/nationalist disputes. By providing for deterrence and for the integration of Balkan affairs in a global context, NATO played a major role in discouraging territorial claims between Greece and Turkey on the one hand, and Bulgaria on the other. By the 1970s, the Cold War enemies of the Balkans were firmly on the path of détente. Ironically, NATO was less successful in facilitating a definite reconciliation between its two members, Greece and Turkey, although arguably it also contributed in averting a bilateral clash.

Journal of Contemporary History, 1995

Postwar Greek foreign policy has attracted little attention, as scholars have tended to focus on ... more Postwar Greek foreign policy has attracted little attention, as scholars have tended to focus on the troubled 1940s, when the country became involved in the second world war, suffered a triple occupation and then went through a vicious civil conflict, which was one of the first incidents and a major chapter of the cold war.1 Unlike the 1940s, the period from the accession of Greece and Turkey to NATO until the Cuban missile crisis saw Greece able to embark upon reconstruction: the country was run by strong conservative governments, under Field-Marshal Alexandros Papagos (1952-5) and Constantinos Karamanlis (1955-63); its economy experienced a spectacular take-off; and except for the 1955-9 Cyprus crisis, Greece did not hit the international headlines. Compared to the previous decade, the south of the Balkans seemed quiet. Yet, several aspects of Greek foreign and defence policy in the 1950s are worth studying. This paper aims to analyse the system of alliances through which Athens hoped to achieve security in the early cold war period. It will be argued that Greece's military position was extremely difficult, and that apart from participation in NATO, Athens also tried to forge a series of bilateral relationships, with the aim of either strengthening the country's defences or denying other neighbouring powers to the Soviets. To use P. Kennedy's expression, the 'realities behind diplomacy' that Greece had to face, turned its search for security into a complicated political, economic, or even military exercise. The paper will also attempt to trace the role that Greek policy-makers attributed to the EEC with regard to security. As early as the 1950s, Greece stepped forward as one of the most ardent exponents of political as well as economic European co-operation, and became the first country to be associated with the Community in July 1961.

Journal of Cold War Studies, 2009

The article presents the analysis of the study groups set up by the North Atlantic Treaty Organiz... more The article presents the analysis of the study groups set up by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to assess the non-military aspects of Soviet power and potential during the era of Nikita Khrushchev. Following Stalin's death, the Western alliance tried to form a comprehensive view of the strengths and weaknesses of the USSR's economy and political system. This was part of NATO's effort to adjust to the realities of a long Cold War, the outcome of which would not be decided by military force alone. The NATO reports were largely successful in describing the long-term trends of the Soviet economy and the weaknesses of the Soviet system. However, they usually failed to anticipate specific, though significant and potentially dangerous, initiatives of the Soviet regime. On balance they were a crucial input for NATO ministers, and their importance in the shaping of Western policies needs to be evaluated carefully.

Intelligence and National Security, 2013

In a prolonged multidimensional conflict such as the Cold War, military threats were aggravated b... more In a prolonged multidimensional conflict such as the Cold War, military threats were aggravated by the challenges of internal subversion and propaganda. These posed huge problems to the smaller NATO members, who lacked the resources to respond to Soviet bloc/communist tactics. This article focuses on two Greek proposals to NATO, in 1952 and 1958, which intended to address such issues. In the first instance, Athens contributed to the creation of the NATO Special Committee. In 1958, a Greek proposal on psychological warfare was brushed aside. The article tries to interpret Greek motives, the alliance's response and the reasons which led to the rejection of the latter proposal.

Diplomacy & Statecraft, 2007

... In April 1955 the EOKA (National Organization of Cypriot Fighters) under the Cypriot-born for... more ... In April 1955 the EOKA (National Organization of Cypriot Fighters) under the Cypriot-born former Colonel of the Greek army, George Grivas, started its ... On top of all that, on 4 October Papagos died and was succeeded by the Minister of Public Works, Constantinos Karamanlis. ...