Nikolaos Tzifakis | University of the Peloponnese (original) (raw)
Books - Monographs by Nikolaos Tzifakis
Το παρόν σύγγραμμα μελετά τον «εξευρωπαϊσμό» (Europeanization) των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων. Σε αντίθεση... more Το παρόν σύγγραμμα μελετά τον «εξευρωπαϊσμό» (Europeanization) των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων. Σε αντίθεση με τεχνικές μελέτες και εκθέσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (ΕΕ), το βιβλίο προχωρά πέρα από την καταγραφή και αποτίμηση της τρέχουσας προόδου στην ενταξιακή πορεία των χωρών της περιοχής. Ο στόχος του είναι η εξοικείωση του αναγνώστη με τη σύγχρονη ιστορία, τις κρατούσες κοινωνικές, εθνικές και πολιτισμικές αντιλήψεις, καθώς και με τις βασικές πολιτικές και οικονομικές επιλογές των χωρών των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων. Με άλλα λόγια, εξετάζονται οι διαχρονικές προκλήσεις για τον εξευρωπαϊσμό των χωρών της περιοχής και αναζητούνται η προέλευση και τα αίτιά τους. Το βιβλίο φωτίζει την ιστορική διαδικασία οικοδόμησης των εθνών της περιοχής και φέρνει στο προσκήνιο ορισμένους από τους κυρίαρχους εθνικούς μύθους που έχουν κατασκευαστεί (και επαναδιατυπωθεί) στο βάθος του χρόνου. Έτσι, αναλύεται η ιστορική ανάδυση των σύγχρονων διενέξεων στα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια και εξηγούνται η διαμόρφωση και η εξέλιξη των αντιλήψεων και των επιδιώξεων κάθε αντιμαχόμενης πλευράς. Παρομοίως, μελετάται η προβληματική πολιτική και οικονομική μετάβαση της περιοχής μετά το τέλος του Ψυχρού Πολέμου στο αντίξοο περιβάλλον που συνέθεσαν η διάλυση της Γιουγκοσλαβίας και το ξέσπασμα διαδοχικών ένοπλων συρράξεων. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, ερμηνεύεται σφαιρικά η υστέρηση των χωρών των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων στο πεδίο του εκδημοκρατισμού και της εμπέδωσης του κράτους δικαίου. Παράλληλα, εξετάζεται η παρέμβαση του διεθνούς παράγοντα, η οποία έχει διαδραματίσει καθοριστικό ρόλο στις βαλκανικές υποθέσεις τις τελευταίες τρεις δεκαετίες. Συμπερασματικά, το βιβλίο προσφέρει μια σφαιρική και πολυπρισματική ανάλυση της σύγχρονης ιστορίας των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων, εστιάζοντας στις προκλήσεις που θέτουν η οικοδόμηση κρατικών θεσμών, η επίλυση διενέξεων και η εφαρμογή μεταρρυθμίσεων με στόχο τον εξευρωπαϊσμό και την ένταξη της περιοχής στην ΕΕ.
LSE Hellenic Observatory, 2022
From the mid-1990s and for over a decade Greece developed a very important and dynamic trade and ... more From the mid-1990s and for over a decade Greece developed a very important and dynamic trade and investment relationship with most Western Balkan countries. The economic crisis in 2009 broke this momentum and led to massive declines in both trade and FDI. While trade transactions rebounded after 2016 and almost reached pre-crisis levels, the decline of Greek FDI has shown no signs of recovering, its most definitive sign being the departure of many Greek banks from the region. The objective of this project is to delve into the intricacies of Greek economic diplomacy, focusing on its conduct in the Western Balkan countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia) and exploring paths that could improve economic and business practices in the region. It does so by mapping out the multi-layered dimensions of Greek economic relations with the Western Balkans, highlighting problems and challenges that have emerged over the years, identifying key actors and stakeholders in the process, and making policy recommendations based on an evaluation of all the above.
Routledge, 2019
This book provides a detailed understanding of how different types of engagements impact upon the... more This book provides a detailed understanding of how different types of engagements impact upon the reform and EU integration of the Western Balkan region. It examines the influence of Russia, China, Turkey and the UAE in the region and analyses the range of existing links.
Contributors offer an academic and multifaceted perspective of the role of external and non-Western actors in the region that goes beyond, on the one hand, the tendency of some Western decision makers to perceive all engagement by third powers as a sinister threat and, on the other, the view of regional governments of all external involvement as a boon coming at a time of Western neglect and reduced foreign investments. By looking at the importance of Russia, Turkey, China and the UAE in the Western Balkans, the book sheds light on one key arena of global competition, offers new insights on the strengths and weaknesses of Euro–Atlantic integration and advances our knowledge of foreign policy and its economic, social and security dimensions for small and medium-sized countries.
Εκδόσεις Πεδίο, 2017
Για κάποιους, η προοπτική των σινο-αµερικανικών σχέσεων είναι εγκλωβισµένη σε µια «θουκυδίδεια πα... more Για κάποιους, η προοπτική των σινο-αµερικανικών σχέσεων είναι εγκλωβισµένη σε µια «θουκυδίδεια παγίδα». Για άλλους, σε µια καντιανή προοπτική. Ένα είναι βέβαιο. Το µέλλον των σινο-αµερικανικών σχέσεων αποτελεί µία από τις µεγαλύτερες προκλήσεις τόσο για την τρέχουσα πολιτική όσο και για τη θεωρία των ∆ιεθνών Σχέσεων. Θεωρία η οποία δέχεται διττή κριτική. Αφενός, λόγω της τάσης της να καθίσταται ολοένα και περισσότερο αφαιρετική. Αφετέρου, λόγω της αδυναµίας της να αναπτύξει προγνωστικά εργαλεία. Το βιβλίο υποστηρίζει ότι το πρόβληµα της θεωρίας εδράζεται αλλού: στον εξηγητικό µονισµό που υιοθετεί και εκφράζεται µε όρους αναλυτικής «µεροληψίας». Άλλωστε, η αποστασιοποίηση από την πολιτική πράξη είναι υγιές φαινόµενο, ενώ η αναζήτηση µιας προγνωστικής επιστήµης των ∆ιεθνών Σχέσεων (όσο σαγηνευτική και αν είναι) αποπολιτικοποιεί την πολιτική. Μετά από µια αναλυτική χαρτογράφηση θεωρητικών προβολών στη σινο-αµερικανική πρόκληση, το βιβλίο καταλήγει στην παράφραση µιας πάντοτε επίκαιρης διδαχής του Hans Morgenthau: η δεινότητα στην ανάλυση της διεθνούς πολιτικής δεν προϋποθέτει την πιστή εφαρµογή ενός µηχανιστικού µοντέλου, αλλά τη σοφία και την ταπεινότητα ενός αυθεντικού στοχαστή.
Since 1981, Greece has been a major recipient of EU funds. Brussels has commissioned a large numb... more Since 1981, Greece has been a major recipient of EU funds. Brussels has commissioned a large number of studies to assess the impact of these funds on the Greek economy and society. The authors of this volume do not replicate these reports. Instead, they raise questions that are often overlooked in typical program and project evaluations. They focus particularly on implications for governance. Τhe book provides an innovative analysis of the long-term non-quantifiable impact of EU cohesion policy - from the recipient’s viewpoint. The verdict is not positive: dismal failures lie next to impressive successes. The realization of what has gone wrong may trigger a debate on how to avoid similar mistakes, how to promote modernization and how to invigorate sustainable growth at a critical time in the country’s history.
The Greek economic crisis has imperilled the stability of the eurozone, generating much global an... more The Greek economic crisis has imperilled the stability of the eurozone, generating much global anxiety. Policymakers, analysts, and the media have daily debated the course of the Greek economy, prescribing ways to move forward. This collection of essays progressively moves from an analysis of the causes of the crisis and the policy responses so far to a debate on some of the countryʼs advantages and capabilities that should underpin its new development model and propel the return to growth. The book seeks to provide motivation and inspiration for change by indicating some of the economic sectors where Greece maintains a comparative advantage. Therefore, it challenges the picture of Greece as a country doomed to failure, where everything falls apart.
There is every indication that the international system is undergoing a period of significant tra... more There is every indication that the international system is undergoing a period of significant transformation. The substantially higher growth rates of the emerging-market economies in comparison with those of the developed economies are changing the global distribution of power. Studies project that if economic trends are not reversed in the coming years, China will surpass the US and become the world’s largest economy, India will emerge in Japan’s place as the third-largest economy and Brazil will outpace Germany as the fifth-largest. This book underscores the complexity of forecasting international politics and proceeds cautiously to investigate the questions of change and continuity, examining several actors with respect to multiple issues and across different levels of analysis. Taken as a whole, this collection of essays offers a series of snapshots of different aspects, and from varying angles, of an international system in motion.
"Στο κείμενο αυτό εξετάζονται η έννοια της «ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας» (human security) και η υιοθέτησ... more "Στο κείμενο αυτό εξετάζονται η έννοια της «ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας» (human security) και η υιοθέτηση της από πολιτικές ηγεσίες και διαμορφωτές πολιτικής. Δίνεται έμφαση σε δυο διαφορετικές εκδοχές της «ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας». Η πρώτη αναπτύχθηκε από τον Καναδά και επικεντρώνεται σε ζητήματα που σχετίζονται με την προστασία από την βία και, ειδικότερα, την αντιμετώπιση απειλών που σχετίζονται με τις ένοπλες συγκρούσεις. Η δεύτερη εκδοχή προωθήθηκε από την Ιαπωνία και δίνει έμφαση σε οικονομικά και κοινωνικά προβλήματα όπως είναι η φτώχια και η πρόσβαση όλων των ανθρώπων σε βασικές υπηρεσίες υγείας.
Η βασική υπόθεση του κειμένου είναι ότι υπάρχει μια «πολιτική» πίσω από την ανθρώπινη ασφάλεια, η μελέτη της οποίας μπορεί να οδηγήσει σε ενδιαφέροντα συμπεράσματα για τη διεθνή συμπεριφορά των δυο αυτών κρατών-μελών του G8. Το κεντρικό επιχείρημα είναι ότι η υιοθέτηση της ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας συνδέεται με τις αντιλήψεις δύο πολιτικών προσώπων (του Υπουργού Εξωτερικών του Καναδά και του Πρωθυπουργού της Ιαπωνίας) αλλά, παράλληλα, και με την προώθηση μιας σειράς ρεαλιστικών επιδιώξεων. Στην πρακτική εφαρμογή (ιδιαίτερα στα Βαλκάνια ) προέκυψαν προβλήματα. Σε γενικές γραμμές η Ιαπωνία φάνηκε να αγνοεί την «ελευθερία από το φόβο» και ο Καναδάς φάνηκε να υποτιμά την «ελευθερία από την στέρηση». Ωστόσο η ιδέα της ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας φαίνεται να δρα σαν ανεξάρτητη μεταβλητή επηρεάζοντας μακροπρόθεσμα, τόσο τη ρητορεία, όσο και την χάραξη πολιτικής. Ο Καναδάς και η Ιαπωνία συνέβαλαν σημαντικά στο να γίνει πλέον κοινός τόπος ότι τα ζητήματα της ανάπτυξης και της ασφάλειας είναι αλληλένδετα και ότι τα κράτη είναι πολλές φορές η μεγαλύτερη απειλή για την ασφάλεια των ίδιων των πολιτών τους-τους οποίους υποτίθεται ότι προστατεύουν. "
Journal Articles by Nikolaos Tzifakis
Internationale Politik Quarterly, 2023
Greece has historically perceived the EU enlargement policy as an enabling framework for the adva... more Greece has historically perceived the EU enlargement policy as an enabling framework for the advancement of its national preferences. This is likely to remain the case today.
Journal of International Development, 2021
Since 2015, Greece has experienced an unprecedented influx of asylum seekers. For several months,... more Since 2015, Greece has experienced an unprecedented influx of asylum seekers. For several months, most humanitarian assistance provided to them by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) heavily relied on in-kind donations. Donations of tangible items frequently pose serious management challenges and may disturb relief distribution. Through empirical research based on a questionnaire survey and interviews, we find that NGOs have increasingly cooperated and coped well with these management issues. Despite the lack of formal coordination mechanisms, it seems that donation of goods acted as an incentive for cooperation. In contrast, in-kind donations of services (volunteerism) did not seem to have the same effect.
Southeastern Europe, 2021
The transformation of SYRIZA from a minor party struggling to enter parliament into a major gover... more The transformation of SYRIZA from a minor party struggling to enter parliament into a major governing party within a short period of time; its rule in the context of a severe economic crisis; and its resilience following four and a half years of governance is a very interesting story. SYRIZA has been the only radical left populist party that has governed an EU country in recent times. This article briefly accounts for the factors that facilitated SYRIZA’s catapulting to power, while the Special Issue moves on to assess some of the main issues that the SYRIZA-led government dealt with from 2015 to 2019. With the danger of oversimplifying a more complex picture, we argue that SYRIZA emerged as a serious contender to power owing to the concurrence of two factors: i) the errors in the economic policies of the governments that ruled during the 2010–2014 period, and ii) its successful exploitation of the opportunity offered to capitalize on the dynamics of a grassroots protest movement (the ‘Aganaktismenoi’) through the adoption of the movement’s populist discourses. The article explicates the consolidation of SYRIZA as a pillar in the Greek political system and concludes with a brief presentation of the structure of the Special Issue.
Southeastern Europe, 2021
This article analyses and develops the rationale behind the foreign policy of the SYRIZA-led gove... more This article analyses and develops the rationale behind the foreign policy of the SYRIZA-led government towards the Western Balkans. It challenges the prevalent view in the academic literature that there was continuity between policies of the SYRIZA government and its predecessors. By analysing the track record of Greek foreign policy towards the region from 2009 to 2019, it argues that from mid-2016 onwards SYRIZA implemented a major policy shift and adopted a policy of retrenchment. This change was a response to the country's diminished economic and diplomatic power and influence in the region, as well as a reaction to the widening gap between Greek and Turkish capabilities. The adjustment of Greek foreign policy to the realities of the protracted economic crisis demonstrates that the theory of MacDonald and Parent concerning the policies followed by great powers in acute economic decline may also be applied to the study of policies followed by small powers in decline.
Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 2021
This article, which introduces a Special Issue of the JCES on the challenges of EU enlargement po... more This article, which introduces a Special Issue of the JCES on the challenges of EU enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans, critically examines the geopolitical turn of the EU’s institutional thinking on enlargement since 2017. After several high-ranked EU officials and leaders of member states more or less explicitly voiced their concerns about the declining influence of the EU in the Western Balkans, the European Commission – which has traditionally been responsible for carrying out administrative-technical aspects of the accession process – adopted a more geopolitical approach to enlargement policy in February 2018, and has since sought to advance Western Balkan accession more decisively. However, this geopolitical turn to the EU’s institutional thinking on enlargement has so far failed to translate discourse into concrete results. The article argues that the main reasons for this failure can be found in a lack of support by EU members, which either do not share the Commission’s sense of urgency, or are eager to use enlargement policy and the accession process to advance their national interests. The article concludes with a brief presentation of the structure of the special issue and introduces the contributing articles.
European View, 2020
In the Western Balkans, as elsewhere around the world, governments took extraordinary measures to... more In the Western Balkans, as elsewhere around the world, governments took extraordinary measures to effectively contain the spread of COVID-19, measures that entailed serious restrictions to individual freedoms. They also introduced extra powers that upset the ordinary division and balance of governmental power. In this context, several analysts have expressed concern that the authoritarian trend observed in the region during the last decade will become further entrenched. The worst fear, that some of the Western Balkan leaderships may retain extraordinary powers indefinitely, has not been confirmed. However, constitutionally prescribed procedures were disregarded and the operation of formal and informal mechanisms of checks and balances ignored. The article argues that the ease with which the Western Balkan leaders removed any checks and controls over their rule raises the valid question of how they may deal with future circumstances which may endanger their power.
Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 2019
In the early 2000s, the EU incrementally appeared to have espoused a distinguishing human securit... more In the early 2000s, the EU incrementally appeared to have espoused a distinguishing human security discourse. This was bound not only to inform its crisis management operations but also to shape its global role. Today, the Union seems to move toward a global strategy blueprint and an ensuing public discourse. Human security is no longer mentioned as a grand objective, though it has not been moved to the background. It is cited as an end of one just component of EU global strategy. This article tries to map out how relevant EU texts speak about human security and high- lights benchmarks in the cases of the European Union Police Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo. By focusing on the mandate and effects of these civilian missions, it finds that the Union has refrained from operationalising a human security perspective to direct them. Although it has not taken steps to internalize and turn human security into an overarching driver of its engagement, elements of human security advancement might be recorded.
Voluntas, 2017
The paper analyzes the impact of economic crises on organized civil society. A number of empirica... more The paper analyzes the impact of economic crises on organized civil society. A number of empirical studies have shown that a financial crisis can inflict a serious damage on the nonprofit sector—mainly through a sharp decline in revenues. However, the Greek case shows that a crisis can also have some positive effects on NGOs: many nonprofits introduced reforms that increased efficiency, the number of volunteers reached record levels, and there was a spectacular rise in funding by private philanthropic foundations. However, Greek NGOs continue to be dependent on external funding, unable to raise large sums from their members and the wider public. Organized Greek civil society continues to be turned upside down: dependency on EU and state funds is being replaced by dependency on private foundations.
Το παρόν σύγγραμμα μελετά τον «εξευρωπαϊσμό» (Europeanization) των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων. Σε αντίθεση... more Το παρόν σύγγραμμα μελετά τον «εξευρωπαϊσμό» (Europeanization) των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων. Σε αντίθεση με τεχνικές μελέτες και εκθέσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (ΕΕ), το βιβλίο προχωρά πέρα από την καταγραφή και αποτίμηση της τρέχουσας προόδου στην ενταξιακή πορεία των χωρών της περιοχής. Ο στόχος του είναι η εξοικείωση του αναγνώστη με τη σύγχρονη ιστορία, τις κρατούσες κοινωνικές, εθνικές και πολιτισμικές αντιλήψεις, καθώς και με τις βασικές πολιτικές και οικονομικές επιλογές των χωρών των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων. Με άλλα λόγια, εξετάζονται οι διαχρονικές προκλήσεις για τον εξευρωπαϊσμό των χωρών της περιοχής και αναζητούνται η προέλευση και τα αίτιά τους. Το βιβλίο φωτίζει την ιστορική διαδικασία οικοδόμησης των εθνών της περιοχής και φέρνει στο προσκήνιο ορισμένους από τους κυρίαρχους εθνικούς μύθους που έχουν κατασκευαστεί (και επαναδιατυπωθεί) στο βάθος του χρόνου. Έτσι, αναλύεται η ιστορική ανάδυση των σύγχρονων διενέξεων στα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια και εξηγούνται η διαμόρφωση και η εξέλιξη των αντιλήψεων και των επιδιώξεων κάθε αντιμαχόμενης πλευράς. Παρομοίως, μελετάται η προβληματική πολιτική και οικονομική μετάβαση της περιοχής μετά το τέλος του Ψυχρού Πολέμου στο αντίξοο περιβάλλον που συνέθεσαν η διάλυση της Γιουγκοσλαβίας και το ξέσπασμα διαδοχικών ένοπλων συρράξεων. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, ερμηνεύεται σφαιρικά η υστέρηση των χωρών των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων στο πεδίο του εκδημοκρατισμού και της εμπέδωσης του κράτους δικαίου. Παράλληλα, εξετάζεται η παρέμβαση του διεθνούς παράγοντα, η οποία έχει διαδραματίσει καθοριστικό ρόλο στις βαλκανικές υποθέσεις τις τελευταίες τρεις δεκαετίες. Συμπερασματικά, το βιβλίο προσφέρει μια σφαιρική και πολυπρισματική ανάλυση της σύγχρονης ιστορίας των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων, εστιάζοντας στις προκλήσεις που θέτουν η οικοδόμηση κρατικών θεσμών, η επίλυση διενέξεων και η εφαρμογή μεταρρυθμίσεων με στόχο τον εξευρωπαϊσμό και την ένταξη της περιοχής στην ΕΕ.
LSE Hellenic Observatory, 2022
From the mid-1990s and for over a decade Greece developed a very important and dynamic trade and ... more From the mid-1990s and for over a decade Greece developed a very important and dynamic trade and investment relationship with most Western Balkan countries. The economic crisis in 2009 broke this momentum and led to massive declines in both trade and FDI. While trade transactions rebounded after 2016 and almost reached pre-crisis levels, the decline of Greek FDI has shown no signs of recovering, its most definitive sign being the departure of many Greek banks from the region. The objective of this project is to delve into the intricacies of Greek economic diplomacy, focusing on its conduct in the Western Balkan countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia) and exploring paths that could improve economic and business practices in the region. It does so by mapping out the multi-layered dimensions of Greek economic relations with the Western Balkans, highlighting problems and challenges that have emerged over the years, identifying key actors and stakeholders in the process, and making policy recommendations based on an evaluation of all the above.
Routledge, 2019
This book provides a detailed understanding of how different types of engagements impact upon the... more This book provides a detailed understanding of how different types of engagements impact upon the reform and EU integration of the Western Balkan region. It examines the influence of Russia, China, Turkey and the UAE in the region and analyses the range of existing links.
Contributors offer an academic and multifaceted perspective of the role of external and non-Western actors in the region that goes beyond, on the one hand, the tendency of some Western decision makers to perceive all engagement by third powers as a sinister threat and, on the other, the view of regional governments of all external involvement as a boon coming at a time of Western neglect and reduced foreign investments. By looking at the importance of Russia, Turkey, China and the UAE in the Western Balkans, the book sheds light on one key arena of global competition, offers new insights on the strengths and weaknesses of Euro–Atlantic integration and advances our knowledge of foreign policy and its economic, social and security dimensions for small and medium-sized countries.
Εκδόσεις Πεδίο, 2017
Για κάποιους, η προοπτική των σινο-αµερικανικών σχέσεων είναι εγκλωβισµένη σε µια «θουκυδίδεια πα... more Για κάποιους, η προοπτική των σινο-αµερικανικών σχέσεων είναι εγκλωβισµένη σε µια «θουκυδίδεια παγίδα». Για άλλους, σε µια καντιανή προοπτική. Ένα είναι βέβαιο. Το µέλλον των σινο-αµερικανικών σχέσεων αποτελεί µία από τις µεγαλύτερες προκλήσεις τόσο για την τρέχουσα πολιτική όσο και για τη θεωρία των ∆ιεθνών Σχέσεων. Θεωρία η οποία δέχεται διττή κριτική. Αφενός, λόγω της τάσης της να καθίσταται ολοένα και περισσότερο αφαιρετική. Αφετέρου, λόγω της αδυναµίας της να αναπτύξει προγνωστικά εργαλεία. Το βιβλίο υποστηρίζει ότι το πρόβληµα της θεωρίας εδράζεται αλλού: στον εξηγητικό µονισµό που υιοθετεί και εκφράζεται µε όρους αναλυτικής «µεροληψίας». Άλλωστε, η αποστασιοποίηση από την πολιτική πράξη είναι υγιές φαινόµενο, ενώ η αναζήτηση µιας προγνωστικής επιστήµης των ∆ιεθνών Σχέσεων (όσο σαγηνευτική και αν είναι) αποπολιτικοποιεί την πολιτική. Μετά από µια αναλυτική χαρτογράφηση θεωρητικών προβολών στη σινο-αµερικανική πρόκληση, το βιβλίο καταλήγει στην παράφραση µιας πάντοτε επίκαιρης διδαχής του Hans Morgenthau: η δεινότητα στην ανάλυση της διεθνούς πολιτικής δεν προϋποθέτει την πιστή εφαρµογή ενός µηχανιστικού µοντέλου, αλλά τη σοφία και την ταπεινότητα ενός αυθεντικού στοχαστή.
Since 1981, Greece has been a major recipient of EU funds. Brussels has commissioned a large numb... more Since 1981, Greece has been a major recipient of EU funds. Brussels has commissioned a large number of studies to assess the impact of these funds on the Greek economy and society. The authors of this volume do not replicate these reports. Instead, they raise questions that are often overlooked in typical program and project evaluations. They focus particularly on implications for governance. Τhe book provides an innovative analysis of the long-term non-quantifiable impact of EU cohesion policy - from the recipient’s viewpoint. The verdict is not positive: dismal failures lie next to impressive successes. The realization of what has gone wrong may trigger a debate on how to avoid similar mistakes, how to promote modernization and how to invigorate sustainable growth at a critical time in the country’s history.
The Greek economic crisis has imperilled the stability of the eurozone, generating much global an... more The Greek economic crisis has imperilled the stability of the eurozone, generating much global anxiety. Policymakers, analysts, and the media have daily debated the course of the Greek economy, prescribing ways to move forward. This collection of essays progressively moves from an analysis of the causes of the crisis and the policy responses so far to a debate on some of the countryʼs advantages and capabilities that should underpin its new development model and propel the return to growth. The book seeks to provide motivation and inspiration for change by indicating some of the economic sectors where Greece maintains a comparative advantage. Therefore, it challenges the picture of Greece as a country doomed to failure, where everything falls apart.
There is every indication that the international system is undergoing a period of significant tra... more There is every indication that the international system is undergoing a period of significant transformation. The substantially higher growth rates of the emerging-market economies in comparison with those of the developed economies are changing the global distribution of power. Studies project that if economic trends are not reversed in the coming years, China will surpass the US and become the world’s largest economy, India will emerge in Japan’s place as the third-largest economy and Brazil will outpace Germany as the fifth-largest. This book underscores the complexity of forecasting international politics and proceeds cautiously to investigate the questions of change and continuity, examining several actors with respect to multiple issues and across different levels of analysis. Taken as a whole, this collection of essays offers a series of snapshots of different aspects, and from varying angles, of an international system in motion.
"Στο κείμενο αυτό εξετάζονται η έννοια της «ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας» (human security) και η υιοθέτησ... more "Στο κείμενο αυτό εξετάζονται η έννοια της «ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας» (human security) και η υιοθέτηση της από πολιτικές ηγεσίες και διαμορφωτές πολιτικής. Δίνεται έμφαση σε δυο διαφορετικές εκδοχές της «ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας». Η πρώτη αναπτύχθηκε από τον Καναδά και επικεντρώνεται σε ζητήματα που σχετίζονται με την προστασία από την βία και, ειδικότερα, την αντιμετώπιση απειλών που σχετίζονται με τις ένοπλες συγκρούσεις. Η δεύτερη εκδοχή προωθήθηκε από την Ιαπωνία και δίνει έμφαση σε οικονομικά και κοινωνικά προβλήματα όπως είναι η φτώχια και η πρόσβαση όλων των ανθρώπων σε βασικές υπηρεσίες υγείας.
Η βασική υπόθεση του κειμένου είναι ότι υπάρχει μια «πολιτική» πίσω από την ανθρώπινη ασφάλεια, η μελέτη της οποίας μπορεί να οδηγήσει σε ενδιαφέροντα συμπεράσματα για τη διεθνή συμπεριφορά των δυο αυτών κρατών-μελών του G8. Το κεντρικό επιχείρημα είναι ότι η υιοθέτηση της ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας συνδέεται με τις αντιλήψεις δύο πολιτικών προσώπων (του Υπουργού Εξωτερικών του Καναδά και του Πρωθυπουργού της Ιαπωνίας) αλλά, παράλληλα, και με την προώθηση μιας σειράς ρεαλιστικών επιδιώξεων. Στην πρακτική εφαρμογή (ιδιαίτερα στα Βαλκάνια ) προέκυψαν προβλήματα. Σε γενικές γραμμές η Ιαπωνία φάνηκε να αγνοεί την «ελευθερία από το φόβο» και ο Καναδάς φάνηκε να υποτιμά την «ελευθερία από την στέρηση». Ωστόσο η ιδέα της ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας φαίνεται να δρα σαν ανεξάρτητη μεταβλητή επηρεάζοντας μακροπρόθεσμα, τόσο τη ρητορεία, όσο και την χάραξη πολιτικής. Ο Καναδάς και η Ιαπωνία συνέβαλαν σημαντικά στο να γίνει πλέον κοινός τόπος ότι τα ζητήματα της ανάπτυξης και της ασφάλειας είναι αλληλένδετα και ότι τα κράτη είναι πολλές φορές η μεγαλύτερη απειλή για την ασφάλεια των ίδιων των πολιτών τους-τους οποίους υποτίθεται ότι προστατεύουν. "
Internationale Politik Quarterly, 2023
Greece has historically perceived the EU enlargement policy as an enabling framework for the adva... more Greece has historically perceived the EU enlargement policy as an enabling framework for the advancement of its national preferences. This is likely to remain the case today.
Journal of International Development, 2021
Since 2015, Greece has experienced an unprecedented influx of asylum seekers. For several months,... more Since 2015, Greece has experienced an unprecedented influx of asylum seekers. For several months, most humanitarian assistance provided to them by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) heavily relied on in-kind donations. Donations of tangible items frequently pose serious management challenges and may disturb relief distribution. Through empirical research based on a questionnaire survey and interviews, we find that NGOs have increasingly cooperated and coped well with these management issues. Despite the lack of formal coordination mechanisms, it seems that donation of goods acted as an incentive for cooperation. In contrast, in-kind donations of services (volunteerism) did not seem to have the same effect.
Southeastern Europe, 2021
The transformation of SYRIZA from a minor party struggling to enter parliament into a major gover... more The transformation of SYRIZA from a minor party struggling to enter parliament into a major governing party within a short period of time; its rule in the context of a severe economic crisis; and its resilience following four and a half years of governance is a very interesting story. SYRIZA has been the only radical left populist party that has governed an EU country in recent times. This article briefly accounts for the factors that facilitated SYRIZA’s catapulting to power, while the Special Issue moves on to assess some of the main issues that the SYRIZA-led government dealt with from 2015 to 2019. With the danger of oversimplifying a more complex picture, we argue that SYRIZA emerged as a serious contender to power owing to the concurrence of two factors: i) the errors in the economic policies of the governments that ruled during the 2010–2014 period, and ii) its successful exploitation of the opportunity offered to capitalize on the dynamics of a grassroots protest movement (the ‘Aganaktismenoi’) through the adoption of the movement’s populist discourses. The article explicates the consolidation of SYRIZA as a pillar in the Greek political system and concludes with a brief presentation of the structure of the Special Issue.
Southeastern Europe, 2021
This article analyses and develops the rationale behind the foreign policy of the SYRIZA-led gove... more This article analyses and develops the rationale behind the foreign policy of the SYRIZA-led government towards the Western Balkans. It challenges the prevalent view in the academic literature that there was continuity between policies of the SYRIZA government and its predecessors. By analysing the track record of Greek foreign policy towards the region from 2009 to 2019, it argues that from mid-2016 onwards SYRIZA implemented a major policy shift and adopted a policy of retrenchment. This change was a response to the country's diminished economic and diplomatic power and influence in the region, as well as a reaction to the widening gap between Greek and Turkish capabilities. The adjustment of Greek foreign policy to the realities of the protracted economic crisis demonstrates that the theory of MacDonald and Parent concerning the policies followed by great powers in acute economic decline may also be applied to the study of policies followed by small powers in decline.
Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 2021
This article, which introduces a Special Issue of the JCES on the challenges of EU enlargement po... more This article, which introduces a Special Issue of the JCES on the challenges of EU enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans, critically examines the geopolitical turn of the EU’s institutional thinking on enlargement since 2017. After several high-ranked EU officials and leaders of member states more or less explicitly voiced their concerns about the declining influence of the EU in the Western Balkans, the European Commission – which has traditionally been responsible for carrying out administrative-technical aspects of the accession process – adopted a more geopolitical approach to enlargement policy in February 2018, and has since sought to advance Western Balkan accession more decisively. However, this geopolitical turn to the EU’s institutional thinking on enlargement has so far failed to translate discourse into concrete results. The article argues that the main reasons for this failure can be found in a lack of support by EU members, which either do not share the Commission’s sense of urgency, or are eager to use enlargement policy and the accession process to advance their national interests. The article concludes with a brief presentation of the structure of the special issue and introduces the contributing articles.
European View, 2020
In the Western Balkans, as elsewhere around the world, governments took extraordinary measures to... more In the Western Balkans, as elsewhere around the world, governments took extraordinary measures to effectively contain the spread of COVID-19, measures that entailed serious restrictions to individual freedoms. They also introduced extra powers that upset the ordinary division and balance of governmental power. In this context, several analysts have expressed concern that the authoritarian trend observed in the region during the last decade will become further entrenched. The worst fear, that some of the Western Balkan leaderships may retain extraordinary powers indefinitely, has not been confirmed. However, constitutionally prescribed procedures were disregarded and the operation of formal and informal mechanisms of checks and balances ignored. The article argues that the ease with which the Western Balkan leaders removed any checks and controls over their rule raises the valid question of how they may deal with future circumstances which may endanger their power.
Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 2019
In the early 2000s, the EU incrementally appeared to have espoused a distinguishing human securit... more In the early 2000s, the EU incrementally appeared to have espoused a distinguishing human security discourse. This was bound not only to inform its crisis management operations but also to shape its global role. Today, the Union seems to move toward a global strategy blueprint and an ensuing public discourse. Human security is no longer mentioned as a grand objective, though it has not been moved to the background. It is cited as an end of one just component of EU global strategy. This article tries to map out how relevant EU texts speak about human security and high- lights benchmarks in the cases of the European Union Police Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo. By focusing on the mandate and effects of these civilian missions, it finds that the Union has refrained from operationalising a human security perspective to direct them. Although it has not taken steps to internalize and turn human security into an overarching driver of its engagement, elements of human security advancement might be recorded.
Voluntas, 2017
The paper analyzes the impact of economic crises on organized civil society. A number of empirica... more The paper analyzes the impact of economic crises on organized civil society. A number of empirical studies have shown that a financial crisis can inflict a serious damage on the nonprofit sector—mainly through a sharp decline in revenues. However, the Greek case shows that a crisis can also have some positive effects on NGOs: many nonprofits introduced reforms that increased efficiency, the number of volunteers reached record levels, and there was a spectacular rise in funding by private philanthropic foundations. However, Greek NGOs continue to be dependent on external funding, unable to raise large sums from their members and the wider public. Organized Greek civil society continues to be turned upside down: dependency on EU and state funds is being replaced by dependency on private foundations.
This article examines whether there is a steady pattern of celebrity engagement with humanitarian... more This article examines whether there is a steady pattern of celebrity engagement with humanitarian issues through a study of the involvement of U2 and Angelina Jolie in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The activism of these two celebrities was limited in both time and content and developed at different phases of the country’s recent history. The article notes that their involvement was idiosyncratic and was not developed at certain ‘turning points’ or ‘critical junctures’ of the conflict. It also argues that their activism was primarily motivated by personal networks: the decision of U2 and Jolie to get involved was prompted by their acquaintance with people who knew and cared about Bosnia. Therefore, the article highlights the role of intermediaries and underlines the need to study the personal networks that initiate and/or facilitate celebrity involvement in social causes.
![Research paper thumbnail of Τα Διεθνικά Δίκτυα Πολιτικής και οι Διεθνείς Μη Κυβερνητικές Οργανώσεις ως Φορείς Προαγωγής της Ανθρώπινης Ασφαλείας [Transnational Policy Networks and INGOs as Human Security Providers]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/39354743/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Δημόσιοι και ιδιωτικοί δρώντες συστηματικά διαβουλεύονται, συνεργάζονται και συντονίζονται για τη... more Δημόσιοι και ιδιωτικοί δρώντες συστηματικά διαβουλεύονται, συνεργάζονται και συντονίζονται για τη διαχείριση ζητημάτων ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας στα πλαίσια διεθνικών δικτύων πολιτικής. Το άρθρο αναλύει τη λειτουργία αυτών των δικτύων, εστιάζοντας στη συμμετοχή των διεθνών ΜΚΟ (ΔΜΚΟ). Η βασική διαπίστωση του άρθρου είναι ότι η συνεισφορά των ΔΜΚΟ (και κατ’ επέκταση άλλων ιδιωτικών δρώντων) στην αντιμετώπιση διεθνών προβλημάτων δεν είναι μόνιμη και σταθερή. Αντιθέτως, διαφοροποιείται ανά περίπτωση και επηρεάζεται τόσο από τις λειτουργίες και τους ρόλους που οι δρώντες αυτοί καλούνται να επιτελέσουν, όσο και από τη δομή και τα ιδιαίτερα χαρακτηριστικά των δικτύων πολιτικής στα οποία συμμετέχουν.
Conflict, Security and Development, Mar 2015
During the last few years, some donor countries (especially the US and the UK) have been increasi... more During the last few years, some donor countries (especially the US and the UK) have been increasingly outsourcing services in post-conflict operations to international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) and private military and security companies (PMSCs). These states have also adopted ‘integrated approaches’ to their policy interventions, contributing to the emergence of an ‘aid and security market’. The article uses ideas from both development and defence studies and re-problematises the contracting states’ relationship with PMSCs and INGOs. It argues that although INGOs and PMSCs are very different types of non-state actors, there are striking similarities in outsourcing practices. Moreover, it demonstrates that the leading contracting states have poorly managed their contracts with both INGOs and PMSCs, and have not seriously reflected on the unintended consequences of their contracting practices on the recovery of war-affected countries.
Southeastern Europe, Dec 2013
Southeastern Europe, Dec 2013
"The impact of Non-Governmental Organizations’ reconstruction activities in Bosnia and Kosovo was... more "The impact of Non-Governmental Organizations’ reconstruction activities in Bosnia and Kosovo was largely determined by the nature and content of two dominant relationships. The first is the donor countries-International NGO (INGO) relationship. To grasp the importance of this relationship, it suffices to mention that, at the global level, donors give around five times more funds to INGOs (and more precisely to their own national NGOs) than to Local NGOs (LNGOs). The second is the International NGO-LNGO relationship. With respect to the first relationship, donor countries had a clear hegemonic position vis-à-vis INGOs. In turn, INGOs developed a hegemonic position towards LNGOs. These hegemonic relationships undermined the quality and effectiveness of aid disbursed and failed to promote the development of an open and democratic civil society. More interestingly, although most donors and INGOs got involved in the post-conflict reconstruction of both countries, very weak learning processes seem to have operated in the region. A comparative examination of the two reconstruction efforts reveals that the manifestation of many inefficiencies and failures was indeed even more acute in Kosovo than in Bosnia."
Celebrities have been accused of oversimplifying the conflict in Darfur, of exaggerating the numb... more Celebrities have been accused of oversimplifying the conflict in Darfur, of exaggerating the number of people killed and of cursorily labelling it the ‘first genocide of the 21st century’. Celebrity activists have also been criticized for advocating drastic measures like military intervention, and for aggressively pursuing the fulfilment of arrest warrants by the International Criminal Court at the expense of quiet diplomacy and reconciliation, ultimately making matters worse. This article examines the role of two Hollywood celebrities—Mia Farrow and George Clooney—in Sudan’s ‘messy war’. It claims that most proponents and critics of celebrity activism overestimate the role that these two individuals played. Clooney and Farrow did not act alone but were latecomer adherents to a transnational advocacy network (the Save Darfur Coalition) and their role was more in strengthening than in altering messages.
The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia w... more The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.
The article attempts a comprehensive review of the human security concept in order to question it... more The article attempts a comprehensive review of the human security concept in order to question its utility for both research and policy-making. It notes the term’s interdisciplinary and extensively normative content that have facilitated its evolution into a successful security discourse. On the other hand, human security’s wide appeal has as a side-effect an extended conceptual polysemy inhibiting the cumulation of knowledge and the development of a relevant theory. Absence of conceptual clarity has also complicated its policy implementation. The article attempts to break the deadlock and move the debate forward by using the work of John Gerring and Paul A. Barresi on concept formation as an organizing device.
The article examines the growing celebrity activism in world politics and attempts to develop a f... more The article examines the growing celebrity activism in world politics and attempts to develop a framework for analysis. It briefly reviews the relevant literature on the emergence of influential individuals as transnational activists. Then, it analyses the factors that account for the specific growth of celebrity activism and evaluates its impact on public awareness, the mobilisation of resources and government decisions. Finally, the
article tests this framework by focusing on two case studies: Princess Diana’s contribution to the campaign to ban anti-personnel landmines and Mia Farrow’s activism in respect to China’s policy towards Sudan.
![Research paper thumbnail of Η Ευθύνη για Προστασία: Εργαλείο Ιμπεριαλιστικής Επέμβασης ή Πλαίσιο Προάσπισης της Ανθρώπινης Ασφάλειας; [The Responsibility to Protect: A tool of imperialist intervention or a framework of human security protection?]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/44958365/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία, 2008
Το άρθρο αυτό διερευνά το περιεχόμενο της ευθύνης για προστασία δίνοντας εξίσου προσοχή στην επισ... more Το άρθρο αυτό διερευνά το περιεχόμενο της ευθύνης για προστασία δίνοντας εξίσου προσοχή στην επιστημονική και την πολιτική της διαπραγμάτευση. Η μελέτη διαπιστώνει ότι η έννοια αυτή έχει εδραιωθεί ως κεντρικό αντικείμενο επιστημονικής διερεύνησης στα πλαίσια της εξέτασης της σχέσης της εθνικής κυριαρχίας με την ανθρώπινη ασφάλεια, ενώ, ταυτόχρονα, έχει επιτυχώς εισαχθεί ως εννοιολογικό σχήμα στη ρητορική των Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Ωστόσο, η ευθύνη για προστασία δεν έχει αναχθεί σε κοινά αποδεκτό διεθνή κανόνα. Το άρθρο υποστηρίζει ότι η ευθύνη για προστασία δεν είναι ως τέτοια ούτε εργαλείο ιμπεριαλιστικής πολιτικής, αλλά ούτε και πολιτικά ουδέτερο πλαίσιο προάσπισης της ανθρώπινης ασφάλειας. Από μόνη της, η υπό εξέταση έννοια πιθανότατα δεν θα νομιμοποιήσει περισσότερες αμφιλεγόμενες επεμβάσεις. Ούτε ίσως δώσει νέα ώθηση στην ανθρωπιστική δράση των κρατών. Υπό τις παρούσες συνθήκες φαίνεται ότι η διεθνής κοινότητα θα συνεχίσει κατά περίπτωση και συγκυριακά ενίοτε να αποφασίζει την παρέμβασή της (ή μη) σε τρίτες χώρες ταυτόχρονα επιβεβαιώνοντας ή μεταβάλλοντας το περιεχόμενο που προσδίδει στην ευθύνη για προστασία. Επομένως, το άρθρο υποστηρίζει ότι η ευθύνη για προστασία θα σημάνει για τα κράτη ό,τι εκείνα τελικά επιλέξουν στην πράξη να προσδιορίσουν.
This article reflects on the EU’s strategy towards the Western Balkans. It identifies the lack of... more This article reflects on the EU’s strategy towards the Western Balkans. It identifies the lack of a coherent and consistent strategy intended for stabilization and integration. In principle, the Western Balkan states’ road towards Europe is driven by the belief that regional stabilization and EU membership are mutually constitutive and reinforcing objectives. Progress in one is expected to lay the ground for advancements in the other. In practice, however, we claim the Union capitalizes on the prospect of accession to attain transformation. The problem
is that it has so far failed to set out what is the ultimate aim and stake of its strategy. It appears both reluctant to concert its declarations with its intentions and unprepared and unable to
implement its pronounced will. As a result, it finds much difficulty in relating means to achieve the ends in view, and this strips its current strategy of an important part of its value.
IEMed Mediterranean Yearbook 2021, 2021
Covid-19 brought to the surface many structural vulnerabilities in the Western Balkans, a Europea... more Covid-19 brought to the surface many structural vulnerabilities in the Western Balkans, a European periphery marked by its weak economies and inefficient and underfinanced healthcare and social welfare systems. There has been a pressing need for external support and several external actors (such as the EU, China, Russia and Turkey) have stepped in to provide assistance. Under normal circumstances, the prompt response of a plurality of actors should have been a very positive development for the region. However, this is not entirely the case. External actors have been in direct competition in a fierce race for geopolitical influence and preeminence, striving to position themselves ahead of the others for the challenges and opportunities of the post-pandemic period. The EU distinguishes itself from the other external actors for its comprehensive pandemic-related assistance to the region, which has exceeded €3.3 billion. Its concerns cover a range of priorities, from supporting national healthcare systems to stimulating socioeconomic recovery. The EU has also donated more than 23 million pieces of personal protective equipment, as well as dozens of ambulances, ventilators and intensive care monitors. Moreover, Brussels has given €70 million for the procurement of EU-approved vaccines; promised to provide 651,000 vaccine doses until August 2021; and said it would also deliver more than 1.1 million vaccine doses until June 1 www.consilium.europa.eu/en/infographics/covid-support-western-balkans-health-vaccines/.
The Pandemic in the Balkans: Geopolitics and Democracy at Stake, 2021
The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position o... more The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI.
Tri Scenarija Odnosa Srbije I Kosova: I Bezbednost Jugoistočne Evrope, 2019
Σκοπός της δημοσίευσης αυτής είναι να αποτελέσει μια καταρχήν εισαγωγή στην μελέτη του βαλκανικού... more Σκοπός της δημοσίευσης αυτής είναι να αποτελέσει μια καταρχήν εισαγωγή στην μελέτη του βαλκανικού χώρου ως ένα " περιφερειακό υποσύστημα " της διεθνούς πολιτικής, να δώσει ώθηση σ' ένα επιστημονικό διάλογο γύρω από το ζήτημα. Στην μελέτη περιφερειών δεν υπάρχει μέχρι σήμερα ένα θεωρητικό και μεθοδολογικό κεκτημένο καθολικά αποδεκτό από τους μελετητές. Πολύ περισσότερο στην ελληνική βιβλιογραφία απουσιάζει μια διαπραγμάτευση ανάλογη με τις αντίστοιχες ερευνητικές προσπάθειες του εξωτερικού. Και τούτο παρά το γεγονός ότι οι εξελίξεις του βαλκανικού χώρου τόσο στην ιστορική, όσο και στην σύγχρονη διάσταση τους έχουν διεξοδικά διερευνηθεί στην ελληνική βιβλιογραφία. Όλες αυτές οι μελέτες σαφέστατα υποδηλώνουν ότι ο βαλκανικός χώρος συνιστά μια ευδιάκριτη διεθνή περιοχή με ιδιαίτερα χαρακτηριστικά γνωρίσματα που είναι δυνατόν να συνθέτουν ένα " περιφερειακό υποσύστημα " της διεθνούς πολιτικής. Ωστόσο, αυτή καθαυτή η υπόθεση δεν έχει συστηματικά διερευνηθεί στην ελληνική βιβλιογραφία.
Στην παρούσα μελέτη επιχειρείται μια καταρχήν εξέταση της υπόθεσης ύπαρξης ενός βαλκανικού «υποσυστήματος» ως ερμηνευτικού πλαισίου των ιστορικών και σύγχρονων εξελίξεων της περιοχής. Ωστόσο, προκειμένου να προσδιοριστεί το ερμηνευτικό πλαίσιο αναφοράς είναι απαραίτητη η σύντομη επισκόπηση των σχετικών με την περιφέρεια προσεγγίσεων. Η επισκόπηση αυτή επιχειρεί να προσφέρει στον μελετητή ορισμένες βασικές οριοθετήσεις, παρά μια συνολική και κριτική διαπραγμάτευση των διαφόρων επιμέρους αντιλήψεων σχετικά με την περιφέρεια. Είναι, ωστόσο, γεγονός ότι υφίστανται σοβαρές επιστημονολογικές διαφορές όπως άλλωστε και διαφορές προσέγγισης μεταξύ των μελετητών που καθιστούν εξαιρετικά δύσκολη μια συμφωνία σ΄ ένα θεωρητικό κεκτημένο που αφορά το ζήτημα της περιφέρειας. Στις περισσότερες περιπτώσεις μια ακαδημαϊκή επισκόπηση έχει να αντιμετωπίσει ακόμη και ένα καθόλα υπαρκτό πρόβλημα σ' ότι αφορά τον όρο «περιφέρεια», ο οποίος εμφανίζεται ως ορολογία διαφορετικά σε κάθε μελετητή ανάλογα πάντα με τις ευρύτερες θεωρητικές προτιμήσεις του.
A Quarter Century of Postcommunism Assessed
The chapter examines the efforts of the EU civilian missions deployed in BiH (EUPM) and Kosovo (E... more The chapter examines the efforts of the EU civilian missions deployed in BiH (EUPM) and Kosovo (EULEX) to advance the consolidation of state-building and the establishment of the rule of law. It tries to map out and assess their track record, with a view to shed light on successes and deficiencies. It argues that the more focused and well specific the activities taken up by the two missions have been, the more efficient and rewarding have been the results delivered on the ground. Equally important, the two missions have proved able to smoothly work to the benefit of their operational objectives whenever they have both stayed tuned with local interests and streamlined their practices with other EU policies active in the region.
Encyclopedia Princetoniensis: The Princeton Encyclopedia of Self-Determination, 2013
Encyclopedia Princetoniensis: The Princeton Encyclopedia of Self-Determination, 2013
Greece's Horizons: Reflecting on the Country's Assets and Capabilities, 2013
International Politics in Times of Change, 2012
Among the deficiencies demonstrated by the world financial crisis of 2008–9, one was the limited ... more Among the deficiencies demonstrated by the world financial crisis of 2008–9, one was the limited capacity of G-8 to provide for global economic governance. The developed economies quickly realised that they should seek joint solutions and coordinated policies in cooperation with the leading emerging-market economies. As a result, the G-20 turned into the main forum for managing the crisis. This in fact pointed to an early institutional acknowledgement that important changes were underway in the global distribution of power. These changes derive from the substantially higher growth rates of the emerging-market economies in comparison with those of the developed economies, a trend named ‘the rise of the rest’ (Zakaria, 2008, pp. 2–3).
Transnational Celebrity Activism in Global Politics: Changing the World?, 2011
The Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy Yearbook 2010, Jan 1, 2010
Over the past years, several states and international organisations have increasingly been entrus... more Over the past years, several states and international organisations have increasingly been entrusting private agencies with tasks such as training, restructuring and modernising armies and police forces; gathering and analysing intelligence; securing military communications; operating technologically advanced military systems; providing military transportation and protecting strategic targets; clearing minefields; and interrogating prisoners. Meanwhile, an ever-increasing number of non-governmental organisations, multinational corporations and individuals are turning to private companies for security services. The contractor enterprises are either private military companies that participate in actions such as military operations, stabilisation and post-conflict reconstruction of societies and security sector reform,1 or private security companies specialising in the provision of assets and personal protection services.2
Turkey's Accession to the European Union: An Unusual Candidacy, Jan 1, 2009
The chapter claims that the European Union (EU) has increasingly utilised enlargement as an instr... more The chapter claims that the European Union (EU) has increasingly utilised enlargement as an instrument for attaining foreign policy objectives. Enlargement governance has emerged as a very powerful means of influencing both the immediate policies and the long-term attitudes of third countries. Nevertheless, the practice of using enlargement largely as a foreign policy tool in the case of Turkey and the Western Balkan countries has injected the deficiencies of the EU’s external relations policy into the enlargement process. More importantly, an ‘expectations-capabilities gap’ has emerged in the enlargement process, revealing the gap between the EU’s practice of offering candidate (and ‘potential candidate’) status to several south-eastern European countries, on the one hand, and its readiness to proceed with implementation and assume the implications of such decisions, on the other. The chapter concludes that the Union should attempt to tackle directly the expectations-capabilities gap in its foreign policy, instead of bypassing it through enlargement.
World Encyclopedia of Political Systems and Parties, 2006
The Ethnopolitical Encyclopaedia of Europe, 2004
Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group, 2023
Despite the EU’s commitment to climate action and extensive financial assistance, the region’s pr... more Despite the EU’s commitment to climate action and extensive financial assistance, the region’s progress in adopting renewable energy sources remains slow. The study, based on a comprehensive survey and three in-depth case studies of external influence in the energy sector, reveals a public desire for green transition but a lack of awareness regarding the negative impact of external actors like Russia, China, and Turkey. The analysis underscores the crucial role of local elites in mediating foreign influence and highlights disparities in public perceptions. Recommendations include a targeted public diplomacy campaign, support for civil society actors advocating green energy, diversification of energy sources, financial incentives for market liberalisation, increased transparency in foreign investments, and regional cooperation for grid interconnection and renewable investments. The findings emphasise the need for nuanced policy measures to ensure a sustainable and equitable green energy transition in the Western Balkans.
ÖGfE Policy Brief, 2023
When the 2015 refugee crisis broke out, civil societies in Greece and North Macedonia were featur... more When the 2015 refugee crisis broke out, civil societies in Greece and North Macedonia were featuring similar structural weaknesses, such as a lack of professionalism and weak organisational capabilities. In both countries, civil society organisations have benefitted since then from the availability of funding and the interaction and collaboration with international non-profits and donors. Yet, they have failed so far to capitalise on these developments in order to substantially enhance their resilience and sustainability. Nevertheless, prospects for cooperation and joint endeavours do exist and should be investigated further in the future.
BiEPAG Policy Brief, 2021
Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik, 2021
1. Western Balkan states should reinforce the regulatory and institutional framework and empower ... more 1. Western Balkan states should reinforce the regulatory and institutional framework and empower independent authorities so as to mitigate political bargaining and interventions. 2. Western Balkan states should establish appropriate environmental standards for business activity in line with the EU's acquis communautaire in order to attract 'green' Foreign Direct Investments. 3. The EU should focus on the genuine compliance of Western Balkan states with EU standards and on the comprehensive application of adopted legislation.
BiEPAG Policy Brief, 2020
Citizens of countries in the Western Balkans are still, overall, positive about the ... more Citizens of countries in the Western Balkans are still, overall, positive about the prospects of their countries joining the European Union. However, the path to EU membership is a long one and at the moment the people in the Balkans are caught between a rock and a hard place. The EU accession process seems endless and current member states are doing little to improve that; indeed some appear to be putting further obstacles in the way. Moreover, the de-politicisation of the accession process is having unintended consequences in that it does not allow voters to properly hold their elected representatives to account. This is the rock.The hard place is made up of the governments, politicians and institutions in the Balkan countries, which are the focal point of people’s dissatisfaction. Publics are sceptical about their governments’ commitment to European integration and this undermines the value of democracy.To move beyond the rock and the hard place, the European Commission must speed up the implementation of the revised enlargement methodology, with more meaningful incentives to continue reform. Western Balkans countries should be invited to contribute to the upcoming exercise in imagining the Future of Europe. The European Union should also reinforce current support for citizens and civil society to hold their governments to account and end the epidemic of state capture in the region.
BiEPAG Policy Brief, 2019
European Western Balkans, 06.10.2017
LE MONDE | 07.07.2015 à 15h43 • Mis à jour le 07.07.2015 à 15h49 Abonnez-vous à partir de 1 € Réa... more LE MONDE | 07.07.2015 à 15h43 • Mis à jour le 07.07.2015 à 15h49 Abonnez-vous à partir de 1 € Réagir Classer Partager facebook twitter google + linkedin pinterest
Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies Blog, Jul 1, 2015
Balkans in Europe Policy Blog, Jan 26, 2015
The verdict of the Greek people in the national elections of 25 January 2015 was loud and clear. ... more The verdict of the Greek people in the national elections of 25 January 2015 was loud and clear. The Coalition of the Radical Left (Syriza) prevailed, winning 36.3% of votes against 27.8% of New Democracy (ND), the main centre-right party. The Greek voters unequivocally expressed their exhaustion, despair and resent caused by a five-year-long period of recession and austerity policies.
Balkans in Europe Policy Blog, Aug 28, 2014
LSE EUROPP – European Politics and Policy, Aug 8, 2012
Τhe EU has attempted to push forward essential reforms for the stabilisation of Bosnia and Herzeg... more Τhe EU has attempted to push forward essential reforms for the stabilisation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, presenting them as conditions for progress towards EU accession. However, this Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. Nikolaos Tzifakis investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not managed to deal successfully with three main challenges: adjusting the process to the needs of an ethnically divided state; preserving the credibility of accession conditionality; and conveying the proper message on how to comply with EU rules.
Ioannis Armakolas has extensive experience as a consultant with USAID and DFID projects in the We... more Ioannis Armakolas has extensive experience as a consultant with USAID and DFID projects in the Western Balkans and has written numerous academic studies and policy reports.