Marius Ioan Tatar | University of Oradea (original) (raw)
Papers by Marius Ioan Tatar
Sustainability, 2023
International female and male students’ segregation per academic fields of study designates an im... more International female and male students’ segregation per academic fields of study designates an important challenge for educational equity, diversity, and gender equality in tertiary education institutions worldwide. This study probes the determinants of study field choice among 984 students from 57 countries who enrolled at the University of Oradea, Romania, during 2022–2023. By incorporating gender approaches and concepts within broader economic and cultural theories, we utilized
the bivariate analysis and multinominal regression models to scrutinize how students’ preferences for STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics), AHSS (arts, humanities, and social
sciences), or medicine are influenced by their gender, and the more general cultural and economic attributes of their home country. Our findings enrich the knowledge and understanding of gendered patterns of academic study field choice, providing a cross-cultural and integrative viewpoint that enables us to set forth recommendations to bridge higher education gender gaps.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
The guide aims to contribute to a better understanding of civic rights and to promote the active ... more The guide aims to contribute to a better understanding of civic rights and to promote the active participation in community life and decision-making process, by exposing the advantages of such participation and the responsibilities we have as EU citizens.
Social Science Research Network, Sep 13, 2018
This chapter examines the dynamics and determinants of different forms of protest activities in S... more This chapter examines the dynamics and determinants of different forms of protest activities in Southeast Europe. The author follows a longitudinal approach using statistical analysis of survey datasets, thereby capturing the dynamism of the phenomena allowing for both a single-country analysis and cross-national comparison. The contribution aims to profile different types of protesters and their elite-challenging protest action repertoire, as well as factors that may account for their preference for certain forms of protest actions over others. The chapter ultimately illustrates the implications for our understanding of how protest action repertoires are reconfigured in post-communist societies and their consequences for democratic governance in the region.
Europe-Asia Studies, 2015
This study develops and tests two arguments for how repertoires of political action are reconfigu... more This study develops and tests two arguments for how repertoires of political action are reconfigured in postcommunist Romania. Using multivariate statistical analysis, it examines whether citizens' engagement in postcommunist politics is linked with generic socioeconomic and attitudinal traits or alternatively, it is connected with selective mobilization opportunities provided by social networks and organizations. The findings reveal that while most Romanians are politically inactive two decades after the fall of communism, those who engage in politics do it selectively and their political action repertoires are largely influenced by four mobilizing agents: trade unions, political parties, social networks and civil society organizations. The literature on post-communist politics generally points out a stark contrast between the effervescence of social movements that led to the collapse of the communist regimes and the relative apathy after the establishment of democracy (Letki 2003). While democratic theory posits that political engagement plays an important role in the equal representation of citizens' needs and preferences in the democratic political processes, post-communist citizens seem to be increasingly estranged from politics. Thus, the identification of factors shaping how and how much citizens participate in the political sphere is important (Johann 2012) as it points to the underlying sources of political apathy in the region. However, research on post-communist 'repertoires' of political participation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is insufficient and this hampers our understanding of the functioning and persistence of democracy in this region. A frequent finding in the political behaviour literature is that citizens of eastern European countries participate less in politics than their western neighbours (Bernhagen & Marsh 2007). But is this difference simply a matter of degree of citizen participation? Or do post-communist citizens and their western counterparts also differ in their understanding of what political participation means and how they combine various structural
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, 2012
ERN: Other European Economics: Labor & Social Conditions (Topic), 2018
A considerable part of the Romanian society does not have the necessary means to support a decent... more A considerable part of the Romanian society does not have the necessary means to support a decent living standard that would allow people to be socially integrated. Among the multiple facets of integration, youth is particularly affected by the civic dimension of social exclusion. The paper tries to find out the possible explanations for the occurrence of this phenomenon. We first present the way in which a poor material situation can impact negatively upon a young person’s chances to be included in society. Then we underline the importance of education, the macro economic factors and also the values of youth. In the study we have performed quantitative analyses, on available youth databases. The results show that the material and social resources may encourage civic participation when the situation is better, and when it is worse, will increase the potential for civic protest. Also, the education and the view on important issues, such as fight against corruption, are important fact...
PSN: Political Psychology (Topic), 2015
Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentiou... more Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentious episodes have erupted recurrently since then and most of them had notable political impact in curbing certain public policies, influencing election results and dismissing national governments. A new taste for protest actions seems to emerge in Romania since people are increasingly eager to challenge political elites on various grounds. However, the upsurge of protest mobilization in recent years came about after a relatively long period of widespread estrangement from politics and public sphere during the post-communist transition of this country. This article aims to reconstruct the media frames and people’s perceptions of the socio-economical and political conditions in which protest mobilizations emerged in 2012 in order to shed some light on how and why Romanians have moved from apathy to political action in the aftermath of economic crisis.
PSN: Politics of Ethnicity (Topic), 2011
Social scientists have made contradictory claims about the impact of ethnicity on social cohesion... more Social scientists have made contradictory claims about the impact of ethnicity on social cohesion, the levels of social trust, civic and political engagement. This paper conceptualizes ethnic diversity as a contextual variable and evaluates its effect on the electoral participation of the Hungarian minority from Romania, using a case study of the Romanian Parliamentary Elections of 2008. The article examines the differences in turnout between Hungarian electors living in different counties of Romania, and how this varies by the ethnic composition of the counties. We discern two patterns of electoral participation of the Hungarian minority: lower turnout in ethnically non-competitive counties (i.e. low ethnical diversity, with the size of Hungarian minority below 8% or above 50% of the county’s total population); higher turnout in ethnically competitive counties (i.e. higher ethnical diversity, with the size of the Hungarian minority between 8% and 50% of the county’s population). Th...
Romanian Abstract: Analiza evoluției participării electorale și a predictorilor săi sugerează fap... more Romanian Abstract: Analiza evoluției participării electorale și a predictorilor săi sugerează faptul că votul la alegeri parlamentare din România ultimilor 20 de ani devine treptat apanajul unei minorități formată in special din cei care se mai simt apropiați de un partid politic, mai sunt interesați de politică, mai au incredere in instituțiile și liderii politici, se autopoziționează ideologic la extremele axei stânga-dreapta (fie la stânga, fie de dreapta, dar nu la centru) și care sunt mai expuși incercărilor de mobilizare politică fie pentru că locuiesc in comunități mai mici controlate mai ușor de către liderii locali, fie pentru că fac parte din rețele sociale influențate de partide și politicieni. Acesta reprezintă „nucleul dur” al unui corp electoral in general apatic, neincrezător in capacitatea alegerilor ca mecanism de a schimba lucrurile și tot mai puțin exigent față de politicieni după dezamăgirile repetate cu guvernările din 1989 până in prezent.English Abstract: The ...
Post-communist transitions to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe were generally accompanied ... more Post-communist transitions to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe were generally accompanied by an increase of the share of citizens who do not vote. Absentees are usually persons who do not feel close to and do not identify themselves with any political party. The paper builds a typology of voters/non-voters and then examines the changing patterns of electoral behavior in Romania using statistical analysis based on survey data from 1990 to 2008. In the last 20 year of democratic reconstruction in Romania, we can notice a general decline of turnout in parliamentary elections and, in this context, a relative increase of the weight of pragmatic-individualist voters and a subsequent decrease of the relative share of party loyalists in the total share of voters. This raises questions about the credibility of the Romanian political parties and their ability to retain voters from one election round to another. Moreover, there are significant attitudinal and socio-demographic differenc...
The paper analyzes the prospects of building European identity in the changing environment of the... more The paper analyzes the prospects of building European identity in the changing environment of the EU enlargements. Drawing on data from Eurobarometer surveys, the study specifically looks at citizens’ perceptions and images of EU and their availability to participate in European affairs. The article points out different views about the meanings and expectations regarding the EU project. Although both national and international contexts play a significant role in fostering specific representations of EU, there is no clear-cut divide between the citizens of “old” and “new” Member States (MS). Instead, one can notice a more complex picture in terms of identification with the EU. In general, people from different MS tend to feel on average more attachment to their country (and sometimes to their own village/town/city) than to the EU. Moreover, individuals from “old” MS do not necessarily have higher levels of attachment to the symbols of EU than those living in “new” MS. In addition, th...
SSRN Electronic Journal
Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future ... more Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future of representative democracies. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion survey data, this paper examines youth civic and political disengagement as symptoms of social exclusion. Our findings point out that youth are a heterogeneous group and vulnerable young people living in the European Union face the risk of multiple exclusions that mutually reinforce each other: from the labor market, from education and from the democratic life of their societies. Thus, youth who are neither in education, nor in employment or training (NEET) tend to be the most politically marginalized group of young people in European democracies. Acknowledging the interplay between various dimensions of youth social exclusion provides valuable theoretical, methodological and policy insights for reducing youth marginalization and breaking the vicious circle that perpetuates it.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2019
Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future ... more Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future of representative democracies. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion survey data, this paper examines youth civic and political disengagement as symptoms of social exclusion. Our findings point out that youth are a heterogeneous group and vulnerable young people living in the European Union face the risk of multiple exclusions that mutually reinforce each other: from the labor market, from education and from the democratic life of their societies. Thus, youth who are neither in education, nor in employment or training (NEET) tend to be the most politically marginalized group of young people in European democracies. Acknowledging the interplay between various dimensions of youth social exclusion provides valuable theoretical, methodological and policy insights for reducing youth marginalization and breaking the vicious circle that perpetuates it.
SSRN Electronic Journal
The erosion of media trust raises concerns about the ways in which the conduct of political info... more The erosion of media trust raises concerns about the ways in which the conduct of
political information could undermine citizens’ trust in democracy. While a large body of research in western democracies shows that media trust is contingent on specific media-system, political and cultural factors pertaining to national contexts, little is known about the sources of media trust in the new democracies from Central and Eastern Europe. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion surveys, this research tests if levels of trust in various traditional (television, radio, written press) and alternative mediums (Internet and online social networks) are differentiated along political party lines and depending on media consumption patterns in post-communist Romania. The results reveal a stronger association between trust in political parties and trust in traditional mediums, while trust in online media is more strongly linked to consumption patterns. These findings have practical, theoretical and normative implications for the functioning of democracy in post-communist societies.
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, 2020
Participation in street demonstrations has become a key form of political action used by citizens... more Participation in street demonstrations has become a key form of political action used by citizens to make their voice heard in the political process. Since mass protests can disrupt political agendas and bring about substantial policy change, it is important to understand who the protesters are, what motivates them to participate and how are they (de)mobilized. This article develops a two-stage model for examining patterns of protest mobilization in Romania. Using multivariate analysis of survey data, this article shows that grievances, biographical availability, social networks, and political engagement variables have different weight in explaining willingness to demonstrate on the one hand, and actual participation in street protests, on the other hand. The findings suggest that protest potential is primarily driven by selective processes of grievance politicization, while recruitment networks and organizational ties seem to play a key role in moving people from willingness to demonstrate to actual protest participation.
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, 2016
A frequent finding in the political behavior literature is that citizens from Central and Eastern... more A frequent finding in the political behavior literature is that citizens from Central and Eastern Europe participate less in politics than their western neighbors. While political institutions have democratized and consolidated in some of these countries (i.e. the new EU member states), overall civic and political activism of citizens from the former communist states knows an obvious setback. This article focuses on Romania and traces the sources of political disengagement to the problems of post-communist transition in this country. The findings reveal that public expectations during the transition processes (i.e. demand side) have largely diverged from the perceived democratic performance of political authorities (i.e. supply side). Thus, the paper identifies widespread disappointments with the perceived outcomes of the political process as a key source of political alienation in post-communist Romania. Pervasive symptoms of political alienation in this country include feelings of political exclusion, helplessness and political ineffectiveness, distrust of politicians and political institutions, lack of interest in politics and the perception of politics as irrelevant to people's lives. All these further hinder citizen participation in the democratic process.
Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentiou... more Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentious episodes have erupted recurrently since then and most of them had notable political impact in curbing certain public policies, influencing election results and dismissing national governments. A new taste for protest actions seems to emerge in Romania since people are increasingly eager to challenge political elites on various grounds. However, the upsurge of protest mobilization in recent years came about after a relatively long period of widespread estrangement from politics and public sphere during the post-communist transition of this country. This article aims to reconstruct people’s perceptions of the socio-economical and political conditions in which protest mobilizations emerged in 2012 in order to shed some light on how and why Romanians have moved from apathy to political action in the aftermath of the economic crisis.
Sustainability, 2023
International female and male students’ segregation per academic fields of study designates an im... more International female and male students’ segregation per academic fields of study designates an important challenge for educational equity, diversity, and gender equality in tertiary education institutions worldwide. This study probes the determinants of study field choice among 984 students from 57 countries who enrolled at the University of Oradea, Romania, during 2022–2023. By incorporating gender approaches and concepts within broader economic and cultural theories, we utilized
the bivariate analysis and multinominal regression models to scrutinize how students’ preferences for STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics), AHSS (arts, humanities, and social
sciences), or medicine are influenced by their gender, and the more general cultural and economic attributes of their home country. Our findings enrich the knowledge and understanding of gendered patterns of academic study field choice, providing a cross-cultural and integrative viewpoint that enables us to set forth recommendations to bridge higher education gender gaps.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
The guide aims to contribute to a better understanding of civic rights and to promote the active ... more The guide aims to contribute to a better understanding of civic rights and to promote the active participation in community life and decision-making process, by exposing the advantages of such participation and the responsibilities we have as EU citizens.
Social Science Research Network, Sep 13, 2018
This chapter examines the dynamics and determinants of different forms of protest activities in S... more This chapter examines the dynamics and determinants of different forms of protest activities in Southeast Europe. The author follows a longitudinal approach using statistical analysis of survey datasets, thereby capturing the dynamism of the phenomena allowing for both a single-country analysis and cross-national comparison. The contribution aims to profile different types of protesters and their elite-challenging protest action repertoire, as well as factors that may account for their preference for certain forms of protest actions over others. The chapter ultimately illustrates the implications for our understanding of how protest action repertoires are reconfigured in post-communist societies and their consequences for democratic governance in the region.
Europe-Asia Studies, 2015
This study develops and tests two arguments for how repertoires of political action are reconfigu... more This study develops and tests two arguments for how repertoires of political action are reconfigured in postcommunist Romania. Using multivariate statistical analysis, it examines whether citizens' engagement in postcommunist politics is linked with generic socioeconomic and attitudinal traits or alternatively, it is connected with selective mobilization opportunities provided by social networks and organizations. The findings reveal that while most Romanians are politically inactive two decades after the fall of communism, those who engage in politics do it selectively and their political action repertoires are largely influenced by four mobilizing agents: trade unions, political parties, social networks and civil society organizations. The literature on post-communist politics generally points out a stark contrast between the effervescence of social movements that led to the collapse of the communist regimes and the relative apathy after the establishment of democracy (Letki 2003). While democratic theory posits that political engagement plays an important role in the equal representation of citizens' needs and preferences in the democratic political processes, post-communist citizens seem to be increasingly estranged from politics. Thus, the identification of factors shaping how and how much citizens participate in the political sphere is important (Johann 2012) as it points to the underlying sources of political apathy in the region. However, research on post-communist 'repertoires' of political participation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is insufficient and this hampers our understanding of the functioning and persistence of democracy in this region. A frequent finding in the political behaviour literature is that citizens of eastern European countries participate less in politics than their western neighbours (Bernhagen & Marsh 2007). But is this difference simply a matter of degree of citizen participation? Or do post-communist citizens and their western counterparts also differ in their understanding of what political participation means and how they combine various structural
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, 2012
ERN: Other European Economics: Labor & Social Conditions (Topic), 2018
A considerable part of the Romanian society does not have the necessary means to support a decent... more A considerable part of the Romanian society does not have the necessary means to support a decent living standard that would allow people to be socially integrated. Among the multiple facets of integration, youth is particularly affected by the civic dimension of social exclusion. The paper tries to find out the possible explanations for the occurrence of this phenomenon. We first present the way in which a poor material situation can impact negatively upon a young person’s chances to be included in society. Then we underline the importance of education, the macro economic factors and also the values of youth. In the study we have performed quantitative analyses, on available youth databases. The results show that the material and social resources may encourage civic participation when the situation is better, and when it is worse, will increase the potential for civic protest. Also, the education and the view on important issues, such as fight against corruption, are important fact...
PSN: Political Psychology (Topic), 2015
Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentiou... more Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentious episodes have erupted recurrently since then and most of them had notable political impact in curbing certain public policies, influencing election results and dismissing national governments. A new taste for protest actions seems to emerge in Romania since people are increasingly eager to challenge political elites on various grounds. However, the upsurge of protest mobilization in recent years came about after a relatively long period of widespread estrangement from politics and public sphere during the post-communist transition of this country. This article aims to reconstruct the media frames and people’s perceptions of the socio-economical and political conditions in which protest mobilizations emerged in 2012 in order to shed some light on how and why Romanians have moved from apathy to political action in the aftermath of economic crisis.
PSN: Politics of Ethnicity (Topic), 2011
Social scientists have made contradictory claims about the impact of ethnicity on social cohesion... more Social scientists have made contradictory claims about the impact of ethnicity on social cohesion, the levels of social trust, civic and political engagement. This paper conceptualizes ethnic diversity as a contextual variable and evaluates its effect on the electoral participation of the Hungarian minority from Romania, using a case study of the Romanian Parliamentary Elections of 2008. The article examines the differences in turnout between Hungarian electors living in different counties of Romania, and how this varies by the ethnic composition of the counties. We discern two patterns of electoral participation of the Hungarian minority: lower turnout in ethnically non-competitive counties (i.e. low ethnical diversity, with the size of Hungarian minority below 8% or above 50% of the county’s total population); higher turnout in ethnically competitive counties (i.e. higher ethnical diversity, with the size of the Hungarian minority between 8% and 50% of the county’s population). Th...
Romanian Abstract: Analiza evoluției participării electorale și a predictorilor săi sugerează fap... more Romanian Abstract: Analiza evoluției participării electorale și a predictorilor săi sugerează faptul că votul la alegeri parlamentare din România ultimilor 20 de ani devine treptat apanajul unei minorități formată in special din cei care se mai simt apropiați de un partid politic, mai sunt interesați de politică, mai au incredere in instituțiile și liderii politici, se autopoziționează ideologic la extremele axei stânga-dreapta (fie la stânga, fie de dreapta, dar nu la centru) și care sunt mai expuși incercărilor de mobilizare politică fie pentru că locuiesc in comunități mai mici controlate mai ușor de către liderii locali, fie pentru că fac parte din rețele sociale influențate de partide și politicieni. Acesta reprezintă „nucleul dur” al unui corp electoral in general apatic, neincrezător in capacitatea alegerilor ca mecanism de a schimba lucrurile și tot mai puțin exigent față de politicieni după dezamăgirile repetate cu guvernările din 1989 până in prezent.English Abstract: The ...
Post-communist transitions to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe were generally accompanied ... more Post-communist transitions to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe were generally accompanied by an increase of the share of citizens who do not vote. Absentees are usually persons who do not feel close to and do not identify themselves with any political party. The paper builds a typology of voters/non-voters and then examines the changing patterns of electoral behavior in Romania using statistical analysis based on survey data from 1990 to 2008. In the last 20 year of democratic reconstruction in Romania, we can notice a general decline of turnout in parliamentary elections and, in this context, a relative increase of the weight of pragmatic-individualist voters and a subsequent decrease of the relative share of party loyalists in the total share of voters. This raises questions about the credibility of the Romanian political parties and their ability to retain voters from one election round to another. Moreover, there are significant attitudinal and socio-demographic differenc...
The paper analyzes the prospects of building European identity in the changing environment of the... more The paper analyzes the prospects of building European identity in the changing environment of the EU enlargements. Drawing on data from Eurobarometer surveys, the study specifically looks at citizens’ perceptions and images of EU and their availability to participate in European affairs. The article points out different views about the meanings and expectations regarding the EU project. Although both national and international contexts play a significant role in fostering specific representations of EU, there is no clear-cut divide between the citizens of “old” and “new” Member States (MS). Instead, one can notice a more complex picture in terms of identification with the EU. In general, people from different MS tend to feel on average more attachment to their country (and sometimes to their own village/town/city) than to the EU. Moreover, individuals from “old” MS do not necessarily have higher levels of attachment to the symbols of EU than those living in “new” MS. In addition, th...
SSRN Electronic Journal
Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future ... more Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future of representative democracies. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion survey data, this paper examines youth civic and political disengagement as symptoms of social exclusion. Our findings point out that youth are a heterogeneous group and vulnerable young people living in the European Union face the risk of multiple exclusions that mutually reinforce each other: from the labor market, from education and from the democratic life of their societies. Thus, youth who are neither in education, nor in employment or training (NEET) tend to be the most politically marginalized group of young people in European democracies. Acknowledging the interplay between various dimensions of youth social exclusion provides valuable theoretical, methodological and policy insights for reducing youth marginalization and breaking the vicious circle that perpetuates it.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2019
Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future ... more Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future of representative democracies. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion survey data, this paper examines youth civic and political disengagement as symptoms of social exclusion. Our findings point out that youth are a heterogeneous group and vulnerable young people living in the European Union face the risk of multiple exclusions that mutually reinforce each other: from the labor market, from education and from the democratic life of their societies. Thus, youth who are neither in education, nor in employment or training (NEET) tend to be the most politically marginalized group of young people in European democracies. Acknowledging the interplay between various dimensions of youth social exclusion provides valuable theoretical, methodological and policy insights for reducing youth marginalization and breaking the vicious circle that perpetuates it.
SSRN Electronic Journal
The erosion of media trust raises concerns about the ways in which the conduct of political info... more The erosion of media trust raises concerns about the ways in which the conduct of
political information could undermine citizens’ trust in democracy. While a large body of research in western democracies shows that media trust is contingent on specific media-system, political and cultural factors pertaining to national contexts, little is known about the sources of media trust in the new democracies from Central and Eastern Europe. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion surveys, this research tests if levels of trust in various traditional (television, radio, written press) and alternative mediums (Internet and online social networks) are differentiated along political party lines and depending on media consumption patterns in post-communist Romania. The results reveal a stronger association between trust in political parties and trust in traditional mediums, while trust in online media is more strongly linked to consumption patterns. These findings have practical, theoretical and normative implications for the functioning of democracy in post-communist societies.
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, 2020
Participation in street demonstrations has become a key form of political action used by citizens... more Participation in street demonstrations has become a key form of political action used by citizens to make their voice heard in the political process. Since mass protests can disrupt political agendas and bring about substantial policy change, it is important to understand who the protesters are, what motivates them to participate and how are they (de)mobilized. This article develops a two-stage model for examining patterns of protest mobilization in Romania. Using multivariate analysis of survey data, this article shows that grievances, biographical availability, social networks, and political engagement variables have different weight in explaining willingness to demonstrate on the one hand, and actual participation in street protests, on the other hand. The findings suggest that protest potential is primarily driven by selective processes of grievance politicization, while recruitment networks and organizational ties seem to play a key role in moving people from willingness to demonstrate to actual protest participation.
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, 2016
A frequent finding in the political behavior literature is that citizens from Central and Eastern... more A frequent finding in the political behavior literature is that citizens from Central and Eastern Europe participate less in politics than their western neighbors. While political institutions have democratized and consolidated in some of these countries (i.e. the new EU member states), overall civic and political activism of citizens from the former communist states knows an obvious setback. This article focuses on Romania and traces the sources of political disengagement to the problems of post-communist transition in this country. The findings reveal that public expectations during the transition processes (i.e. demand side) have largely diverged from the perceived democratic performance of political authorities (i.e. supply side). Thus, the paper identifies widespread disappointments with the perceived outcomes of the political process as a key source of political alienation in post-communist Romania. Pervasive symptoms of political alienation in this country include feelings of political exclusion, helplessness and political ineffectiveness, distrust of politicians and political institutions, lack of interest in politics and the perception of politics as irrelevant to people's lives. All these further hinder citizen participation in the democratic process.
Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentiou... more Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentious episodes have erupted recurrently since then and most of them had notable political impact in curbing certain public policies, influencing election results and dismissing national governments. A new taste for protest actions seems to emerge in Romania since people are increasingly eager to challenge political elites on various grounds. However, the upsurge of protest mobilization in recent years came about after a relatively long period of widespread estrangement from politics and public sphere during the post-communist transition of this country. This article aims to reconstruct people’s perceptions of the socio-economical and political conditions in which protest mobilizations emerged in 2012 in order to shed some light on how and why Romanians have moved from apathy to political action in the aftermath of the economic crisis.
Rowman & Littlefield, 2022
How do post-communist citizens engage in the new democracies of Eastern Europe after decades of r... more How do post-communist citizens engage in the new democracies of Eastern Europe after decades of repressive control exerted by the communist regimes? Are people’s involvement in post-communist politics influenced by generic socioeconomic and attitudinal traits, or is it primarily driven by selective mobilization opportunities provided by social networks and organizations? Democracy without Engagement?: Understanding Political Participation in Post-Communist Romania presents a broad framework for conceptualizing and measuring citizen participation and applies it to Romania as a typical post-communist democracy illustrating the low rates of political activism in the region. Separate chapters examine post-communist citizens’ participation in elections, attempts to influence authorities beyond voting, cognitive engagement in politics, and direct involvement in local decision-making. Using large-N statistical analyses, the author argues that individuals’ socioeconomic and attitudinal characteristics have relatively weak influences on citizen participation in the post-communist context. Instead, various organizations and social networks act as politically recruiting and mobilizing agents, driving citizen participation into political actions that can challenge or strengthen democracy. In the absence of a well-developed participatory political culture that would enable citizens to act autonomously in the political sphere, the persistence of post-communist democracies largely depends on the goals and methods pursued by these mobilizing agents.
Presa Universitară Clujeană, 2021
Political behavior research starts from the assumption that democracy cannot function properly wi... more Political behavior research starts from the assumption that democracy cannot function properly without citizens' political involvement. In general, studies of political activism aim to understand democratic processes, focusing on the nature of the relationship between citizens and public authorities. Despite a relatively large number of studies devoted to this research topic, many controversies remain regarding political participation in contemporary democracies. What is the optimal level of political engagement in a democracy and the consequences, how do citizens get involved in political processes, and what factors best explain the differences between participants and non-participants, respectively? These questions guide the study of the relationship between political participation and democracy in the present book.
University of Oradea Publishing House, Oct 2006
This study assesses the relation between foreign aid and the contribution of civil society to the... more This study assesses the relation between foreign aid and the contribution of civil society to the consolidation of democracy in Romania. Drawing on questionnaire data as well as internal documents the study specifically looks at the impact of international assistance on the participation of advocacy groups in
the governmental policy-making process. On the one hand, it is shown that international assistance enhances the capacity of NGOs to mobilize advocacy coalitions and this in turn increases the effectiveness of their
participation in influencing policy-making. But on the other hand, democracy assistance programs have a rather paradoxical effect by impeding NGOs’ civic
engagement with their domestic constituencies. Hence, international assistance has a mixed impact on the contribution of civil society to the consolidation of
democracy: it fosters advocacy groups’ “link-up” to the governmental decision-makers while in the same it hinders their “link-down” to ordinary people.
Editura Universitatii din Oradea, Jul 2012
Capitolul de început al volumului prezintă cadrul general al cercetării: obiectivele proiectului... more Capitolul de început al volumului prezintă cadrul general al cercetării:
obiectivele proiectului mai sus menţionat, activităţile întreprinse pentru
îndeplinirea lor şi metodologia de cercetare.
Cel de-al doilea capitol tratează contextul legislativ şi politic al
alegerilor locale din 2012: modificările legislaţiei referitoare la alegerea
reprezentanţilor autorităţilor administraţiei publice locale şi o trecere în
revistă a competitorilor electorali locali.
Capitolele trei şi patru, mai substanţiale, cuprind rezultatele efective
ale cercetărilor noastre cu privire la reflectarea campaniei electorale în
mass-media locală (presa tipărită şi televiziune) şi la observarea procesului
electoral din 10 iunie.
Capitolul final prezintă concluziile cercetărilor noastre şi câteva
recomandări posibile în vederea îmbunătăţirii organizării şi desfăşurării
alegerilor la nivel local.
The Role of Intercultural Communication in Adapting Ethnic Groups to the European Union Social Space, 2019
Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future ... more Declining levels of youth participation in conventional politics raise concerns about the future of representative democracies. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion survey data, this paper examines youth civic and political disengagement as symptoms of social exclusion. Our findings point out that youth are a heterogeneous group and vulnerable young people living in the European Union face the risk of multiple exclusions that mutually reinforce each other: from the labor market, from education and from the democratic life of their societies. Thus, youth who are neither in education, nor in employment or training (NEET) tend to be the most politically marginalized group of young people in European democracies. Acknowledging the interplay between various dimensions of youth social exclusion provides valuable theoretical, methodological and policy insights for reducing youth marginalization and breaking the vicious circle that perpetuates it.
Rebellion and Protest from Maribor to Taksim: Social Movements in the Balkans, 2018
This chapter examines the dynamics and determinants of different forms of protest activities in S... more This chapter examines the dynamics and determinants of different forms of protest activities in Southeast Europe. The author follows a longitudinal approach using statistical analysis of survey datasets, thereby capturing the dynamism of the phenomena allowing for both a single-country analysis and cross-national comparison. The contribution aims to profile different types of protesters and their elite-challenging protest action repertoire, as well as factors that may account for their preference for certain forms of protest actions over others. The chapter ultimately illustrates the implications for our understanding of how protest action repertoires are reconfigured in post-communist societies and their consequences for democratic governance in the region.
The erosion of media trust raises concerns about the ways in which the conduit of political infor... more The erosion of media trust raises concerns about the ways in which the conduit of political information could undermine citizens' trust in democracy. While a large body of research in western democracies shows that media trust is contingent on specific media-system, political and cultural factors pertaining to national contexts, little is known about the sources of media trust in the new democracies from Central and Eastern Europe. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion surveys, this research tests if levels of trust in various traditional (television, radio, written press) and alternative mediums (Internet and online social networks) are differentiated along political party lines and depending on media consumption patterns in post-communist Romania. The results reveal a stronger association between trust in political parties and trust in traditional mediums, while trust in online media is more strongly linked to consumption patterns. These findings have practical, theoretical and normative implications for the functioning of democracy in post-communist societies.
Education, Social Values and European Integration, 2017
A considerable part of the Romanian society does not have the necessary means to support a decent... more A considerable part of the Romanian society does not have the necessary means to support a decent living standard that would allow people to be socially integrated. Among the multiple facets of integration, youth is particularly affected by the civic dimension of social exclusion. The paper tries to find out the possible explanations for the occurrence of this phenomenon. We first present the way in which a poor material situation can impact negatively upon a young person's chances to be included in society. Then we underline the importance of education, the macro economic factors and also the values of youth. In the study we have performed quantitative analyses, on available youth databases. The results show that the material and social resources may encourage civic participation when the situation is better, and when it is worse, will increase the potential for civic protest. Also, the education and the view on important issues, such as fight against corruption, are important factors that increase civic participation. However, youth have a low level of political socialization that is a possible explanation of their low level of civic involvement.
Mass-Media in Post-Comunism: Mostenire, Evolutie, Tendinte, 2016
Public access to accurate and reliable information is vital for democracies and the media play a ... more Public access to accurate and reliable information is vital for democracies and the media play a key role in informing citizens about the political process. While a large body of research shows that media exposure influences electoral behavior, less is known about the factors that shape people's propensity to actively search information about politics in the media. Based on explanatory models of political participation and using public opinion survey data, the results show that material endowments and education along with motivational variables largely explain why some people are more prone to seek political information in the media. The results illustrate the importance of defining media exposure to political messages as a form of cognitive involvement in politics as this analytical strategy provides valuable insights into the socioeconomic inequalities that bias public access to information.
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, 2019
Cultural Evolution brings a welcome contribution to the study of economic, cultural and politica... more Cultural Evolution brings a welcome contribution to the study
of economic, cultural and political change, opening new directions for research
on these topics. In this book, Inglehart presents a new version of modernization
theory that focuses on the causes and consequences of existential (in)security.
Based on empirical evidence from more than 100 societies, this book examines
how changes in the extent to which people take survival for granted shapes their
motivations and behavior, leading to a plethora of long-term phenomena such as
secularization, environmental protection, gender equality, same sex marriage,
democratization, but also to more recent developments such as the rise of
xenophobia and populist authoritarian parties and leaders.
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, 2019
The media play an essential role in democracy, being at the center of political communication flo... more The media play an essential role in democracy, being at the center of political communication flows between citizens, political and social actors and institutions. Mass media not only inform the public about key issues and decisions, but also influence the attitudes, perceptions and, eventually the public participation of audience members, by selecting and emphasizing certain topics, and framing them in particular ways. Acknowledging that the media play crucial functions in society, the book edited by Erik Bleich, Irene Bloemraad and Els de Graauw focuses on how the media depicts migrants and minorities and what are the implications of media coverage for participation in the public sphere. The volume provides a series of comparative media analyses on migration and diversity in countries from Europe, North America and East-Asia.
Focusing on three migrant communities, Filipinos, Egyptians and Ecuadorians living in Milan, the ... more Focusing on three migrant communities, Filipinos, Egyptians and Ecuadorians living in Milan, the book authored by Katia Pilati, Political Participation in Exclusionary Context, aims to provide a detailed picture on the effect of a closed political context on migrants’ civic and political engagement. Overall, the book provides a timely discussion of the intermediary role of organizations in mobilizing migrants’ political participation in exclusionary contexts. Despite several limitations in terms of research design and data collection the book is clearly structured and develops interesting hypotheses that contribute to the scholarly literature and could provide a solid basis for future research.
While the European Union has recently celebrated 60 years since its founding treaty was signed in... more While the European Union has recently celebrated 60 years since its founding treaty was signed in Rome on March 25 1957, the European project seems to have entered a critical stage. Brexit is only the most recent development in a series of political controversies that reflect the challenges and problems the European integration process has faced since the mid 2000s when the Constitutional Treaty was rejected in two national referendums in France and the Netherlands. Political conflict over European integration became even more evident in the aftermath of the economic crisis. The rise of EU contestation is indicated by increasing levels of Euroscepticism among citizens, relatively favorable outcomes of Eurosceptic parties in national and European elections, public controversies on political strategies designed to cope with the euro crisis and more recently to deal with the refugees’ crisis. All these developments seem to suggest an increasing split between citizens and the elites that have led the European integration process since the beginning (Tătar, 2010).
Against this background, the book edited by Swen Hutter, Edgar Grande and Hanspeter Kriesi assumes that a focus on the “politicization of Europe, both as an analytical concept and a political strategy is key to an understanding of the acute problems that the European integration project faces today” (p. xvi). The book is the result of a long-term collaborative research project that focuses on the development of political conflict over European integration in six west European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, and the UK). The study follows every important step of European integration for more than four decades, from the early 1970s to the euro crisis in 2012.
Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, Nov 15, 2013
Programs offered · MA in Political Science / 1 YEAR · MA in Political Science / 2 YEARS · PhD in ... more Programs offered
· MA in Political Science / 1 YEAR
· MA in Political Science / 2 YEARS
· PhD in Political Science
Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union is the clearest expression: to promote harmonious and b... more Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union is the clearest expression: to promote harmonious and balanced development of economic activities sustainable and noninflationary growth respecting the environment high degree convergence of economic performance high level employment and of social protection the raising of the standard of living and quality of life, and economic and social cohesion and solidarity among Member States. There a number of shared values which form the basis of the European social model. These include democracy and individual rights free collective bargaining, the market economy, equality of opportunity for all and social welfare and solidarity. The European Social Model isn't just a paradigm but a part of the EU construction and according to some voices, the soul of the European Union, issues on social dimensions being addressed and challenged by various tests: the financial crisis, the refugee one, they all measured the European consensus on the social values. Many reforms were been made by member states on social protection, worker's rights and working conditions, public services, social dialogue, pensions, health system. Questions are raised regarding the ability of European Union of keeping its legacy on the social area.
The Jan Patočka Fellowship Program aims to foster research inspired by Jan Patočka’s thought and ... more The Jan Patočka Fellowship Program aims to
foster research inspired by Jan Patočka’s thought
and committed to his legacy. The program is
focused on research in policy-related topics. It
enables young Czech researchers to work on a
project of their own choice. The fellowship is
open to all academic disciplines in the humanities
and social sciences. However, applicants’
projects should preferably deal with political and
societal issues of European relevance.