Juana Liceras | University of Ottawa | Université d'Ottawa (original) (raw)

Papers by Juana Liceras

Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism, Oct 2, 2017

Inflectional affixes only adhere to the head of Noun-Noun (NN) compounds which implies that the p... more Inflectional affixes only adhere to the head of Noun-Noun (NN) compounds which implies that the plural of casa cuna (‘crib house’) or hombre lobo (‘werewolf’) is casa-s cuna (‘crib houses’) and hombre-s lobo (‘werewolves’) respectively, while *casa cuna-s and *hombre lobo-s ‒ with the plural inflectional affix on the modifier ‒ are ungrammatical. There seems to be more flexibility when it comes to derivational affixes since, in principle, the evaluative diminutive affix – ito appears to have scope over the whole compound, regardless of whether it is attached to the head or the modifier: cas-ita cuna / casa cun-ita and hombre-c-ito lobo / hombre lob-ito . This would imply that the operation that results in the expression of plurality of the whole word via the inflectional affix – s located on the semantic argument (the head of the compound), is more categorical than the one that regulates the scope of derivational morphemes (contra Zwicky, 1985). It would also imply that Cinque’s (2005) proposal according to which modifiers can c-command Nouns may be more in line with the behaviour of derivational affixes in Spanish NN compounds. Since this is a topic that has neither been discussed by Spanish grammarians nor received attention in the psycholinguistic literature, we have administered a Picture Selection Task with NN compounds exhibiting evaluative diminutive affixes to groups of L1 Spanish and L1 English-L2 Spanish speakers. Results show that for L1 Spanish speakers it is the affix on the head that has scope over the whole compound (in line with Zwicky’s 1985 proposal) while the L2 Spanish speakers treat derivational affixes as only having scope over the element to which they are attached.

Routledge eBooks, Jan 24, 2023

Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism, Mar 16, 2011

Probus, 2016

The articles compiled in this volume provide an account of current research in "core" areas in th... more The articles compiled in this volume provide an account of current research in "core" areas in the field of language acquisition (primary, secondary and bilingual) and suggest new avenues of research and ways of approaching the relationship between the theories and methodologies. Within the framework of cognitive sciences, specifically linguistics and psycholinguistics, the articles investigate language acquisition from four different dimensions: processing and lexical access, the prosody-pragmatics interface, the discourse-syntax interface and language impairment (so-called specific language impairment). Using data from four Romance languages-Catalan, French, Portuguese and Spanishthese articles address state-of-the-art issues pertaining to the relationship between language acquisition and other cognitive modules.

De Gruyter eBooks, Dec 31, 1988

Kluwer Academic Publishers eBooks, 2002

... ANA T. PEREZ-LEROUX, ERIN O'ROURKE, GILLIAN LORD AND BEATRIZ CENTENO-CORTES 179 Inaliena... more ... ANA T. PEREZ-LEROUX, ERIN O'ROURKE, GILLIAN LORD AND BEATRIZ CENTENO-CORTES 179 Inalienable Possession in Spanish: L2-Acquisition at ... for a larger cluster of properties to the point that it became possible to talk about super-parameters (Authier 1992; Liceras ...

El portugués brasileño (PB) se considera una lengua de núcleo a la izquierda, como vemos en (1b) ... more El portugués brasileño (PB) se considera una lengua de núcleo a la izquierda, como vemos en (1b) frente a (1c). Si bien Zwicky (1985) mantiene que la direccionalidad del núcleo es la misma en la morfología flexiva que en la derivativa, la relación entre la direccionalidad del núcleo y el afijo diminutivo no es tan clara como en el caso de la flexión. Al igual que la flexión de plural, (2b) inho tiene abarque sobre todo el compuesto y, por lo tanto, la representación de (2b) es la versión reducida de (2a). Sin embargo, cuando inho se une al modificador como en (2c), la interpretación no queda clara. (1a) uma mulher polvo (1b) duas mulherES polvo (1c) *duas mulher polvoS (2a) homem lobo (2b) homenzINHO lobo (2c) homem lobINHO En este estudio 30 hablantes de inglés L1-PBL2 y 30 de PBL1 participaron en dos experimentos: una Tarea con Imágenes (TI) que mostraba compuestos NN con afijo diminutivo (inho/inha) y una tarea de Juicios de Aceptabilidad (TJA) con afijo diminutivo y afijo plural (s). Los resultados de la TI muestran que los hablantes de PBL1 no interpretan que inho en el modificador tenga abarque sobre todo el compuesto y los hablantes de PBL2 diferencian entre los casos en que inho se sitúa en el núcleo o en el modificador. Los resultados de la TJA revelan que, tanto para los hablantes de PBL1 como para los de PBL2, la aceptabilidad de los afijos flexivos y derivativos en el modificador es siempre significativamente más baja que la de esos afijos en el núcleo. Esto explica que la direccionalidad del núcleo para los afijos flexivos y para la derivación está mejor establecida en la gramática del PBL1 que en la gramática PBL2.

Journal of monolingual and bilingual speech, Nov 5, 2019

We use code-switched structures to investigate how gender is represented in the mind of an adult ... more We use code-switched structures to investigate how gender is represented in the mind of an adult English-Spanish bilingual (Spanish is the Heritage language) who has Prader-Willi Syndrome (PWS), a genetic disorder that presents both behavioral disturbances and intellectual and linguistic disabilities. The latter remains entirely unexplored in the case of bilingual speakers. Previous research (Liceras et al., 2016) using an Acceptability Judgment Task (AJT) and a Sentence Completion Task (SCT) has shown that typically-developing (TD) Spanish-dominant English-Spanish bilinguals (but not English-dominant bilinguals) prefer gender-matching switched Determiner+Noun (concord) and Subject+Adjectival Predicate (agreement) structures, as La[theF] house[casaF] or The house[la casaF] es roja[is redF] over non-matching ones, as El[theM] house[casaF] or The house[la casaF] es rojo[is redM], which means that these bilinguals abide by the so- called ‘analogical criterion’ (AC): they assign English Nouns the gender of their translation equivalent in Spanish. These same two tasks were administered to a 34 year-old male English-Spanish bilingual (English dominant) with PWS. The results show that in the AJT, he rates both matching and non-matching concord and agreement structures high but has a stronger preference for all structures that abide by the AC. In the SCT, he unambiguously abides by the AC with both types of structures as TD Spanish-dominant bilinguals do. These results constitute a first step towards investigating which linguistic abilities may be compromised in the case of the PWS population and provide evidence that bilingualism does not seem to have a negative effect on the activation of formal features in their grammars.

Castaldo (USP) Neide T. Maia González (USP) Juana Muñoz Liceras (uOttawa) Ainda que a formação da... more Castaldo (USP) Neide T. Maia González (USP) Juana Muñoz Liceras (uOttawa) Ainda que a formação das construções relativas seja semelhante no espanhol (E) e no português brasileiro (PB), o uso das relativas restritivas não estândar parece ser diferente. No E, por um lado, é bastante comum a relativa com pronome resumptivo (Brucart, 1999), (Es una chica que ya te he dicho que ayer hablamos con ella), sobretudo quando o antecedente é indefinido e está distante da cláusula relativa; por outro, não são comuns ou aceitas as construções oblíquas com um complementizador (Rivero, 1982, apud Liceras, 1986, p. 47) e a preposição elidida (?Este es el libro que he hablado muchas veces). Já em PB a formação preferida é a com complementizador e sem preposição-segundo Tarallo (1983) uma cortadora (A moça que eu falei ontem está aqui)frente à construção com resumptivo (A moça que eu falei com ela ontem está aqui), atualmente estigmatizada.Com o objetivo de investigar o grau de aceitabilidade das relativas especificativas no E por falantes do PB e determinar em que medida se produz transferência da L1, aplicamos um teste de Juízo de Aceitabilidade a 30 falantes de ELE cuja língua materna é o PB e a um grupo de controle de 30 hispanofalantes. Os resultados mostraram que o grau de aceitação das construções cortadoras é mais alto que o grau de aceitabilidade das relativas com resumptivo. Os hispanofalantes vão em direção oposta: as construções de resumptivo apresentaram um grau mais alto de aceitabilidade que as cortadoras, o que permite concluir que os falantes do PB transferem suas preferências ao E, tal como podíamos predizer a partir das propostas dos linguistas.

This study originated as a reaction to the proposal that the “illicit” null subjects identified b... more This study originated as a reaction to the proposal that the “illicit” null subjects identified by Montrul (2004)—the pro with an asterisk which appears in (1) – (3) below—evidenced how Heritage Spanish speakers are affected by the vulnerability of the syntax/pragmatics interface. Montrul and Rodriguez-Louro (2006) maintain that these data provide evidence against the unidirectionality of pragmatic deficits (Sorace 2004) according to which overt subjects but not null subjects would be overproduced. In other words, Montrul and Rodriguez-Louro (2006) maintain that null subjects are also overproduced. Since null subjects are not supposed to bear a [+topic shift] feature, in example (1), the change of topic (el lobo, the wolf) should trigger the presence of an overt subject, because otherwise we do not know who filled the wolf’s stomach with stones. However, the overt pronoun ELLOS (they) would not make the sentence less ambiguous because the agreement marker, the “N” of llenaroN is as ...

Native and Non-Native Teachers in English Language Classrooms, 2017

Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism, Oct 2, 2017

Inflectional affixes only adhere to the head of Noun-Noun (NN) compounds which implies that the p... more Inflectional affixes only adhere to the head of Noun-Noun (NN) compounds which implies that the plural of casa cuna (‘crib house’) or hombre lobo (‘werewolf’) is casa-s cuna (‘crib houses’) and hombre-s lobo (‘werewolves’) respectively, while *casa cuna-s and *hombre lobo-s ‒ with the plural inflectional affix on the modifier ‒ are ungrammatical. There seems to be more flexibility when it comes to derivational affixes since, in principle, the evaluative diminutive affix – ito appears to have scope over the whole compound, regardless of whether it is attached to the head or the modifier: cas-ita cuna / casa cun-ita and hombre-c-ito lobo / hombre lob-ito . This would imply that the operation that results in the expression of plurality of the whole word via the inflectional affix – s located on the semantic argument (the head of the compound), is more categorical than the one that regulates the scope of derivational morphemes (contra Zwicky, 1985). It would also imply that Cinque’s (2005) proposal according to which modifiers can c-command Nouns may be more in line with the behaviour of derivational affixes in Spanish NN compounds. Since this is a topic that has neither been discussed by Spanish grammarians nor received attention in the psycholinguistic literature, we have administered a Picture Selection Task with NN compounds exhibiting evaluative diminutive affixes to groups of L1 Spanish and L1 English-L2 Spanish speakers. Results show that for L1 Spanish speakers it is the affix on the head that has scope over the whole compound (in line with Zwicky’s 1985 proposal) while the L2 Spanish speakers treat derivational affixes as only having scope over the element to which they are attached.

Routledge eBooks, Jan 24, 2023

Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism, Mar 16, 2011

Probus, 2016

The articles compiled in this volume provide an account of current research in "core" areas in th... more The articles compiled in this volume provide an account of current research in "core" areas in the field of language acquisition (primary, secondary and bilingual) and suggest new avenues of research and ways of approaching the relationship between the theories and methodologies. Within the framework of cognitive sciences, specifically linguistics and psycholinguistics, the articles investigate language acquisition from four different dimensions: processing and lexical access, the prosody-pragmatics interface, the discourse-syntax interface and language impairment (so-called specific language impairment). Using data from four Romance languages-Catalan, French, Portuguese and Spanishthese articles address state-of-the-art issues pertaining to the relationship between language acquisition and other cognitive modules.

De Gruyter eBooks, Dec 31, 1988

Kluwer Academic Publishers eBooks, 2002

... ANA T. PEREZ-LEROUX, ERIN O'ROURKE, GILLIAN LORD AND BEATRIZ CENTENO-CORTES 179 Inaliena... more ... ANA T. PEREZ-LEROUX, ERIN O'ROURKE, GILLIAN LORD AND BEATRIZ CENTENO-CORTES 179 Inalienable Possession in Spanish: L2-Acquisition at ... for a larger cluster of properties to the point that it became possible to talk about super-parameters (Authier 1992; Liceras ...

El portugués brasileño (PB) se considera una lengua de núcleo a la izquierda, como vemos en (1b) ... more El portugués brasileño (PB) se considera una lengua de núcleo a la izquierda, como vemos en (1b) frente a (1c). Si bien Zwicky (1985) mantiene que la direccionalidad del núcleo es la misma en la morfología flexiva que en la derivativa, la relación entre la direccionalidad del núcleo y el afijo diminutivo no es tan clara como en el caso de la flexión. Al igual que la flexión de plural, (2b) inho tiene abarque sobre todo el compuesto y, por lo tanto, la representación de (2b) es la versión reducida de (2a). Sin embargo, cuando inho se une al modificador como en (2c), la interpretación no queda clara. (1a) uma mulher polvo (1b) duas mulherES polvo (1c) *duas mulher polvoS (2a) homem lobo (2b) homenzINHO lobo (2c) homem lobINHO En este estudio 30 hablantes de inglés L1-PBL2 y 30 de PBL1 participaron en dos experimentos: una Tarea con Imágenes (TI) que mostraba compuestos NN con afijo diminutivo (inho/inha) y una tarea de Juicios de Aceptabilidad (TJA) con afijo diminutivo y afijo plural (s). Los resultados de la TI muestran que los hablantes de PBL1 no interpretan que inho en el modificador tenga abarque sobre todo el compuesto y los hablantes de PBL2 diferencian entre los casos en que inho se sitúa en el núcleo o en el modificador. Los resultados de la TJA revelan que, tanto para los hablantes de PBL1 como para los de PBL2, la aceptabilidad de los afijos flexivos y derivativos en el modificador es siempre significativamente más baja que la de esos afijos en el núcleo. Esto explica que la direccionalidad del núcleo para los afijos flexivos y para la derivación está mejor establecida en la gramática del PBL1 que en la gramática PBL2.

Journal of monolingual and bilingual speech, Nov 5, 2019

We use code-switched structures to investigate how gender is represented in the mind of an adult ... more We use code-switched structures to investigate how gender is represented in the mind of an adult English-Spanish bilingual (Spanish is the Heritage language) who has Prader-Willi Syndrome (PWS), a genetic disorder that presents both behavioral disturbances and intellectual and linguistic disabilities. The latter remains entirely unexplored in the case of bilingual speakers. Previous research (Liceras et al., 2016) using an Acceptability Judgment Task (AJT) and a Sentence Completion Task (SCT) has shown that typically-developing (TD) Spanish-dominant English-Spanish bilinguals (but not English-dominant bilinguals) prefer gender-matching switched Determiner+Noun (concord) and Subject+Adjectival Predicate (agreement) structures, as La[theF] house[casaF] or The house[la casaF] es roja[is redF] over non-matching ones, as El[theM] house[casaF] or The house[la casaF] es rojo[is redM], which means that these bilinguals abide by the so- called ‘analogical criterion’ (AC): they assign English Nouns the gender of their translation equivalent in Spanish. These same two tasks were administered to a 34 year-old male English-Spanish bilingual (English dominant) with PWS. The results show that in the AJT, he rates both matching and non-matching concord and agreement structures high but has a stronger preference for all structures that abide by the AC. In the SCT, he unambiguously abides by the AC with both types of structures as TD Spanish-dominant bilinguals do. These results constitute a first step towards investigating which linguistic abilities may be compromised in the case of the PWS population and provide evidence that bilingualism does not seem to have a negative effect on the activation of formal features in their grammars.

Castaldo (USP) Neide T. Maia González (USP) Juana Muñoz Liceras (uOttawa) Ainda que a formação da... more Castaldo (USP) Neide T. Maia González (USP) Juana Muñoz Liceras (uOttawa) Ainda que a formação das construções relativas seja semelhante no espanhol (E) e no português brasileiro (PB), o uso das relativas restritivas não estândar parece ser diferente. No E, por um lado, é bastante comum a relativa com pronome resumptivo (Brucart, 1999), (Es una chica que ya te he dicho que ayer hablamos con ella), sobretudo quando o antecedente é indefinido e está distante da cláusula relativa; por outro, não são comuns ou aceitas as construções oblíquas com um complementizador (Rivero, 1982, apud Liceras, 1986, p. 47) e a preposição elidida (?Este es el libro que he hablado muchas veces). Já em PB a formação preferida é a com complementizador e sem preposição-segundo Tarallo (1983) uma cortadora (A moça que eu falei ontem está aqui)frente à construção com resumptivo (A moça que eu falei com ela ontem está aqui), atualmente estigmatizada.Com o objetivo de investigar o grau de aceitabilidade das relativas especificativas no E por falantes do PB e determinar em que medida se produz transferência da L1, aplicamos um teste de Juízo de Aceitabilidade a 30 falantes de ELE cuja língua materna é o PB e a um grupo de controle de 30 hispanofalantes. Os resultados mostraram que o grau de aceitação das construções cortadoras é mais alto que o grau de aceitabilidade das relativas com resumptivo. Os hispanofalantes vão em direção oposta: as construções de resumptivo apresentaram um grau mais alto de aceitabilidade que as cortadoras, o que permite concluir que os falantes do PB transferem suas preferências ao E, tal como podíamos predizer a partir das propostas dos linguistas.

This study originated as a reaction to the proposal that the “illicit” null subjects identified b... more This study originated as a reaction to the proposal that the “illicit” null subjects identified by Montrul (2004)—the pro with an asterisk which appears in (1) – (3) below—evidenced how Heritage Spanish speakers are affected by the vulnerability of the syntax/pragmatics interface. Montrul and Rodriguez-Louro (2006) maintain that these data provide evidence against the unidirectionality of pragmatic deficits (Sorace 2004) according to which overt subjects but not null subjects would be overproduced. In other words, Montrul and Rodriguez-Louro (2006) maintain that null subjects are also overproduced. Since null subjects are not supposed to bear a [+topic shift] feature, in example (1), the change of topic (el lobo, the wolf) should trigger the presence of an overt subject, because otherwise we do not know who filled the wolf’s stomach with stones. However, the overt pronoun ELLOS (they) would not make the sentence less ambiguous because the agreement marker, the “N” of llenaroN is as ...

Native and Non-Native Teachers in English Language Classrooms, 2017

IBER-LAB Summer School (Universidad de Granada, España), 23-27 septiembre 2019 La Unidad Científ... more IBER-LAB Summer School (Universidad de Granada, España), 23-27 septiembre 2019

La Unidad Científica de Excelencia Iber-Lab (ref. UCE2018-04) de la Universidad de Granada organiza una Escuela Internacional de Verano destinada a estudiantes de posgrado y jóvenes doctores/as de diferentes países interesados en el estudio de algún aspecto de los cuatro ejes principales de Iber-Lab: la lengua española, la adquisición del español como segunda lengua, la crítica literaria y la cultura iberoamericana.

Ofrecemos un programa académico y un marco de trabajo multidisciplinar a investigadores en formación para debatir con académicos reputados y con los especialistas garantes de Iber-Lab los temas y problemas de sus tesis doctorales y/o de sus proyectos posdoctorales. Asimismo, los asistentes pueden recibir asesoramiento y comentarios cualificados sobre artículos y trabajos académicos vinculados con el estudio de la lengua española, la adquisición del español, la crítica literaria y la cultura iberoamericana. La Escuela también dedicará un espacio específico a la información y orientación sobre la carrera académica, así como a la publicación y difusión de la investigación doctoral.

El programa académico se complementa con un atractivo programa cultural y de ocio para los asistentes en el inigualable entorno de la histórica ciudad de Granada.

Visite la web del Iber-Lab Summerschool para más información:
http://iberlabsummerschool.ugr.es/