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Papers by Amado Jr. Mendoza
This study analyzes cross-country data extracted from a large global database to identify the maj... more This study analyzes cross-country data extracted from a large global database to identify the major risks affecting Asian PPP into six major factors: (1) macroeconomic environment; openness of economy; (2) incentive issues during planning, design and contracting phases; (3)
political risk; (4) fiscal capacity of government; (5) firm-embodied traits: level of technical efficiency and capacity of proponents in construction and operations; and (6) other reasons --regulation, credit risk of buyers of output, etc. Policy recommendations are made.
Asian Journal of Social Science, 2013
The Filipino family provides an interesting study because familism is embedded in its social sphe... more The Filipino family provides an interesting study because familism is embedded in its social sphere, translating its relational quality outside the family. Being family-centred, child-centric, having close ties, and a large family size Miralao, 1994) are some basic elements of families in the Philippines. Applying regression on the data from the World Values Survey for the Philippines in 1996 and 2001, this study aims to explore the correlates of views on family values among Filipinos, specifically those concerning the traditional nuclear family set-up, the woman's roles within family, and the reciprocal relationship of the parent and child. While the results show that Filipinos generally share family values, especially on those related to child rearing for both parents, and child-bearing, there are indications that such views also differ across educational attainment, geographic location, social class, and ethnic groups. Disparities in views could be reflecting shifting family values, which could then help explain current polarising policy debates on issues on the reproductive health, divorce, and migration.
The intention is to offer an initial framework by which one can understand how rent-seekers in th... more The intention is to offer an initial framework by which one can understand how rent-seekers in the Philippines originate, prosper, and “pass away.” Specifically, we intend to probe the question: how are rent-seekers transformed into profit-makers?
In a survey of financial systems and economic policy in several developing economies, the Philipp... more In a survey of financial systems and economic policy in several developing economies, the Philippine financial system was said to be “a case where a small group of powerful players in the private sector has maximized its share of rents at the expense of the rest of the country” . It was contrasted with the financial system in South Korea, which was controlled by the state that in turn assigned credits and
other rents to export champions—the big industrial conglomerates known as the chaebols. Preferential finance to export-oriented firms, administered by a strong state and
a competent bureaucracy, contributed immensely to the country‟s economic miracle. South Korea graduated to developed economy status (as the newest member of the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) before the onset of the Asian financial crisis in 1997. In both countries, there appears to be
very strong links between the state and the private business sector, forming what could be called a "quasi-internal organization‟ (QIO) in South Korea or a “quasi-public network” in the Philippines. The basic difference is the senior element in the partnership. In the South Korean sword-won alliance, the state was clearly dominant; in the Philippines, the private business sector dominates a weak state and extracts substantial rents from it. Private business and the state leaders and bureaucrats in the Philippines have formed a "quasi-public network” whose objective is the protection of the economic position of its members. Filipino politicians and bureaucrats have adopted this behavior in the light of their relative weakness vis-à-vis private interests.
“Bad institutions, it appears, can overcome natural resource bounties, geographical advantages, ... more “Bad institutions, it appears, can overcome natural resource
bounties, geographical advantages, and extremely favorable initial conditions. Philippine history supplies us with the stark reasons behind low-quality institutions. The choices
made by our leaders obviously made a big difference.”
The non-violent removal of Ferdinand Marcos in February 1986 through a mass uprising that had sta... more The non-violent removal of Ferdinand Marcos in February 1986 through a mass uprising that had started in 1983 was a landmark event both in the Philippines and internationally. It introduced the term ‘people power’ into academic and journalistic discourse and was used as a model for subsequent civil disobedience movements in Asia and the Soviet bloc. It raises many questions regarding the relationship between civil resistance and other forms of power, and the diVerence between short-term and long-term success.
Analysis of non-violent resistance in the Philippines is still incomplete. This chapter attempts to fill this gap by offering reflections on the use of non-violent methods in the Philippine context. The first section offers a historical overview of the uneven democratization process from the early 1970s to the flawed election of 2004. The second section, which is in several parts, addresses questions relating to the role of civil resistance in political change. It considers the reasons for the adoption of non-violent strategies, and the ways in which the coexistence of armed struggles in the Philippines influenced the adoption and effectiveness of non-violent methods. It shows how particular circumstances, especially the regime’s shameless electoral fraud, contributed to the movement’s success. It looks briefly at the role of international power balances generally and the US in particular. Various criteria are suggested for the evaluation of the success and failure of the civil resistance movement during the Marcos and immediate post- Marcos years. The concluding section draws out the links between the practice of civil resistance and democratization, and suggests some lessons which can be learnt from the Philippine example. In particular the conclusion asks what post- authoritarian governance in the Philippines since 1986 shows about a possible connection between the practice of civil resistance and liberal outcomes.
This article is a think-piece and a work-in-progress. In this paper, I introduce a ... more This article is a think-piece and a work-in-progress. In this paper, I introduce a four-sector model of the Philippine political economy that only characterizes its principal features and also suggests the possibilities for future change. The Philippine political economy is composed of four— formal, informal, criminal, and war—economies, with these categories understood as Weberian ideal types. Qua ideal types, these economic sectors can be construed either as separate spheres of distinct economic activities or as interlocking sets of economic actors that could possibly undertake all four kinds of economic activity. The article also inquires into the variables affecting the size of each economic sphere. It suggests that the dynamics of the model depend largely on the strategic direction of specific economic actors. The proposed model seeks to complement and not replace existing theories on the Philippine political economy. It is presented in its rudimentary form to solicit comments regarding its robustness and if a respectable research program can emanate from it.
In my previous piece (Dilemma: Reasons why US will not help PH vs. China in fight over Ayungin) w... more In my previous piece (Dilemma: Reasons why US will not help PH vs. China in fight over Ayungin) which I wrote in response to my good friend Ramon Casiple's "China's Dilemma", I argued that it is the United States and the Philippines which actually have a dilemma over Ayungin.
Unfortunately for assertive rising powers like China, might is not always right.
The session will explore how U.S.-ASEAN-EAS stakeholder cooperation can be maximized in the areas... more The session will explore how U.S.-ASEAN-EAS stakeholder cooperation can be maximized in the areas of counterterrorism, transnational crime, nonproliferation, energy and food security, maritime security, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and territorial disputes in the South China Sea.
One cannot adequately theorize the ASEAN community without theorizing Southeast Asia
This study analyzes cross-country data extracted from a large global database to identify the maj... more This study analyzes cross-country data extracted from a large global database to identify the major risks affecting Asian PPP into six major factors: (1) macroeconomic environment; openness of economy; (2) incentive issues during planning, design and contracting phases; (3)
political risk; (4) fiscal capacity of government; (5) firm-embodied traits: level of technical efficiency and capacity of proponents in construction and operations; and (6) other reasons --regulation, credit risk of buyers of output, etc. Policy recommendations are made.
Asian Journal of Social Science, 2013
The Filipino family provides an interesting study because familism is embedded in its social sphe... more The Filipino family provides an interesting study because familism is embedded in its social sphere, translating its relational quality outside the family. Being family-centred, child-centric, having close ties, and a large family size Miralao, 1994) are some basic elements of families in the Philippines. Applying regression on the data from the World Values Survey for the Philippines in 1996 and 2001, this study aims to explore the correlates of views on family values among Filipinos, specifically those concerning the traditional nuclear family set-up, the woman's roles within family, and the reciprocal relationship of the parent and child. While the results show that Filipinos generally share family values, especially on those related to child rearing for both parents, and child-bearing, there are indications that such views also differ across educational attainment, geographic location, social class, and ethnic groups. Disparities in views could be reflecting shifting family values, which could then help explain current polarising policy debates on issues on the reproductive health, divorce, and migration.
The intention is to offer an initial framework by which one can understand how rent-seekers in th... more The intention is to offer an initial framework by which one can understand how rent-seekers in the Philippines originate, prosper, and “pass away.” Specifically, we intend to probe the question: how are rent-seekers transformed into profit-makers?
In a survey of financial systems and economic policy in several developing economies, the Philipp... more In a survey of financial systems and economic policy in several developing economies, the Philippine financial system was said to be “a case where a small group of powerful players in the private sector has maximized its share of rents at the expense of the rest of the country” . It was contrasted with the financial system in South Korea, which was controlled by the state that in turn assigned credits and
other rents to export champions—the big industrial conglomerates known as the chaebols. Preferential finance to export-oriented firms, administered by a strong state and
a competent bureaucracy, contributed immensely to the country‟s economic miracle. South Korea graduated to developed economy status (as the newest member of the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) before the onset of the Asian financial crisis in 1997. In both countries, there appears to be
very strong links between the state and the private business sector, forming what could be called a "quasi-internal organization‟ (QIO) in South Korea or a “quasi-public network” in the Philippines. The basic difference is the senior element in the partnership. In the South Korean sword-won alliance, the state was clearly dominant; in the Philippines, the private business sector dominates a weak state and extracts substantial rents from it. Private business and the state leaders and bureaucrats in the Philippines have formed a "quasi-public network” whose objective is the protection of the economic position of its members. Filipino politicians and bureaucrats have adopted this behavior in the light of their relative weakness vis-à-vis private interests.
“Bad institutions, it appears, can overcome natural resource bounties, geographical advantages, ... more “Bad institutions, it appears, can overcome natural resource
bounties, geographical advantages, and extremely favorable initial conditions. Philippine history supplies us with the stark reasons behind low-quality institutions. The choices
made by our leaders obviously made a big difference.”
The non-violent removal of Ferdinand Marcos in February 1986 through a mass uprising that had sta... more The non-violent removal of Ferdinand Marcos in February 1986 through a mass uprising that had started in 1983 was a landmark event both in the Philippines and internationally. It introduced the term ‘people power’ into academic and journalistic discourse and was used as a model for subsequent civil disobedience movements in Asia and the Soviet bloc. It raises many questions regarding the relationship between civil resistance and other forms of power, and the diVerence between short-term and long-term success.
Analysis of non-violent resistance in the Philippines is still incomplete. This chapter attempts to fill this gap by offering reflections on the use of non-violent methods in the Philippine context. The first section offers a historical overview of the uneven democratization process from the early 1970s to the flawed election of 2004. The second section, which is in several parts, addresses questions relating to the role of civil resistance in political change. It considers the reasons for the adoption of non-violent strategies, and the ways in which the coexistence of armed struggles in the Philippines influenced the adoption and effectiveness of non-violent methods. It shows how particular circumstances, especially the regime’s shameless electoral fraud, contributed to the movement’s success. It looks briefly at the role of international power balances generally and the US in particular. Various criteria are suggested for the evaluation of the success and failure of the civil resistance movement during the Marcos and immediate post- Marcos years. The concluding section draws out the links between the practice of civil resistance and democratization, and suggests some lessons which can be learnt from the Philippine example. In particular the conclusion asks what post- authoritarian governance in the Philippines since 1986 shows about a possible connection between the practice of civil resistance and liberal outcomes.
This article is a think-piece and a work-in-progress. In this paper, I introduce a ... more This article is a think-piece and a work-in-progress. In this paper, I introduce a four-sector model of the Philippine political economy that only characterizes its principal features and also suggests the possibilities for future change. The Philippine political economy is composed of four— formal, informal, criminal, and war—economies, with these categories understood as Weberian ideal types. Qua ideal types, these economic sectors can be construed either as separate spheres of distinct economic activities or as interlocking sets of economic actors that could possibly undertake all four kinds of economic activity. The article also inquires into the variables affecting the size of each economic sphere. It suggests that the dynamics of the model depend largely on the strategic direction of specific economic actors. The proposed model seeks to complement and not replace existing theories on the Philippine political economy. It is presented in its rudimentary form to solicit comments regarding its robustness and if a respectable research program can emanate from it.
In my previous piece (Dilemma: Reasons why US will not help PH vs. China in fight over Ayungin) w... more In my previous piece (Dilemma: Reasons why US will not help PH vs. China in fight over Ayungin) which I wrote in response to my good friend Ramon Casiple's "China's Dilemma", I argued that it is the United States and the Philippines which actually have a dilemma over Ayungin.
Unfortunately for assertive rising powers like China, might is not always right.
The session will explore how U.S.-ASEAN-EAS stakeholder cooperation can be maximized in the areas... more The session will explore how U.S.-ASEAN-EAS stakeholder cooperation can be maximized in the areas of counterterrorism, transnational crime, nonproliferation, energy and food security, maritime security, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and territorial disputes in the South China Sea.
One cannot adequately theorize the ASEAN community without theorizing Southeast Asia