Robert Hogg | The University of Queensland, Australia (original) (raw)
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Papers by Robert Hogg
In his diary for December 1854, Anglican clergyman Benjamin Glennie, after noting church attendan... more In his diary for December 1854, Anglican clergyman Benjamin Glennie, after noting church attendances for the month, recorded: 25 th Xmas Day, 26 Communicants 4 namely Mesdames Moffat, Lord and Glissan and Miss North. Higgins went away because no money. 31 st Drayton 23 and 16. School 2. 10 th Afternoon violent hailstorm which did much damage and beat through the shingles, preceded by high wind which drove dust into all parts of the house. Cold evening had to my dress [sic]. 11 th Very cold night. Double blankets. 16 th Very oppressive night could not sleep without opening windows mosquitoes very bad. 17 th Suffocating morning and a frightful day. Hot night. High wind quite knocked up. Headache, cooler at night. 23 rd Wind east. Rain all day. Quite cold, had a fire. 25 th Most melancholy Xmas Day. Four women at Holy Communion while there was great feasting in all directions. At midnight tolled out the Old Year and rang in the New. Distance 13 miles. Total in the year 2344. 1
On the frontiers of Queensland and British Columbia in the mid-nineteenth century violence was en... more On the frontiers of Queensland and British Columbia in the mid-nineteenth century violence was endemic. Imbued with definite ideas of manliness and with ambivalent attitudes towards the use of violence, British male immigrants to these frontiers found an environment free of the constraints that operated in metropolitan Britain. In these circumstances, many of the manly virtues held the potential for violence. In contrast to the espoused values of Christian reason, self-restraint, honour and rectitude, on the colonial frontier the practice of manliness often entailed violence and manly ethos could be distorted to justify and legitimise violent acts.
Masculinity is not an indivisible and uniform concept. Masculinities exist and are practiced in a... more Masculinity is not an indivisible and uniform concept. Masculinities exist and are practiced in a varying environments and historical periods, and arise from the interaction between gender, race and class . Understanding how these multiple masculinities are constituted requires an examination of the differences in and relationships between the different types, as well as the interplay of these types with other social variables (Connell, 1995, 77-79, 80-81; Davidoff et al, 1999, ix). In other words, masculinities can vary across class and race, and one type of masculinity can be defined by how it differs from an alternative type. In the nineteenth century, white colonisers discovered indigenous masculinities which differed from their own. Arguing for what she terms a 'historical-materialist' approach to the analysis of colonial masculinity, Mrinalini Sinha has called for an examination of the mutual constitution of the colonisers' masculinity and the effeminacy of the colonised as a practice of colonial rule (1999, 35).
Robert Harkness and James Thomson travelled to the Cariboo goldfields in 1862. Their response to ... more Robert Harkness and James Thomson travelled to the Cariboo goldfields in 1862. Their response to the challenges of the remoteness of the frontier of British Columbia and the concomitant isolation from their families are revealed in a series of letters written to their wives detailing both the psychological and physical demands they faced. It will be argued that the challenges arising from a sense of geographical remoteness undermined both writers’ sense of manly self-esteem and self-control. This was undermined by the fact that in order to provide for their families, Harkness and Thomson had to leave them, an act which potentially sacrificed their relationships and emotional life in order to practice the more ostensibly virile ‘masculine’ attributes of the mid-Victorian gender order. Arguably, the frontier for Harkness and Thomson was a place of trial and tribulation, not of self-realisation and both were impoverished and diminished by the experience.
In the mid-nineteenth century, the frontiers of Queensland and British Columbia provided a stage ... more In the mid-nineteenth century, the frontiers of Queensland and British Columbia provided a stage on which British men could enact or ‘perform’ manliness. Encouraged by a range of cultural productions, thousands of British men went to these colonies to act out the courage, stoicism and perseverance demanded by the cult of manliness. In so doing they hoped to achieve their manly independence. From the exploits of these men sprang the frontier myths that are so popular in modern Australian and Canadian society. However, for many men, the frontier could be a troubling and unsettled place, and for them the pursuit of manly independence could be problematic. Their stories have been neglected by frontier mythology. The Queensland and British Columbia frontiers were places where ‘manliness’ was an important ideal but a problematic practice. In many ways the discourse of British manliness refused to admit the realities of frontier life.
Conference Presentations by Robert Hogg
In metropolitan Britain in the mid 19c there operated a normative code of masculinity, stemming f... more In metropolitan Britain in the mid 19c there operated a normative code of masculinity, stemming from the ideals of the emergent middle class. According to John Tosh in order to achieve full manhood, men had to demonstrate their masculinity as head of a household, in the workplace and in all male associations. Men were supposed to possess a range of attributes: courage, stoicism, independence and integrity to name a few, and to exercise these attributes in a social environment that was Christian, in which the family was idealized and where heterosexuality was normative.
Book Reviews by Robert Hogg
He explores how the intellectual development of these politicians shaped their language and visio... more He explores how the intellectual development of these politicians shaped their language and vision and how their vision of Australia and its place in the world was conveyed in their speeches and other writings. Curran's analysis of prime ministerial discourse reveals that, when it came to the national image, these leaders had more in common than might be thought: a respect for Australia's British heritage, a desire for Australia and Australians to neither cringe nor strut, and an overriding belief in the necessity of the American alliance. While there is a substantial amount of common ground between the leaders, differences are apparent. Keating's nationalism was far more aggressive than his predecessors and that of his successor. The national visions of Whitlam, Fraser and Hawke were grounded in the study of the humanities and, in Hawke's case, the Christian principles he imbibed as the son of a Congregationalist minister. The visions of Keating and Howard, in contrast, are less founded in formal education. Keating's primary political inspiration came from the formidable Jack Lang, while John Howard's political raison d'etre, as far as it extends beyond the electorally pragmatic, emanates from Menzian suburban Sydney, and the Anzac Legend. Curran's emphasis is on nationalism post-1972. The Power of Speech commences, however, with the post World War II era, and the 'consensus and certainty' about Britishness as defining Australia and Australians. Post-World War II and up to the resignation of Menzies in 1966, Australia became painfully aware that the world was changing and that part of this change involved a significant weakening of British influence, and the desire of Britain to focus on Europe, thereby letting its former colonies sink or swim on their own accord. This produced profound anxiety amongst Menzies's successors who, though feeling strongly that a new nationalism was required, struggled to articulate an alternative the British tradition. As Britain withdrew from its Empire, the question of what bound Australians together became increasingly important. The election of Gough Whitlam as prime minister in 1972 provided many with an answer. For these Australians this period meant a revival of 'radical nationalist' dreams and ambitions. Some commentators spoke of a 'new nationalism' without defining what this was. However, a consistent theme of Whitlam's speeches was that Australia's relationships with its friends and allies would remain basically unaltered. Whitlam regarded these relationships as 'essential foundations' of foreign policy. In spite of the widespread euphoria that greeted Whitlam's election in 1972, the 'new nationalism' was not going to be a great event of national self-awakening. Rather, Whitlam would pursue a more modest adjustment to the Australian self-image, seeking greater self-confidence and self-assertion, without getting carried away with potentially isolating pronouncements of independence. Whitlam had a great respect for Britain and British traditions. In a speech at the Mansion House in London in December 1974 he claimed a greater knowledge of British history, a greater affection for British literature and law, and greater respect for British traditions than any other Australian. Obviously the modest adjustment to Australia's self-image he sought did not apply to himself. Nevertheless, such a statement marked a reaffirmation of Britain's significance to Australia's self-image. In government the most obvious political expressions of the national self-image Whitlam was striving for included the introduction of a new Royal Styles and Titles Act, the replacement of the British honours system with the Order of Australia, and the change of the national anthem from God Save the Queen to Advance Australia Fair. Together with the abolition of appeals from the Supreme Courts of the States to the Privy Council, and foreign policy initiatives such as the recognition of China and North Korea, such moves were a decisive break in Australia's relations with Britain and an assertion of independence from 'great and powerful friends'. Perhaps the most far reaching of Whitlam's reshaping of Australia's self-image, in that its reverberations are still being felt today, was the declaration accompanying the passing of the Racial Discrimination Act of 1975 that, 'Australia is in reality a multicultural society.' Despite Whitlam's attempt to place cultural diversity at the centre of Australian nationalism, it would be up to Malcolm Fraser to flesh out the concept of multiculturalism. Like Whitlam, Fraser rejected the need for an aggressively Australian self-image. In foreign policy he displayed an ongoing commitment to the Commonwealth of Nations and an enduring fear and loathing for the Soviet Union. Fraser wound back some of the changes of the Whitlam years: he
I must confess I've not read Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, but such is the novel's cultural ubiquity t... more I must confess I've not read Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, but such is the novel's cultural ubiquity that it scarcely matters. Few in the Western world would be unfamiliar with at least the basic story of a man who, marooned on a desert island, constructs a new, independent life, has numerous adventures, discovers a solitary footprint in the sand, and has a companion he names 'Friday'. It is the ubiquity and shared understanding of this story that provides the basis for Karen Downing's examination of men and masculinity in the late eighteenth century and the early decades of the nineteenth. Based on the premise that 'History is full of restless men' (1), Downing's book explores how British men negotiated the often competing pressures, tensions and contradictions that encompassed manhood during this period. She draws on a wide range of primary materials including men's diaries, letters, and memoirs, as well as medical pamphlets and conduct books to reveal the cultural structures by which certain ideals of manliness were transmitted and perpetuated, and she does so in a very comprehensive manner. In this period, men had to negotiate their manly and social status against a background of confounding social, economic and political change. The industrial revolution overturned the primacy of land as the basis of wealth, and ultimately raised the standard of living; it eliminated some occupations and created new ones; enclosure laws impoverished many and enriched the few; and the working and middle classes emerged to challenge the authority of the ancien regime. Eighteenth – century men certainly had a lot to contend with. They had to strive to achieve 'independence', but had to balance work and leisure; they had to keep a lid on their emotions and practice 'self-discipline'; they were beset by anxieties about status and were urged by the authors of conduct books to deport themselves in a prescribed manner; they were encouraged to venture forth to the colonies and at the same time maintain a family; at home families and wives were potentially effeminising, in the colonies they were a civilising presence. One way men managed these competing demands and achieved some sort of coherence from often contradictory admonitions was by keeping a journal or diary. Journal and diary keeping was both reflective and instrumental. Downing demonstrates that self-narratives were a means by which men could articulate their anxieties and attempt to resolve them. New South Wales sheep farmer Farqhar Mackenzie wrote:' I must learn to think clearly ... to govern my mind & passions, & to devote to this purpose a certain space out of every 24 hours during which time I must endeavour to exclude worldly thoughts' and 'impress upon my mind the truths of Christianity' (37). 'Restlessness' is the central trope in Downing's work. In her argument restlessness was the manifestation of the unsettling tensions in men's lives which resulted from the contradictory ideals, conventions, ambitions and material circumstances that men were subject to. In the first half of the nineteenth century this restlessness found an outlet in immigration to the Australian colonies. In the colonies was the land that men associated with independence, and their personal writings reveal common themes of the pursuit of wealth, renewal and
Emanating from a symposium at the University of York in 2012, and building on the historiography ... more Emanating from a symposium at the University of York in 2012, and building on the historiography of gender and religion published by Gender & History, the contributions in this volume span wide spatial and temporal dimensions. From Mesopotamia in the eighteenth century BCE, to twentieth century Cuba; from the pre-Reformation Christianity of medieval England to the Hinduism of twentieth century India, this volume is nothing if not wide-ranging and comprehensive. The contributors to this volume are not only religion and gender historians, but also medievalists, historians of empire, of Chinese studies, Assyriology, and the Italian Renaissance. Clare Midgely writes on the 'Woman Question' from the perspective of a nineteenth century Bengali women's journal; Michelle M. Sauer writes on the significance of architecture in the medieval English anchorhold; and Mary Vincent examines religious violence in twentieth century Spain. The editors, Joanna de Groot and Sue Morgan, are well-qualified for their roles. de Groot has researched and taught extensively in gender and women's history and has delved into gender relationships and roles from the eighteenth century forwards, with a particular focus on Iran and the Middle East. Morgan's research has focussed on the intersections between gender, sexuality and religion in nineteenth and twentieth century Britain. She has published on the social purity movements of late-nineteenth century Britain, and late–Victorian and Edwardian constructions of masculinity. The editors identify four 'trajectories' in the history of religion and gender: Crossing Cultures and Transnational Exchanges; Religion, Embodiment and Subjectivity, Religion, Gender and Sexuality; and Gender, Religion and Political Activity; and the contributions in this volume are organised accordingly. The essays in the first section emphasise that religion is not monocultural, but is constructed out the complex interactions which result when a faith expands into a new community. The appearance of Tibetan, Sinhala and Chinese forms of Buddhism and the encounter between Muslim and Indian influences are cases in point. Hence in addition to Clare Midgley's essay we can read Carolyn E. Watson on Cuban religion of African origin; Yuet Keung Lo on religious syncretism and dynastic historiography in Buddhist women's biography; Kathleen M McIntyre on Baptists in post-revolutionary Mexico; and Daniel J. R. Grey on sati, thuggee and female infanticide in India. The history of the body and the concept of embodiment express the ways in which differences of religion and gender have shaped subjectivities and their social representations. The contributions under the heading Religion, Embodiment and Subjectivity which particularly engaged me were those on the scholarly debates around concepts of purity and impurity in Assyriological studies; the mediating of the female gaze in the medieval English anchorhold; and masculinity and spirituality in in renaissance Milan. This is not to say that the other contributions in this field are lacking, merely that so many and varied are the offerings that de Groot and Morgan have served that the reader will almost inevitably find her/him self being selective. The section Religion, Gender and Sexuality similarly offers an eclectic range of essays. Same-sex love, chastity, mysticism, abortion and religious violence across a trajectory from the middle ages to the twentieth century are the topics explored by
Talks by Robert Hogg
In his diary for December 1854, Anglican clergyman Benjamin Glennie, after noting church attendan... more In his diary for December 1854, Anglican clergyman Benjamin Glennie, after noting church attendances for the month, recorded: 25 th Xmas Day, 26 Communicants 4 namely Mesdames Moffat, Lord and Glissan and Miss North. Higgins went away because no money. 31 st Drayton 23 and 16. School 2. 10 th Afternoon violent hailstorm which did much damage and beat through the shingles, preceded by high wind which drove dust into all parts of the house. Cold evening had to my dress [sic]. 11 th Very cold night. Double blankets. 16 th Very oppressive night could not sleep without opening windows mosquitoes very bad. 17 th Suffocating morning and a frightful day. Hot night. High wind quite knocked up. Headache, cooler at night. 23 rd Wind east. Rain all day. Quite cold, had a fire. 25 th Most melancholy Xmas Day. Four women at Holy Communion while there was great feasting in all directions. At midnight tolled out the Old Year and rang in the New. Distance 13 miles. Total in the year 2344. 1
On the frontiers of Queensland and British Columbia in the mid-nineteenth century violence was en... more On the frontiers of Queensland and British Columbia in the mid-nineteenth century violence was endemic. Imbued with definite ideas of manliness and with ambivalent attitudes towards the use of violence, British male immigrants to these frontiers found an environment free of the constraints that operated in metropolitan Britain. In these circumstances, many of the manly virtues held the potential for violence. In contrast to the espoused values of Christian reason, self-restraint, honour and rectitude, on the colonial frontier the practice of manliness often entailed violence and manly ethos could be distorted to justify and legitimise violent acts.
Masculinity is not an indivisible and uniform concept. Masculinities exist and are practiced in a... more Masculinity is not an indivisible and uniform concept. Masculinities exist and are practiced in a varying environments and historical periods, and arise from the interaction between gender, race and class . Understanding how these multiple masculinities are constituted requires an examination of the differences in and relationships between the different types, as well as the interplay of these types with other social variables (Connell, 1995, 77-79, 80-81; Davidoff et al, 1999, ix). In other words, masculinities can vary across class and race, and one type of masculinity can be defined by how it differs from an alternative type. In the nineteenth century, white colonisers discovered indigenous masculinities which differed from their own. Arguing for what she terms a 'historical-materialist' approach to the analysis of colonial masculinity, Mrinalini Sinha has called for an examination of the mutual constitution of the colonisers' masculinity and the effeminacy of the colonised as a practice of colonial rule (1999, 35).
Robert Harkness and James Thomson travelled to the Cariboo goldfields in 1862. Their response to ... more Robert Harkness and James Thomson travelled to the Cariboo goldfields in 1862. Their response to the challenges of the remoteness of the frontier of British Columbia and the concomitant isolation from their families are revealed in a series of letters written to their wives detailing both the psychological and physical demands they faced. It will be argued that the challenges arising from a sense of geographical remoteness undermined both writers’ sense of manly self-esteem and self-control. This was undermined by the fact that in order to provide for their families, Harkness and Thomson had to leave them, an act which potentially sacrificed their relationships and emotional life in order to practice the more ostensibly virile ‘masculine’ attributes of the mid-Victorian gender order. Arguably, the frontier for Harkness and Thomson was a place of trial and tribulation, not of self-realisation and both were impoverished and diminished by the experience.
In the mid-nineteenth century, the frontiers of Queensland and British Columbia provided a stage ... more In the mid-nineteenth century, the frontiers of Queensland and British Columbia provided a stage on which British men could enact or ‘perform’ manliness. Encouraged by a range of cultural productions, thousands of British men went to these colonies to act out the courage, stoicism and perseverance demanded by the cult of manliness. In so doing they hoped to achieve their manly independence. From the exploits of these men sprang the frontier myths that are so popular in modern Australian and Canadian society. However, for many men, the frontier could be a troubling and unsettled place, and for them the pursuit of manly independence could be problematic. Their stories have been neglected by frontier mythology. The Queensland and British Columbia frontiers were places where ‘manliness’ was an important ideal but a problematic practice. In many ways the discourse of British manliness refused to admit the realities of frontier life.
In metropolitan Britain in the mid 19c there operated a normative code of masculinity, stemming f... more In metropolitan Britain in the mid 19c there operated a normative code of masculinity, stemming from the ideals of the emergent middle class. According to John Tosh in order to achieve full manhood, men had to demonstrate their masculinity as head of a household, in the workplace and in all male associations. Men were supposed to possess a range of attributes: courage, stoicism, independence and integrity to name a few, and to exercise these attributes in a social environment that was Christian, in which the family was idealized and where heterosexuality was normative.
He explores how the intellectual development of these politicians shaped their language and visio... more He explores how the intellectual development of these politicians shaped their language and vision and how their vision of Australia and its place in the world was conveyed in their speeches and other writings. Curran's analysis of prime ministerial discourse reveals that, when it came to the national image, these leaders had more in common than might be thought: a respect for Australia's British heritage, a desire for Australia and Australians to neither cringe nor strut, and an overriding belief in the necessity of the American alliance. While there is a substantial amount of common ground between the leaders, differences are apparent. Keating's nationalism was far more aggressive than his predecessors and that of his successor. The national visions of Whitlam, Fraser and Hawke were grounded in the study of the humanities and, in Hawke's case, the Christian principles he imbibed as the son of a Congregationalist minister. The visions of Keating and Howard, in contrast, are less founded in formal education. Keating's primary political inspiration came from the formidable Jack Lang, while John Howard's political raison d'etre, as far as it extends beyond the electorally pragmatic, emanates from Menzian suburban Sydney, and the Anzac Legend. Curran's emphasis is on nationalism post-1972. The Power of Speech commences, however, with the post World War II era, and the 'consensus and certainty' about Britishness as defining Australia and Australians. Post-World War II and up to the resignation of Menzies in 1966, Australia became painfully aware that the world was changing and that part of this change involved a significant weakening of British influence, and the desire of Britain to focus on Europe, thereby letting its former colonies sink or swim on their own accord. This produced profound anxiety amongst Menzies's successors who, though feeling strongly that a new nationalism was required, struggled to articulate an alternative the British tradition. As Britain withdrew from its Empire, the question of what bound Australians together became increasingly important. The election of Gough Whitlam as prime minister in 1972 provided many with an answer. For these Australians this period meant a revival of 'radical nationalist' dreams and ambitions. Some commentators spoke of a 'new nationalism' without defining what this was. However, a consistent theme of Whitlam's speeches was that Australia's relationships with its friends and allies would remain basically unaltered. Whitlam regarded these relationships as 'essential foundations' of foreign policy. In spite of the widespread euphoria that greeted Whitlam's election in 1972, the 'new nationalism' was not going to be a great event of national self-awakening. Rather, Whitlam would pursue a more modest adjustment to the Australian self-image, seeking greater self-confidence and self-assertion, without getting carried away with potentially isolating pronouncements of independence. Whitlam had a great respect for Britain and British traditions. In a speech at the Mansion House in London in December 1974 he claimed a greater knowledge of British history, a greater affection for British literature and law, and greater respect for British traditions than any other Australian. Obviously the modest adjustment to Australia's self-image he sought did not apply to himself. Nevertheless, such a statement marked a reaffirmation of Britain's significance to Australia's self-image. In government the most obvious political expressions of the national self-image Whitlam was striving for included the introduction of a new Royal Styles and Titles Act, the replacement of the British honours system with the Order of Australia, and the change of the national anthem from God Save the Queen to Advance Australia Fair. Together with the abolition of appeals from the Supreme Courts of the States to the Privy Council, and foreign policy initiatives such as the recognition of China and North Korea, such moves were a decisive break in Australia's relations with Britain and an assertion of independence from 'great and powerful friends'. Perhaps the most far reaching of Whitlam's reshaping of Australia's self-image, in that its reverberations are still being felt today, was the declaration accompanying the passing of the Racial Discrimination Act of 1975 that, 'Australia is in reality a multicultural society.' Despite Whitlam's attempt to place cultural diversity at the centre of Australian nationalism, it would be up to Malcolm Fraser to flesh out the concept of multiculturalism. Like Whitlam, Fraser rejected the need for an aggressively Australian self-image. In foreign policy he displayed an ongoing commitment to the Commonwealth of Nations and an enduring fear and loathing for the Soviet Union. Fraser wound back some of the changes of the Whitlam years: he
I must confess I've not read Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, but such is the novel's cultural ubiquity t... more I must confess I've not read Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, but such is the novel's cultural ubiquity that it scarcely matters. Few in the Western world would be unfamiliar with at least the basic story of a man who, marooned on a desert island, constructs a new, independent life, has numerous adventures, discovers a solitary footprint in the sand, and has a companion he names 'Friday'. It is the ubiquity and shared understanding of this story that provides the basis for Karen Downing's examination of men and masculinity in the late eighteenth century and the early decades of the nineteenth. Based on the premise that 'History is full of restless men' (1), Downing's book explores how British men negotiated the often competing pressures, tensions and contradictions that encompassed manhood during this period. She draws on a wide range of primary materials including men's diaries, letters, and memoirs, as well as medical pamphlets and conduct books to reveal the cultural structures by which certain ideals of manliness were transmitted and perpetuated, and she does so in a very comprehensive manner. In this period, men had to negotiate their manly and social status against a background of confounding social, economic and political change. The industrial revolution overturned the primacy of land as the basis of wealth, and ultimately raised the standard of living; it eliminated some occupations and created new ones; enclosure laws impoverished many and enriched the few; and the working and middle classes emerged to challenge the authority of the ancien regime. Eighteenth – century men certainly had a lot to contend with. They had to strive to achieve 'independence', but had to balance work and leisure; they had to keep a lid on their emotions and practice 'self-discipline'; they were beset by anxieties about status and were urged by the authors of conduct books to deport themselves in a prescribed manner; they were encouraged to venture forth to the colonies and at the same time maintain a family; at home families and wives were potentially effeminising, in the colonies they were a civilising presence. One way men managed these competing demands and achieved some sort of coherence from often contradictory admonitions was by keeping a journal or diary. Journal and diary keeping was both reflective and instrumental. Downing demonstrates that self-narratives were a means by which men could articulate their anxieties and attempt to resolve them. New South Wales sheep farmer Farqhar Mackenzie wrote:' I must learn to think clearly ... to govern my mind & passions, & to devote to this purpose a certain space out of every 24 hours during which time I must endeavour to exclude worldly thoughts' and 'impress upon my mind the truths of Christianity' (37). 'Restlessness' is the central trope in Downing's work. In her argument restlessness was the manifestation of the unsettling tensions in men's lives which resulted from the contradictory ideals, conventions, ambitions and material circumstances that men were subject to. In the first half of the nineteenth century this restlessness found an outlet in immigration to the Australian colonies. In the colonies was the land that men associated with independence, and their personal writings reveal common themes of the pursuit of wealth, renewal and
Emanating from a symposium at the University of York in 2012, and building on the historiography ... more Emanating from a symposium at the University of York in 2012, and building on the historiography of gender and religion published by Gender & History, the contributions in this volume span wide spatial and temporal dimensions. From Mesopotamia in the eighteenth century BCE, to twentieth century Cuba; from the pre-Reformation Christianity of medieval England to the Hinduism of twentieth century India, this volume is nothing if not wide-ranging and comprehensive. The contributors to this volume are not only religion and gender historians, but also medievalists, historians of empire, of Chinese studies, Assyriology, and the Italian Renaissance. Clare Midgely writes on the 'Woman Question' from the perspective of a nineteenth century Bengali women's journal; Michelle M. Sauer writes on the significance of architecture in the medieval English anchorhold; and Mary Vincent examines religious violence in twentieth century Spain. The editors, Joanna de Groot and Sue Morgan, are well-qualified for their roles. de Groot has researched and taught extensively in gender and women's history and has delved into gender relationships and roles from the eighteenth century forwards, with a particular focus on Iran and the Middle East. Morgan's research has focussed on the intersections between gender, sexuality and religion in nineteenth and twentieth century Britain. She has published on the social purity movements of late-nineteenth century Britain, and late–Victorian and Edwardian constructions of masculinity. The editors identify four 'trajectories' in the history of religion and gender: Crossing Cultures and Transnational Exchanges; Religion, Embodiment and Subjectivity, Religion, Gender and Sexuality; and Gender, Religion and Political Activity; and the contributions in this volume are organised accordingly. The essays in the first section emphasise that religion is not monocultural, but is constructed out the complex interactions which result when a faith expands into a new community. The appearance of Tibetan, Sinhala and Chinese forms of Buddhism and the encounter between Muslim and Indian influences are cases in point. Hence in addition to Clare Midgley's essay we can read Carolyn E. Watson on Cuban religion of African origin; Yuet Keung Lo on religious syncretism and dynastic historiography in Buddhist women's biography; Kathleen M McIntyre on Baptists in post-revolutionary Mexico; and Daniel J. R. Grey on sati, thuggee and female infanticide in India. The history of the body and the concept of embodiment express the ways in which differences of religion and gender have shaped subjectivities and their social representations. The contributions under the heading Religion, Embodiment and Subjectivity which particularly engaged me were those on the scholarly debates around concepts of purity and impurity in Assyriological studies; the mediating of the female gaze in the medieval English anchorhold; and masculinity and spirituality in in renaissance Milan. This is not to say that the other contributions in this field are lacking, merely that so many and varied are the offerings that de Groot and Morgan have served that the reader will almost inevitably find her/him self being selective. The section Religion, Gender and Sexuality similarly offers an eclectic range of essays. Same-sex love, chastity, mysticism, abortion and religious violence across a trajectory from the middle ages to the twentieth century are the topics explored by