Laurie Brand | University of Southern California (original) (raw)
Papers by Laurie Brand
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 2019
Although immigration obviously requires prior emigration, very little work in migration studies e... more Although immigration obviously requires prior emigration, very little work in migration studies examines states of origin. In addition, most research that is concerned with a labor-exporting country generally examines either social networks or the impact of remittances and worker absence on families or home communities. Brand argues that just as immigration policy should be understood as more than simply the nature of border controls and visas, emigration policy should also be analyzed from a broad perspective. This includes political, economic, and cultural policies and practices of the home state that deliberately target some aspect of its expatriates' lives. To better understand the bases of emigration policy, Brand explores the establishment and development of several state institutions in Morocco (a separate ministry for Moroccans abroad and the Foundation Hassan II) and Tunisia (I'Office des Tunisiens a I'Etranger). She examines various traditional explanations for the formation of immigration policy in receiving states (the economy, security, changing global norms) in order to determine their relevance to the emigration policies of migrant-sending countries. The questions of why, when, how, where, and to what effect people move from farm to city, town to town, or country to country have received increasing scholarly and policy attention in the last ten years. Researchers across disciplines have sought to answer these and related questions, focusing on a variety of levels and units of analysis, and constructing or drawing upon myriad theoretical frameworks and empirical tools. While some have focused on the more micro level questions of individual decisions to migrate and their impact, often focusing on the economic cost-benefit calculations or push-pull factors, others have posed community-or societal-level questions, as they have sought to understand the cultural impact of immigration, historical aspects of the immigrant experience, and the possibilities for integration or assimilation in the new host country. In the fields of political science, international relations and the law, the focus has generally been on state response to immigration, with some locating their analyses at the level of the state and others seeking explanations in broad international political economy or normative changes.(1)
Mashriq & Mahjar Journal of Middle East and North African Migration Studies, 2018
In early March 2017, a feud broke out between the Turkish and German governments. The source was ... more In early March 2017, a feud broke out between the Turkish and German governments. The source was a critical upcoming referendum in Turkey aimed at giving increased powers to the President Recep Tayyib Erdogan. Hosting the world's largest Turkish diaspora community of an estimated five million, Germany was a natural site for rallies of Erdogan supporters in favor of a 'yes' vote on the referendum. When such gatherings scheduled for the first weekend in March in Cologne and Gaggenau were cancelled by the authorities for what were characterized as security concerns, Erdogan further exacerbated the
Digest of Middle East Studies, 2001
Journal of Palestine Studies, 1995
Since the annexation of the West Bank in 1950, the population of the Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan ... more Since the annexation of the West Bank in 1950, the population of the Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan has been composed of two major communal groups: Transjordanians and Palestinians. Tensions between the two, a persistent if suppressed feature of domestic politics, were finally allowed more open expression in 1989, as the country embarked on a path of political liberalization. Despite the long history of the troubled relationship, however, Palestinian-Transjordanian tensions remain largely unexplored,' except, to a limited extent, as a direct function of PLO-Jordanian relations. The interaction of both internal and external factors in sustaining or exacerbating intercommunal tensions becomes particularly apparent when examining the recent conjunction of three processes: economic reform, political liberalization, and peacemaking. The first two, by promising to alter the domestic balance of political and economic power, portend a change both in relations among citizens and between Laurie A.
Loin des yeux, près du cœur, 2010
Mashriq & Mahjar Journal of Middle East and North African Migration Studies, 2018
Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, 1998
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2014
Founded in 1789, Georgetown University is a student-centered international research university of... more Founded in 1789, Georgetown University is a student-centered international research university offering highly ranked undergraduate, graduate and professional programs preparing the next generation of global citizens to lead and make a positive impact in the world. The outstanding students, faculty, alumni and professionals of Georgetown are dedicated to real-world applications of research, scholarship, faith and service. For more information, please visit the website: www.georgetown.edu. Founded in 1919, the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service (SFS) is a premier school of international affairs. At Georgetown's Washington, D.C. and Doha, Qatar campuses, SFS provides a rigorous education combining theory and practice while instilling the values of men and women in the service of others. At SFS-Qatar, students have the opportunity to major in Culture and Politics, International History, International Economics, and International Politics with the same curriculum as that available to students in Washington. For more information, please visit the website: qatar.sfs.georgetown.edu.
The Middle East Journal, 2009
tirely closed to “external” influences. The bibliography lacks works that deal with the issues th... more tirely closed to “external” influences. The bibliography lacks works that deal with the issues that are mentioned in the book, such as settlers, the Israeli army, the palestinians, etc. gordon’s arguments that Oslo was just a method of domination, a reorganization of Israel’s control in the territories, and that the palestinian Authority is but a puppet of the Israelis are open to question. In sum, this book is a significant contribution to our understanding Israel’s changing methods of rule during the four decades of occupation, and invites further discussion of the changing character of the Israelipalestinian conflict and the reasons for that change.
Foreign Affairs, 1999
Acknowledgments Introduction: Women, the State, and Political LiberalizationTHE CASESPart 1. Moro... more Acknowledgments Introduction: Women, the State, and Political LiberalizationTHE CASESPart 1. Morocco 1. In the Realm of the Commander of the Faithful2. In the Shadow of the Mudawwanah3. Confronting the MakhzenPart 2. Jordan 4. God Homeland King5. The Struggle for Voice6. The State Retreats, the State ReturnsPart 3. Tunisia 7. Borguiba and His Legacy8. Citoyennes Part Enti re?9. The Changing Guise of State FeminismConclusionsNotes
Journal of Palestine Studies, 1985
Journal of Palestine Studies, 1992
International Studies Perspectives, 2007
For those who study the Middle East ⁄ North Africa (MENA), academic freedom has long been an issu... more For those who study the Middle East ⁄ North Africa (MENA), academic freedom has long been an issue of serious concern. Over the years we have seen our colleagues living under the authoritarian regimes of the region dismissed from teaching positions, prevented from conducting their research, arrested, imprisoned and sometimes tortured because of their writings or actions. However, largely as a result of responses to the September 11, 2001 attacks, in the last several years threats to academic freedom have dramatically increased both in number and intensity in the United States as well. While some of the attempts to suppress the voice of the academy have had implications across disciplines, there is no question that the community of MENA scholars has been disproportionately targeted. This short article cannot explore all the forms of intimidation to which scholars of and in the MENA region are exposed. Rather, the intent is to highlight a few of the most critical issue areas, both at home and abroad, to illustrate the range of challenges we face, some of which are particular to our field, but all of which should be deeply disturbing to other members of the academy, regardless of specialization. 1 The External Dimension The authoritarian regimes of the MENA area, whether military or civilian, secular or religious, tribal or sectarian in basis, have all, long manifested varying degrees of hostility to freedom of expression, whether in the academy or beyond its walls. Indeed, the harassment of academics and the suppression academic freedom are part of broader violations of human and civil rights that are often key elements in regime maintenance. In addition, civil wars, insurgencies, interstate wars, as well as extra-regional interventions have all either directly destroyed or closed educational institutions, or provided a ''national security'' rationale to regimes eager to stifle serious research and debate. In April 1990 the Middle East Studies Association's (MESA) Board of Directors established a Committee on Academic Freedom, 2 which has since sought to bring to the attention of relevant MENA officials our concerns over violations of the academic freedom of our colleagues abroad. Given the nature of the regimes, the violations are legion, and CAFMENA's limited resources mean that its work can address only a handful of the most egregious or high-profile cases. 1 For a set of discussions of the broader institutional practices and philosophical underpinnings of academic freedom in the post-9 ⁄ 11 context see, Beshara Doumani (ed.) Academic Freedom After September 11 (Brooklyn: Zone Books, 2006). 2 http://mesa.wns.ccit.arizona.edu/about/academic.htm. I have served on this committee, which I now chair, since November 2004.
International Migration Review, 2010
National narratives play a key role in state consolidation and identity construction. This articl... more National narratives play a key role in state consolidation and identity construction. This article proposes four factors that may affect how a regime chooses to portray the role of migrants and migration in official historical narratives: the relationship of emigrants to the colonial versus the post-independence state; the relationship between migration and sending state economic development; and the relationship between migrants and the home state elite – either benign neglect or instrumentalization. Taking Jordan and Lebanon as cases, the presentation examines school textbooks as key sources of the national narrative to discern their treatment of major population movements. It concludes with an evaluation of the four factors, finding greatest support for that of instrumentalization.
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1994
... Asad and the PLO's Arafat denounced Sadat's visit, whereas ... more ... Asad and the PLO's Arafat denounced Sadat's visit, whereas the Gulf states and Jordan were more cautious in their assessment, thus leading to a further (but clearly not the initial) cooling in Jordanian-Syrian relations. Perhaps ...
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1996
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1997
Digest of Middle East Studies, 1996
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 2019
Although immigration obviously requires prior emigration, very little work in migration studies e... more Although immigration obviously requires prior emigration, very little work in migration studies examines states of origin. In addition, most research that is concerned with a labor-exporting country generally examines either social networks or the impact of remittances and worker absence on families or home communities. Brand argues that just as immigration policy should be understood as more than simply the nature of border controls and visas, emigration policy should also be analyzed from a broad perspective. This includes political, economic, and cultural policies and practices of the home state that deliberately target some aspect of its expatriates' lives. To better understand the bases of emigration policy, Brand explores the establishment and development of several state institutions in Morocco (a separate ministry for Moroccans abroad and the Foundation Hassan II) and Tunisia (I'Office des Tunisiens a I'Etranger). She examines various traditional explanations for the formation of immigration policy in receiving states (the economy, security, changing global norms) in order to determine their relevance to the emigration policies of migrant-sending countries. The questions of why, when, how, where, and to what effect people move from farm to city, town to town, or country to country have received increasing scholarly and policy attention in the last ten years. Researchers across disciplines have sought to answer these and related questions, focusing on a variety of levels and units of analysis, and constructing or drawing upon myriad theoretical frameworks and empirical tools. While some have focused on the more micro level questions of individual decisions to migrate and their impact, often focusing on the economic cost-benefit calculations or push-pull factors, others have posed community-or societal-level questions, as they have sought to understand the cultural impact of immigration, historical aspects of the immigrant experience, and the possibilities for integration or assimilation in the new host country. In the fields of political science, international relations and the law, the focus has generally been on state response to immigration, with some locating their analyses at the level of the state and others seeking explanations in broad international political economy or normative changes.(1)
Mashriq & Mahjar Journal of Middle East and North African Migration Studies, 2018
In early March 2017, a feud broke out between the Turkish and German governments. The source was ... more In early March 2017, a feud broke out between the Turkish and German governments. The source was a critical upcoming referendum in Turkey aimed at giving increased powers to the President Recep Tayyib Erdogan. Hosting the world's largest Turkish diaspora community of an estimated five million, Germany was a natural site for rallies of Erdogan supporters in favor of a 'yes' vote on the referendum. When such gatherings scheduled for the first weekend in March in Cologne and Gaggenau were cancelled by the authorities for what were characterized as security concerns, Erdogan further exacerbated the
Digest of Middle East Studies, 2001
Journal of Palestine Studies, 1995
Since the annexation of the West Bank in 1950, the population of the Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan ... more Since the annexation of the West Bank in 1950, the population of the Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan has been composed of two major communal groups: Transjordanians and Palestinians. Tensions between the two, a persistent if suppressed feature of domestic politics, were finally allowed more open expression in 1989, as the country embarked on a path of political liberalization. Despite the long history of the troubled relationship, however, Palestinian-Transjordanian tensions remain largely unexplored,' except, to a limited extent, as a direct function of PLO-Jordanian relations. The interaction of both internal and external factors in sustaining or exacerbating intercommunal tensions becomes particularly apparent when examining the recent conjunction of three processes: economic reform, political liberalization, and peacemaking. The first two, by promising to alter the domestic balance of political and economic power, portend a change both in relations among citizens and between Laurie A.
Loin des yeux, près du cœur, 2010
Mashriq & Mahjar Journal of Middle East and North African Migration Studies, 2018
Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, 1998
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2014
Founded in 1789, Georgetown University is a student-centered international research university of... more Founded in 1789, Georgetown University is a student-centered international research university offering highly ranked undergraduate, graduate and professional programs preparing the next generation of global citizens to lead and make a positive impact in the world. The outstanding students, faculty, alumni and professionals of Georgetown are dedicated to real-world applications of research, scholarship, faith and service. For more information, please visit the website: www.georgetown.edu. Founded in 1919, the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service (SFS) is a premier school of international affairs. At Georgetown's Washington, D.C. and Doha, Qatar campuses, SFS provides a rigorous education combining theory and practice while instilling the values of men and women in the service of others. At SFS-Qatar, students have the opportunity to major in Culture and Politics, International History, International Economics, and International Politics with the same curriculum as that available to students in Washington. For more information, please visit the website: qatar.sfs.georgetown.edu.
The Middle East Journal, 2009
tirely closed to “external” influences. The bibliography lacks works that deal with the issues th... more tirely closed to “external” influences. The bibliography lacks works that deal with the issues that are mentioned in the book, such as settlers, the Israeli army, the palestinians, etc. gordon’s arguments that Oslo was just a method of domination, a reorganization of Israel’s control in the territories, and that the palestinian Authority is but a puppet of the Israelis are open to question. In sum, this book is a significant contribution to our understanding Israel’s changing methods of rule during the four decades of occupation, and invites further discussion of the changing character of the Israelipalestinian conflict and the reasons for that change.
Foreign Affairs, 1999
Acknowledgments Introduction: Women, the State, and Political LiberalizationTHE CASESPart 1. Moro... more Acknowledgments Introduction: Women, the State, and Political LiberalizationTHE CASESPart 1. Morocco 1. In the Realm of the Commander of the Faithful2. In the Shadow of the Mudawwanah3. Confronting the MakhzenPart 2. Jordan 4. God Homeland King5. The Struggle for Voice6. The State Retreats, the State ReturnsPart 3. Tunisia 7. Borguiba and His Legacy8. Citoyennes Part Enti re?9. The Changing Guise of State FeminismConclusionsNotes
Journal of Palestine Studies, 1985
Journal of Palestine Studies, 1992
International Studies Perspectives, 2007
For those who study the Middle East ⁄ North Africa (MENA), academic freedom has long been an issu... more For those who study the Middle East ⁄ North Africa (MENA), academic freedom has long been an issue of serious concern. Over the years we have seen our colleagues living under the authoritarian regimes of the region dismissed from teaching positions, prevented from conducting their research, arrested, imprisoned and sometimes tortured because of their writings or actions. However, largely as a result of responses to the September 11, 2001 attacks, in the last several years threats to academic freedom have dramatically increased both in number and intensity in the United States as well. While some of the attempts to suppress the voice of the academy have had implications across disciplines, there is no question that the community of MENA scholars has been disproportionately targeted. This short article cannot explore all the forms of intimidation to which scholars of and in the MENA region are exposed. Rather, the intent is to highlight a few of the most critical issue areas, both at home and abroad, to illustrate the range of challenges we face, some of which are particular to our field, but all of which should be deeply disturbing to other members of the academy, regardless of specialization. 1 The External Dimension The authoritarian regimes of the MENA area, whether military or civilian, secular or religious, tribal or sectarian in basis, have all, long manifested varying degrees of hostility to freedom of expression, whether in the academy or beyond its walls. Indeed, the harassment of academics and the suppression academic freedom are part of broader violations of human and civil rights that are often key elements in regime maintenance. In addition, civil wars, insurgencies, interstate wars, as well as extra-regional interventions have all either directly destroyed or closed educational institutions, or provided a ''national security'' rationale to regimes eager to stifle serious research and debate. In April 1990 the Middle East Studies Association's (MESA) Board of Directors established a Committee on Academic Freedom, 2 which has since sought to bring to the attention of relevant MENA officials our concerns over violations of the academic freedom of our colleagues abroad. Given the nature of the regimes, the violations are legion, and CAFMENA's limited resources mean that its work can address only a handful of the most egregious or high-profile cases. 1 For a set of discussions of the broader institutional practices and philosophical underpinnings of academic freedom in the post-9 ⁄ 11 context see, Beshara Doumani (ed.) Academic Freedom After September 11 (Brooklyn: Zone Books, 2006). 2 http://mesa.wns.ccit.arizona.edu/about/academic.htm. I have served on this committee, which I now chair, since November 2004.
International Migration Review, 2010
National narratives play a key role in state consolidation and identity construction. This articl... more National narratives play a key role in state consolidation and identity construction. This article proposes four factors that may affect how a regime chooses to portray the role of migrants and migration in official historical narratives: the relationship of emigrants to the colonial versus the post-independence state; the relationship between migration and sending state economic development; and the relationship between migrants and the home state elite – either benign neglect or instrumentalization. Taking Jordan and Lebanon as cases, the presentation examines school textbooks as key sources of the national narrative to discern their treatment of major population movements. It concludes with an evaluation of the four factors, finding greatest support for that of instrumentalization.
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1994
... Asad and the PLO's Arafat denounced Sadat's visit, whereas ... more ... Asad and the PLO's Arafat denounced Sadat's visit, whereas the Gulf states and Jordan were more cautious in their assessment, thus leading to a further (but clearly not the initial) cooling in Jordanian-Syrian relations. Perhaps ...
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1996
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1997
Digest of Middle East Studies, 1996