Jahara Matisek | US Naval War College (original) (raw)
Papers by Jahara Matisek
5 African Militaries and Contemporary Warfare
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Apr 7, 2022
6 Military Effectiveness: The African Alternative
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Apr 7, 2022
Democratization, Nov 6, 2017
Supporting African Partner States Through European Military Assistance Programmes
The RUSI Journal
The Soft Path to U.S. Hegemony in the 21st Century: An American Brain Drain Policy against Strategic Competitors
Global Security and Intelligence Studies
9 Senegal: Managing Civil War Without Militarization
Mobilizing Force
Libya 2011: Hollow Victory in Low-Cost Air War
Air Power in the Age of Primacy
Libya 2011: Hollow Victory in Low-Cost Air War
Air Power in the Age of Primacy, 2021
Social Media Warriors: Leveraging a New Battlespace
The US Army War College Quarterly: Parameters
Communications in Multi- Domain Operations: What Does the BACN Bring?
The crisis of American military assistance: strategic dithering and Fabergé Egg armies
Defense & Security Analysis
ABSTRACT The United States has provided substantial amounts of military assistance and aid since ... more ABSTRACT The United States has provided substantial amounts of military assistance and aid since the end of World War Two. During the Cold War, it proved vital in protecting numerous regimes from communist takeovers. Successful outcomes occurred when American leaders made large initial aid commitments, and the states had the capacity and political willpower to use it effectively. However, Vietnam was an example of how U.S. support lagged, as leaders in Saigon preferred political survival instead of creating regime legitimacy. Following 9/11, American security aid focused on making weak countries develop stronger security forces. Unfortunately, this created Fabergé egg militaries: expensive and easily broken by insurgents. This article suggests long-term strategic commitments need to be made alongside more resources for the American State Department and similar organizations to focus on the politics of state-building. Finally, this article suggests strategies, such as “whole-of-government” approaches, to improve long-term security and political institution building.
Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law, 2017
To understand the impact President Donald J. Trump might have on civil-military relations in the ... more To understand the impact President Donald J. Trump might have on civil-military relations in the United States of America, requires a historical dissection and understanding of how the American military came into being and its relationship with political institutions over two centuries. Relying on historical antecedents, the future of the Trump administration's foreign policy and relations with its military will likely remain stable in status quo terms. However, Trump's demonstration of a "hands-off " approach to national security strategy appears to have given the US military more autonomy than is typical of most presidential administrations. While this would likely be a dangerous decision in most other countries, the institutional resilience of the American military and its normative and legalistic dedication to the United States government suggests that this newfound authority will likely prove beneficial given the complexity of the international system in the 21st century. Finally, I introduce the concept of post-Civil Military Relations where a military can still be dedicated to the political institutions of the state regardless of perceptions about credibility and legitimacy. Understanding such ideas will provide a framework of how American national security strategy will be developed and executed in the era of President Trump.
Multidomain Airpower Strategy
Military Strategy, Joint Operations, and Airpower
'resource-poor' rebel groups being better than 'resource-rich' rebels because they are staffed by... more 'resource-poor' rebel groups being better than 'resource-rich' rebels because they are staffed by 'activists' not 'opportunists', as advocated by Weinstein, this cannot fully explain why some 'resource-poor' rebels were better than others when they captured the state and reconfigured the regime to fit the needs of the rebel organization. 46 The militaries of these countries, UPDF, RDF, and the ENDF, continue to feature some positive aspects of what it means to be a "benign political army," 47 since they pursue objectives such as domestic development and peacekeeping, while generally avoiding indiscriminate domestic repression. 48 Based on interviews with government and military officials in Senegal, Uganda, Rwanda, and Ethiopia, there is an institutional reluctance to use the military for domestic policing actions, and there are numerous coordination mechanisms in place to determine when it is appropriate to deploy the military internally. Too many outsiders and supposed Africanist 'experts' think many African militaries freely roam their own countryside in a predatory fashion, eliminating anyone perceived as opposed to the regime. This is not to say that repression is absent. The important distinction, however, is that these military forces can exercise internal discipline and political focus to the extent that they are more effective at 46 Jeremy M. Weinstein, Inside rebellion: The politics of insurgent violence (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 47 Kees Koonings and Dirk Kruijt (eds.), Political armies: The military and nation building in the age of democracy. (London: Zed Books, 2002). 48 On domestic repression, refer to Appendix A where I describe the peculiarities of armies being use inappropriately and reports of their human rights abuses.
Authors: Buddhika B. Jayamaha and Jahara W. Matisek ABSTRACT Building a strong organization capab... more Authors: Buddhika B. Jayamaha and Jahara W. Matisek ABSTRACT Building a strong organization capable of producing violence and coercion has been a fundamental aspect of state formation. However, since the end of the Cold War, it appears that increasing numbers of states have encountered numerous difficulties in creating a ‘modern’ state that has full monopolistic control over the instruments of violence within its territory. Thus, these states are generally considered weak, failed, collapsed, and fragmented, etc. Part of this problem has been caused by structural changes in the international system. In addition, numerous political actors in these weak state contexts have weaponized politics. This has resulted in many of these contemporary weak states to have various state and non-state actors – situated around economic interests and political, ideological, ethnic, and other identities – to develop security capabilities loyal to themselves (i.e. oligopoly of violence), which are not a...
Security force assistance as a preferred form of 21st century warfare
Military advising and assistance in Somalia: fragmented interveners, fragmented Somali military forces
Southern Somalia has attracted substantial military aid and assistance for decades. As the state ... more Southern Somalia has attracted substantial military aid and assistance for decades. As the state disintegrated in the late 1980s, clan dynamics became more critical, warlords emerged, and power bases shifted. Since 2008, the number of foreign military forces and advisors (including private military contractors) has substantially increased, as has the creation of numerous Somali security units. Such actions are symptomatic of broader trends concerning multilateral attempts to rebuild security forces in fractious states, where security assistance activities lack unity or common national interests. This has resulted in various Somali military forces with different loyalties (domestic and international), capabilities, and priorities in each Federal Member State (FMS). Uneven foreign military training programs in the context of survival politics fuels the fragmentation of various security forces. Locally appropriate military forces in each FMS potentially appear to be more effective at r...
Extending the American Century: Revisiting the Social Contract
A s the guns fell silent at the end of World War I, the US could no longer deny its great power s... more A s the guns fell silent at the end of World War I, the US could no longer deny its great power status. Though abdicating the responsibilities inherent to this status during the interwar years, the US eventually fought on a global scale again during World War II. The conclusion of this conflict ushered the beginning of the Cold War and what came to be called the “American Century.” The United States’ efforts during the Cold War focused on protecting itself and its allies without compromising America’s democratic system, values, and ideals.1 The US was generally successful at achieving these ends.2 Following the Cold War, the US enjoyed a brief period of primacy. The US was the sole global hegemon and exerted its ideological, political, economic, and military might to expand the world order it created after World War II. Three decades after the Cold War ended, American primacy is eroding and its influence is contested by revisionist powers. America’s combat credibility is not in ques...
5 African Militaries and Contemporary Warfare
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Apr 7, 2022
6 Military Effectiveness: The African Alternative
Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Apr 7, 2022
Democratization, Nov 6, 2017
Supporting African Partner States Through European Military Assistance Programmes
The RUSI Journal
The Soft Path to U.S. Hegemony in the 21st Century: An American Brain Drain Policy against Strategic Competitors
Global Security and Intelligence Studies
9 Senegal: Managing Civil War Without Militarization
Mobilizing Force
Libya 2011: Hollow Victory in Low-Cost Air War
Air Power in the Age of Primacy
Libya 2011: Hollow Victory in Low-Cost Air War
Air Power in the Age of Primacy, 2021
Social Media Warriors: Leveraging a New Battlespace
The US Army War College Quarterly: Parameters
Communications in Multi- Domain Operations: What Does the BACN Bring?
The crisis of American military assistance: strategic dithering and Fabergé Egg armies
Defense & Security Analysis
ABSTRACT The United States has provided substantial amounts of military assistance and aid since ... more ABSTRACT The United States has provided substantial amounts of military assistance and aid since the end of World War Two. During the Cold War, it proved vital in protecting numerous regimes from communist takeovers. Successful outcomes occurred when American leaders made large initial aid commitments, and the states had the capacity and political willpower to use it effectively. However, Vietnam was an example of how U.S. support lagged, as leaders in Saigon preferred political survival instead of creating regime legitimacy. Following 9/11, American security aid focused on making weak countries develop stronger security forces. Unfortunately, this created Fabergé egg militaries: expensive and easily broken by insurgents. This article suggests long-term strategic commitments need to be made alongside more resources for the American State Department and similar organizations to focus on the politics of state-building. Finally, this article suggests strategies, such as “whole-of-government” approaches, to improve long-term security and political institution building.
Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law, 2017
To understand the impact President Donald J. Trump might have on civil-military relations in the ... more To understand the impact President Donald J. Trump might have on civil-military relations in the United States of America, requires a historical dissection and understanding of how the American military came into being and its relationship with political institutions over two centuries. Relying on historical antecedents, the future of the Trump administration's foreign policy and relations with its military will likely remain stable in status quo terms. However, Trump's demonstration of a "hands-off " approach to national security strategy appears to have given the US military more autonomy than is typical of most presidential administrations. While this would likely be a dangerous decision in most other countries, the institutional resilience of the American military and its normative and legalistic dedication to the United States government suggests that this newfound authority will likely prove beneficial given the complexity of the international system in the 21st century. Finally, I introduce the concept of post-Civil Military Relations where a military can still be dedicated to the political institutions of the state regardless of perceptions about credibility and legitimacy. Understanding such ideas will provide a framework of how American national security strategy will be developed and executed in the era of President Trump.
Multidomain Airpower Strategy
Military Strategy, Joint Operations, and Airpower
'resource-poor' rebel groups being better than 'resource-rich' rebels because they are staffed by... more 'resource-poor' rebel groups being better than 'resource-rich' rebels because they are staffed by 'activists' not 'opportunists', as advocated by Weinstein, this cannot fully explain why some 'resource-poor' rebels were better than others when they captured the state and reconfigured the regime to fit the needs of the rebel organization. 46 The militaries of these countries, UPDF, RDF, and the ENDF, continue to feature some positive aspects of what it means to be a "benign political army," 47 since they pursue objectives such as domestic development and peacekeeping, while generally avoiding indiscriminate domestic repression. 48 Based on interviews with government and military officials in Senegal, Uganda, Rwanda, and Ethiopia, there is an institutional reluctance to use the military for domestic policing actions, and there are numerous coordination mechanisms in place to determine when it is appropriate to deploy the military internally. Too many outsiders and supposed Africanist 'experts' think many African militaries freely roam their own countryside in a predatory fashion, eliminating anyone perceived as opposed to the regime. This is not to say that repression is absent. The important distinction, however, is that these military forces can exercise internal discipline and political focus to the extent that they are more effective at 46 Jeremy M. Weinstein, Inside rebellion: The politics of insurgent violence (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 47 Kees Koonings and Dirk Kruijt (eds.), Political armies: The military and nation building in the age of democracy. (London: Zed Books, 2002). 48 On domestic repression, refer to Appendix A where I describe the peculiarities of armies being use inappropriately and reports of their human rights abuses.
Authors: Buddhika B. Jayamaha and Jahara W. Matisek ABSTRACT Building a strong organization capab... more Authors: Buddhika B. Jayamaha and Jahara W. Matisek ABSTRACT Building a strong organization capable of producing violence and coercion has been a fundamental aspect of state formation. However, since the end of the Cold War, it appears that increasing numbers of states have encountered numerous difficulties in creating a ‘modern’ state that has full monopolistic control over the instruments of violence within its territory. Thus, these states are generally considered weak, failed, collapsed, and fragmented, etc. Part of this problem has been caused by structural changes in the international system. In addition, numerous political actors in these weak state contexts have weaponized politics. This has resulted in many of these contemporary weak states to have various state and non-state actors – situated around economic interests and political, ideological, ethnic, and other identities – to develop security capabilities loyal to themselves (i.e. oligopoly of violence), which are not a...
Security force assistance as a preferred form of 21st century warfare
Military advising and assistance in Somalia: fragmented interveners, fragmented Somali military forces
Southern Somalia has attracted substantial military aid and assistance for decades. As the state ... more Southern Somalia has attracted substantial military aid and assistance for decades. As the state disintegrated in the late 1980s, clan dynamics became more critical, warlords emerged, and power bases shifted. Since 2008, the number of foreign military forces and advisors (including private military contractors) has substantially increased, as has the creation of numerous Somali security units. Such actions are symptomatic of broader trends concerning multilateral attempts to rebuild security forces in fractious states, where security assistance activities lack unity or common national interests. This has resulted in various Somali military forces with different loyalties (domestic and international), capabilities, and priorities in each Federal Member State (FMS). Uneven foreign military training programs in the context of survival politics fuels the fragmentation of various security forces. Locally appropriate military forces in each FMS potentially appear to be more effective at r...
Extending the American Century: Revisiting the Social Contract
A s the guns fell silent at the end of World War I, the US could no longer deny its great power s... more A s the guns fell silent at the end of World War I, the US could no longer deny its great power status. Though abdicating the responsibilities inherent to this status during the interwar years, the US eventually fought on a global scale again during World War II. The conclusion of this conflict ushered the beginning of the Cold War and what came to be called the “American Century.” The United States’ efforts during the Cold War focused on protecting itself and its allies without compromising America’s democratic system, values, and ideals.1 The US was generally successful at achieving these ends.2 Following the Cold War, the US enjoyed a brief period of primacy. The US was the sole global hegemon and exerted its ideological, political, economic, and military might to expand the world order it created after World War II. Three decades after the Cold War ended, American primacy is eroding and its influence is contested by revisionist powers. America’s combat credibility is not in ques...