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Papers by Kristin Cavoukian

Research paper thumbnail of Before and after borders: The nomadic challenge to sovereign territoriality

International Politics, 2013

Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself... more Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself. Among these, traditional nomads uniquely challenge sovereignty. Nomadism undermines states’ capacity to tax, conscript and otherwise regulate population. However, nomadism constitutes an ideational as well as material threat to states. By disrupting states’ territorial configuration, nomadism undermines the ideational foundations of statehood. States have responded to nomadism in three ways. Many forcibly settle nomads. Weak states, unable to secure borders, allow nomads to migrate relatively freely. Others voluntarily facilitate freer migration by reducing the salience of borders. We offer three examples: Bedouins, often forcibly settled; African pastoralists, permitted to migrate through porous borders; and Roma, permitted to migrate transnationally within the European Union. While the Bedouin and African instances suggest a necessary conflict between the role of state and the culture of nomadism, the European experience suggests border relaxation can permit states and nomads to coexist.

Research paper thumbnail of “Soviet mentality?” The role of shared political culture in relations between the Armenian state and Russia's Armenian diaspora

Nationalities Papers, 2013

Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and co... more Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and community organization, much as the pre-Soviet “established” diaspora in the West has done for years. However, the Russian Armenian diaspora is seen by Armenian elites as being far less threatening due to a shared “mentality.” While rejecting the mentality argument, I suggest that the relationship hinges on their shared political culture and the use of symbols inherited from the Soviet Union in the crafting of new diaspora and diaspora-management institutions. Specifically, “Friendship of the Peoples” symbolism appears to be especially salient on both sides. However, the difference between old and new diasporas may be more apparent than real. The Russian Armenian diaspora now engages in many of the same activities as the Western diaspora, including the one most troublesome to Armenia's elites: involvement in politics.

Research paper thumbnail of Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora

This dissertation examines the Republic of Armenia (RA) and its elites' attempts to reframe state... more This dissertation examines the Republic of Armenia (RA) and its elites' attempts to reframe state-diaspora relations in ways that served state interests. After 17 years of relatively rocky relations, in 2008, a new Ministry of Diaspora was created that offered little in the way of policy output. Instead, it engaged in "identity gerrymandering," broadening the category of diaspora from its accepted reference to post-1915 genocide refugees and their descendants, to include Armenians living throughout the post-Soviet region who had never identified as such. This diluted the pool of critical, oppositional diasporans with culturally closer and more compliant emigrants. The new ministry also favoured geographically based, hierarchical diaspora organizations, and "quiet" strategies of dissent. Since these were ultimately attempts to define membership in the nation, and informal, affective ties to the state, the Ministry of Diaspora acted as a "discursive power ministry," with boundary-defining and maintenance functions reminiscent of the physical border policing functions of traditional power ministries. These efforts were directed at three different "diasporas:" the Armenians of Russia, whom RA elites wished to mold into the new "model" diaspora, the Armenians of Georgia, whose indigeneity claims they sought to discourage, and the "established" western diaspora, whose contentious public iii critique they sought to disarm. While numerous studies have noted states' recent penchant for reframing their emigrant populations as "diasporas," this research suggests a closer examination of precisely whom the state includes in that category, and for what purpose. Specifically, it suggests critical attention be paid not only to attempts to maximize diaspora financial contributions, but also, to encourage public deference to the home state. While it feels like the most solitary activity in the world at times, no one writes a dissertation alone. I was fortunate to have had so many people who, directly or indirectly, assisted me in this endeavour. I owe an great debt of gratitude to my supervisor, Edward Schatz, whose guidance, support, and superhuman patience helped bring this dissertation to fruition. Many thanks to the Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis at the American University of Armenia, where I was a Visiting Scholar while conducting the Armenia portion of my field research, and to my colleague and friend, Dr. Nona Shahnazaryan, whose assistance was indispensible in arranging and conducting interviews in Krasnodar and Tuapse. My time in the field was both insightful and enjoyable thanks to new and old friends in Armenia,

Research paper thumbnail of Democratization and diaspora

Research paper thumbnail of From Surgun to Vatan : ethnic identity construction and the repatriation processes of the Crimean Tatars and the Meskhetian Turks

Research paper thumbnail of States and Pre-State Actors: The Nomadic Challenge to Westphalian Territoriality

The collapse of walls and borders after the Cold War has been coupled with a proliferation of tra... more The collapse of walls and borders after the Cold War has been coupled with a proliferation of transborder non-state actors. However, many non-state actors predate the state system itself. Surveying the phenomenon of traditional nomadism, this paper seeks to extend a critical dialogue about territoriality and borders in IR. Nomadism appears to present unique challenges to sovereignty. It destabilizes the state’s ability to maintain a territorially fixed population under law, undermining the state’s ability to control its borders. Adopting a constructivist approach, we argue that nomadism constitutes as much an ideational as a material threat to the state. The impulse to delegitimate and curtail nomadism belongs to the ideational structure of sovereignty. By disrupting the territorial foundation of statehood, nomadism becomes a source of ontological insecurity for the state. States have responded to nomadism chiefly in three ways. Many forcibly settle nomads. Others facilitate relativ...

Research paper thumbnail of Armenia: Persistent Gender Stereotypes

The number of women holding elected office in the Republic of Armenia since 1991 has remained low... more The number of women holding elected office in the Republic of Armenia since 1991 has remained low, despite formal legal equality and the existence of party-list gender quotas for proportional representation (PR) seats in the National Assembly. Cavoukian and Shahnazaryan argue that the dearth of women in post-Soviet Armenian politics is largely due to societal adherence to traditional gender stereotypes, which see women as lacking leadership skills, and unsuited to the corrupt world of politics. While Armenia has recently undergone a change in regime type—from semi-presidential to parliamentary republic—that could slightly increase the percentage of women elected, Armenia’s leaders must ultimately address the societal barriers to women’s political participation in order to achieve a more meaningfully gender-equal political field.

Research paper thumbnail of " Soviet mentality? " The role of shared political culture in relations between the Armenian state and Russia's Armenian diaspora

Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and commun... more Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and community organization, much as the pre-Soviet " established " diaspora in the West has done for years. However, the Russian Armenian diaspora is seen by Armenian elites as being far less threatening due to a shared " mentality. " While rejecting the mentality argument, I suggest that the relationship hinges on their shared political culture and the use of symbols inherited from the Soviet Union in the crafting of new diaspora and diaspora-management institutions. Specifically, " Friendship of the Peoples " symbolism appears to be especially salient on both sides. However, the difference between old and new diasporas may be more apparent than real. The Russian Armenian diaspora now engages in many of the same activities as the Western diaspora, including the one most troublesome to Armenia's elites: involvement in politics.

Research paper thumbnail of Before and after borders: The nomadic challenge to sovereign territoriality

Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself... more Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself. Among these, traditional nomads uniquely challenge sovereignty. Nomadism undermines states' capacity to tax, conscript and otherwise regulate population. However, nomadism constitutes an ideational as well as material threat to states. By disrupting states' territorial configuration, nomadism undermines the ideational foundations of statehood. States have responded to nomadism in three ways. Many forcibly settle nomads. Weak states, unable to secure borders, allow nomads to migrate relatively freely. Others voluntarily facilitate freer migration by reducing the salience of borders. We offer three examples: Bedouins, often forcibly settled; African pastoralists, permitted to migrate through porous borders; and Roma, permitted to migrate transnationally within the European Union. While the Bedouin and African instances suggest a necessary conflict between the role of state and the culture of nomadism, the European experience suggests border relaxation can permit states and nomads to coexist.

Research paper thumbnail of States and Pre-State Actors: The Nomadic Challenge to Westphalian Territoriality

... States and Nomads Traditional IR theory – not only classical realism and neorealism, but also... more ... States and Nomads Traditional IR theory – not only classical realism and neorealism, but also some ... States that no longer view themselves as purelyWestphalian entities, with borders requiring strict, securitized ...

Research paper thumbnail of Before and after borders: The nomadic challenge to sovereign territoriality

International Politics, 2013

Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself... more Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself. Among these, traditional nomads uniquely challenge sovereignty. Nomadism undermines states’ capacity to tax, conscript and otherwise regulate population. However, nomadism constitutes an ideational as well as material threat to states. By disrupting states’ territorial configuration, nomadism undermines the ideational foundations of statehood. States have responded to nomadism in three ways. Many forcibly settle nomads. Weak states, unable to secure borders, allow nomads to migrate relatively freely. Others voluntarily facilitate freer migration by reducing the salience of borders. We offer three examples: Bedouins, often forcibly settled; African pastoralists, permitted to migrate through porous borders; and Roma, permitted to migrate transnationally within the European Union. While the Bedouin and African instances suggest a necessary conflict between the role of state and the culture of nomadism, the European experience suggests border relaxation can permit states and nomads to coexist.

Research paper thumbnail of “Soviet mentality?” The role of shared political culture in relations between the Armenian state and Russia's Armenian diaspora

Nationalities Papers, 2013

Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and co... more Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and community organization, much as the pre-Soviet “established” diaspora in the West has done for years. However, the Russian Armenian diaspora is seen by Armenian elites as being far less threatening due to a shared “mentality.” While rejecting the mentality argument, I suggest that the relationship hinges on their shared political culture and the use of symbols inherited from the Soviet Union in the crafting of new diaspora and diaspora-management institutions. Specifically, “Friendship of the Peoples” symbolism appears to be especially salient on both sides. However, the difference between old and new diasporas may be more apparent than real. The Russian Armenian diaspora now engages in many of the same activities as the Western diaspora, including the one most troublesome to Armenia's elites: involvement in politics.

Research paper thumbnail of Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora

This dissertation examines the Republic of Armenia (RA) and its elites' attempts to reframe state... more This dissertation examines the Republic of Armenia (RA) and its elites' attempts to reframe state-diaspora relations in ways that served state interests. After 17 years of relatively rocky relations, in 2008, a new Ministry of Diaspora was created that offered little in the way of policy output. Instead, it engaged in "identity gerrymandering," broadening the category of diaspora from its accepted reference to post-1915 genocide refugees and their descendants, to include Armenians living throughout the post-Soviet region who had never identified as such. This diluted the pool of critical, oppositional diasporans with culturally closer and more compliant emigrants. The new ministry also favoured geographically based, hierarchical diaspora organizations, and "quiet" strategies of dissent. Since these were ultimately attempts to define membership in the nation, and informal, affective ties to the state, the Ministry of Diaspora acted as a "discursive power ministry," with boundary-defining and maintenance functions reminiscent of the physical border policing functions of traditional power ministries. These efforts were directed at three different "diasporas:" the Armenians of Russia, whom RA elites wished to mold into the new "model" diaspora, the Armenians of Georgia, whose indigeneity claims they sought to discourage, and the "established" western diaspora, whose contentious public iii critique they sought to disarm. While numerous studies have noted states' recent penchant for reframing their emigrant populations as "diasporas," this research suggests a closer examination of precisely whom the state includes in that category, and for what purpose. Specifically, it suggests critical attention be paid not only to attempts to maximize diaspora financial contributions, but also, to encourage public deference to the home state. While it feels like the most solitary activity in the world at times, no one writes a dissertation alone. I was fortunate to have had so many people who, directly or indirectly, assisted me in this endeavour. I owe an great debt of gratitude to my supervisor, Edward Schatz, whose guidance, support, and superhuman patience helped bring this dissertation to fruition. Many thanks to the Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis at the American University of Armenia, where I was a Visiting Scholar while conducting the Armenia portion of my field research, and to my colleague and friend, Dr. Nona Shahnazaryan, whose assistance was indispensible in arranging and conducting interviews in Krasnodar and Tuapse. My time in the field was both insightful and enjoyable thanks to new and old friends in Armenia,

Research paper thumbnail of Democratization and diaspora

Research paper thumbnail of From Surgun to Vatan : ethnic identity construction and the repatriation processes of the Crimean Tatars and the Meskhetian Turks

Research paper thumbnail of States and Pre-State Actors: The Nomadic Challenge to Westphalian Territoriality

The collapse of walls and borders after the Cold War has been coupled with a proliferation of tra... more The collapse of walls and borders after the Cold War has been coupled with a proliferation of transborder non-state actors. However, many non-state actors predate the state system itself. Surveying the phenomenon of traditional nomadism, this paper seeks to extend a critical dialogue about territoriality and borders in IR. Nomadism appears to present unique challenges to sovereignty. It destabilizes the state’s ability to maintain a territorially fixed population under law, undermining the state’s ability to control its borders. Adopting a constructivist approach, we argue that nomadism constitutes as much an ideational as a material threat to the state. The impulse to delegitimate and curtail nomadism belongs to the ideational structure of sovereignty. By disrupting the territorial foundation of statehood, nomadism becomes a source of ontological insecurity for the state. States have responded to nomadism chiefly in three ways. Many forcibly settle nomads. Others facilitate relativ...

Research paper thumbnail of Armenia: Persistent Gender Stereotypes

The number of women holding elected office in the Republic of Armenia since 1991 has remained low... more The number of women holding elected office in the Republic of Armenia since 1991 has remained low, despite formal legal equality and the existence of party-list gender quotas for proportional representation (PR) seats in the National Assembly. Cavoukian and Shahnazaryan argue that the dearth of women in post-Soviet Armenian politics is largely due to societal adherence to traditional gender stereotypes, which see women as lacking leadership skills, and unsuited to the corrupt world of politics. While Armenia has recently undergone a change in regime type—from semi-presidential to parliamentary republic—that could slightly increase the percentage of women elected, Armenia’s leaders must ultimately address the societal barriers to women’s political participation in order to achieve a more meaningfully gender-equal political field.

Research paper thumbnail of " Soviet mentality? " The role of shared political culture in relations between the Armenian state and Russia's Armenian diaspora

Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and commun... more Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and community organization, much as the pre-Soviet " established " diaspora in the West has done for years. However, the Russian Armenian diaspora is seen by Armenian elites as being far less threatening due to a shared " mentality. " While rejecting the mentality argument, I suggest that the relationship hinges on their shared political culture and the use of symbols inherited from the Soviet Union in the crafting of new diaspora and diaspora-management institutions. Specifically, " Friendship of the Peoples " symbolism appears to be especially salient on both sides. However, the difference between old and new diasporas may be more apparent than real. The Russian Armenian diaspora now engages in many of the same activities as the Western diaspora, including the one most troublesome to Armenia's elites: involvement in politics.

Research paper thumbnail of Before and after borders: The nomadic challenge to sovereign territoriality

Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself... more Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself. Among these, traditional nomads uniquely challenge sovereignty. Nomadism undermines states' capacity to tax, conscript and otherwise regulate population. However, nomadism constitutes an ideational as well as material threat to states. By disrupting states' territorial configuration, nomadism undermines the ideational foundations of statehood. States have responded to nomadism in three ways. Many forcibly settle nomads. Weak states, unable to secure borders, allow nomads to migrate relatively freely. Others voluntarily facilitate freer migration by reducing the salience of borders. We offer three examples: Bedouins, often forcibly settled; African pastoralists, permitted to migrate through porous borders; and Roma, permitted to migrate transnationally within the European Union. While the Bedouin and African instances suggest a necessary conflict between the role of state and the culture of nomadism, the European experience suggests border relaxation can permit states and nomads to coexist.

Research paper thumbnail of States and Pre-State Actors: The Nomadic Challenge to Westphalian Territoriality

... States and Nomads Traditional IR theory – not only classical realism and neorealism, but also... more ... States and Nomads Traditional IR theory – not only classical realism and neorealism, but also some ... States that no longer view themselves as purelyWestphalian entities, with borders requiring strict, securitized ...