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Papers by Annette Freyberg-Inan

SAGE Publications Ltd eBooks, 2016

International Studies Review, Dec 1, 2012

This chapter discusses the paradoxical relationship of the Alevi community with the Turkish state... more This chapter discusses the paradoxical relationship of the Alevi community with the Turkish state and covers the awakening among the Alevi community during the 1990s. The EU-supported democratization reforms led to the removal of some restrictions on Alevi political participation and an expansion of human rights and freedoms. The Alevi community became more vocal in the expression of their demands. However, the chapter shows many grievances still remaining. The limited progress is a result of a number of factors, including the mutual mistrust between the Alevi community and the Sunni Islamic AKP government, the entrenched dispute between the two sides as to whether Alevilik is a sect of Islam or a cultural community, as well as deeply rooted social prejudices.

Palgrave Macmillan eBooks, Aug 16, 2013

European Journal of International Relations, Sep 1, 2020

This Introduction contextualises this special anniversary issue of the journal. The Editors of a ... more This Introduction contextualises this special anniversary issue of the journal. The Editors of a previous 2013 special issue of the EJIR (The End of International Relations Theory?) asked if the paradigmatic "theoretical cacophony" in IR was deep and irresolvable. We argue that there is still very much a conversation going on across 'generalist' and specialised IR journals, and that renewal and broadening is more important than boundaries per se. Meanwhile the field of International Relations has continued to broaden, absorbing much from other social science disciplines in the process. Yet IR has a problematic relationship with interdisciplinarity, often discovering as 'new' what other fields have long debated and in turn 'domesticating' these insights from other fields by fitting them into existing IR paradigms. This special issue is thus aimed above all at what 'we' in IR are not seeing from other disciplines, and we go on to argue how IR scholars might best employ 'transdisciplinary' insights to ensure the future dynamism and innovation of the field. We argue that in this context, a special effort of critical and open engagement with work that makes us uncomfortable is required and that the very notion of inter-disciplinarity takes on a new form.

Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2017

Unlike the other groups studied in this book, the Armenians have official minority status accordi... more Unlike the other groups studied in this book, the Armenians have official minority status according to the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). The democratization and improvement of minority rights stimulated by the EU accession process, and corresponding rise in pluralism and empowerment of NGOs, have enhanced the visibility of the Armenian community and the perceived legitimacy of its demands. Yet, despite recent encouraging reforms, there are still many grievances relating, for example, to lack of restitution of confiscated properties, shortage of priests, limitations to self-government in schools and churches, discrimination regarding employment in the civil service and the right to hold political office, anti-minority rhetoric in school textbooks, and difficulties with the restoration and protection of Armenian churches and historical sites.

Review of International Studies, 2001

This article applies a three-dimensional framework for the analysis of the role of motivation in ... more This article applies a three-dimensional framework for the analysis of the role of motivation in foreign policy decision-making to the foreign policy decisions of individuals and cities in Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War. First, the authors briefly introduce their framework for analysis. Using the speeches in Thucydides to explicate the motives and goals of individuals and cities, the authors then trace the relationships between the motivational dispositions of foreign policy actors and their foreign policy behaviour. In so doing, they demonstrate both the relevance of a concern with individual motivation for foreign policy analysis and the usefulness of their analytical framework for studying the impact of the relevant motives. The authors also show how ideological statements can be analysed to determine the relative salience of individual motives and collective goals, suggesting a relationship between ideological reasoning and motivational imbalance which can adversely affect the policymaking process. In conclusion, they briefly assess the theoretical and normative as well as practical policy implications of their observations.

Democratization, Dec 1, 2013

Democracy is a primary export norm of the European Union (EU). It has also played a key role in t... more Democracy is a primary export norm of the European Union (EU). It has also played a key role in the conditionalities that have governed the accession processes of new member states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The EU has often been accused of offering little guidance regarding the specifics of desirable democracy models and the means of their consolidation. But are these accusations justified? In the first part of this article a detailed examination of European Commission opinions and reports reveals that it has consistently promoted a specific model of democracy in future member states. It shows a strong bias in favour of Lijphart's model of consensus democracy, which is indiscriminately advocated for prospective member states. The second part of the article draws attention to the serious obstacles which exist in the region to the realization of this model. We question the wisdom of the Commission's one-size-fits-all democratic model given these obstacles and the real-life diversity of political contexts in the region.

Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2017

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this p... more The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.

Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Jul 1, 2013

Journal of International Relations and Development, Aug 14, 2006

This article focuses critically on realism as an International Relations (IR) theory (family). It... more This article focuses critically on realism as an International Relations (IR) theory (family). It argues that realist theories share a particular view of human nature and that this view of human nature is flawed in several important respects. I begin by discussing the quality of human nature assumptions in realism and the way they are employed. The following section then argues that, in addition to its gloomy assumptions concerning the motives for human (and state) action, realism relies strongly on an assumption of rationality. This move splits descriptive from prescriptive realism and renders the paradigm both internally inconsistent and compatible in important respects with its rival paradigm of liberalism. I then turn to a critique of the neo-realist approach in particular, showing that and why in spite of claims to the contrary it cannot escape the foregoing critique. In conclusion, it emerges that the status of realism in the field of IR theory would likely sustain serious damage from a systematic examination of the nature and use of its claims about human nature. The paradigm is, in short, infused with a paradoxical psychological determinism that will not stand up to scrutiny.

This chapter explains how minority rights have been addressed in European politics and how the EU... more This chapter explains how minority rights have been addressed in European politics and how the EU has used accession conditionality to advance minority rights in candidate countries like Turkey. The chapter shows that although the EU has made the protection of minorities an explicit criterion for accession, it has not provided unequivocal leadership on minority rights. This ambiguity has supported differences across candidate and member countries. The second part of the chapter provides an overview of how the EU has evaluated Turkey’s progress in the field of minority rights by analyzing the Commission’s annual regular reports from 1998 to 2015. This reveals a pattern of mixed and partial progress that has recently stalled.

This volume provides an up-to-date overview of relations between the EU and Turkey. Is Turkish EU... more This volume provides an up-to-date overview of relations between the EU and Turkey. Is Turkish EU membership still a realistic option today? How has this relationship evolved so far, and with what benefits for both sides? What are currently the main challenges to closer relations and cooperation? In a series of recently written contributions experts explain the core themes in EU-Turkish relations today. The resulting overall picture is one of ambivalence: Turkey and the EU have grown together in important ways, and both sides have benefited from this process. However, the process is neither linear nor irreversible, we find increasing tensions in this relationship, and it appears impossible at this time to predict how EU-Turkish relations will evolve even in the near future.

European Journal of International Relations, Nov 19, 2021

We hope once again that this brief editorial finds our readers safe and well. It is that time of ... more We hope once again that this brief editorial finds our readers safe and well. It is that time of year again for the European Journal of International Relations (EJIR). Annually, a committee of the European International Studies Association (EISA) meets to award the association's best article prize. The winner is chosen from among the OnlineFirst articles published in the EJIR during the previous calendar year, in this case 2020. The jury of four consists of two EISA board members (Felix Berenskoetter and Joanne Yao), one external member (Marieke de Goede), and one member of the journal's editorial team (this time, Darshan Vigneswaran). In early September the winning article was announced. Our sincere congratulations are in order and I hope our readership all join us in praise of the co-author winners of the annual EISA best article prize for 2020: Xymena Kurowska (Central European University) and Anatoly Reshetnikov (Webster Private University, Vienna). The winning article was 'Trickstery: pluralising stigma in international society', early online from 5

SAGE Publications Ltd eBooks, 2016

International Studies Review, Dec 1, 2012

Palgrave Macmillan eBooks, Aug 16, 2013

European Journal of International Relations, Sep 1, 2020

Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2017

Review of International Studies, 2001

Democratization, Dec 1, 2013

Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2017

Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Jul 1, 2013

Journal of International Relations and Development, Aug 14, 2006

European Journal of International Relations, Nov 19, 2021

Going beyond the local and national scopes of anti-austerity mobilizations , we contribute to thi... more Going beyond the local and national scopes of anti-austerity mobilizations , we contribute to this special issue by focusing on counter-hegemonic protest at the pan-European level. In the context of the current austerity regimes, this emerging and precarious social formation enacts resistance against neoliberal hegemony and invokes the reconstruction of European institutional arrangements and policy from below in explicit opposition to the dominance of austerity. We employ a neo-Gramscian approach complemented by framing theory to scrutinize the development of a pan-European counter-hegemonic bloc, focusing empirically on two key current pan-European initiatives: the Alter Summit platform and the Blockupy alliance. Our analysis unravels the process by which different progressive social movement frames become increasingly aligned through reference to an anti-austerity master frame with three key elements: (a) the rejection of austerity measures, (b) coordinated transna-tional solidarity, and (c) the defense of democracy and popular sovereignty. This master frame has the potential of supporting stronger pan-European counter-hege-monic mobilization and thereby facilitating a counter-hegemonic bloc opposing neoliberal hegemony. However, our analysis also reveals three challenges for our counter-hegemonic initiatives. First, concrete institutional alternatives are still weakly elaborated and articulated, which gives the force of rejection of the austerity master frame little direction and testifies to deeper structural disagreement within anti-austerity movements. Second, insofar as concrete institutional counter-proposals are made, they still remain entrenched in national frameworks. And, third, counter-hegemonic movements aspiring to be truly pan-European need to reconcile conflicting tendencies between those who want to re-found and those who want to exit from the European integration project.

The large dissatisfaction of citizens with post-communist democracy in Central and Eastern Europe... more The large dissatisfaction of citizens with post-communist democracy in Central and Eastern Europe favors populist and anti-systemic parties and movements. These parties accuse their rivals of various forms of corruption and prescribe anti-systemic cures, including the discretionary exclusion of their rivals from political life. Analyzing the situations in Poland, Romania, and Hungary more closely, we reveal a risk of the development of “selective democracy,” in which key elites and their supporters redefine the borders of the polity in an exclusionary way, denying various groups of “enemies” legitimate access and representation and thereby undermining basic democratic principles.

Democracy is a primary export norm of the European Union (EU). It has also played a key role in t... more Democracy is a primary export norm of the European Union (EU). It has also played a key role in the conditionalities that have governed the accession processes of new member states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The EU has often been accused of offering little guidance regarding the specifics
of desirable democracy models and the means of their consolidation. But are these accusations justified? In the first part of this article a detailed examination of European Commission opinions and reports reveals that it has consistently promoted a specific model of democracy in future member states. It shows a strong bias in favour of Lijphart’s model of consensus democracy, which is indiscriminately advocated for prospective member states. The second part of the article draws attention to the serious obstacles which exist in the region to the realization of this model. We question the
wisdom of the Commission’s one-size-fits-all democratic model given these obstacles and the real-life diversity of political contexts in the region.

Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, 2014

Wie können wir erklären, dass die Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise nicht von einer gegenhegemonialen... more Wie können wir erklären, dass die Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise
nicht von einer gegenhegemonialen Formation begleitet wird, die die neoliberale Hegemonie ernsthaft herausfordert? Die drei Hauptelemente unserer Erklärung sind 1) die Isolation hegemonialer Kräfte, 2) ihre Vereinnahmung moderater Kritik
und 3) die Versicherheitlichung radikaler Kritik. Als Resultat des Zusammenspiels dieser hegemonialen Verteidigungsstrategien hat der Dissens der globalisierungskritischen Bewegung nicht zu einer gegenhegemonialen Formation geführt.

Globalizations, 2013

Against the backdrop of the international financial and sovereign debt crisis, this article revis... more Against the backdrop of the international financial and sovereign debt crisis, this article revisits the development of the counter-globalization movements in the global North over the past thirteen years. How can we explain that the systemic failures of the current order are not being met through a broad ideological formation posing a serious challenge to the neoliberal hegemony in international politics and political economy? Why have the mass protests at summit meetings and democratic deliberation experiments at social forums not prepared the ground for such an ideological formation? Drawing on (neo-)Gramscian concepts, this paper argues that the counter-globalization movements' ‘war of maneuver’ has not been complemented by an adequate ‘war of position’. Counter-hegemonic dissent articulated broadly on the streets has not translated into counter-hegemonic capacity. Without focusing on movement-internal reasons, this article highlights the role played by the strength of the opponent in preventing such success. Our analysis sheds light on three important macro-contextual factors: the difficulties created for establishing counter-hegemony in international politics when hegemonic powers insulate themselves from critique; the co-optation of critical discourse that is achieved by bending critique into a new legitimation strategy for neoliberal measures; and the de-politicization of power relations by current international security discourses and policies. Together, these macro-contextual factors help explain how neoliberal forces successfully prevent counter-globalization movements from moving from ‘war of maneuver’ to ‘war of position’ and becoming counter-hegemonic, even in times of neoliberal crisis.

More info about this book can be found at http://www.nomos-shop.de/27124.

Building on the 2012 special forum published in the pages of this journal, Human Beings in Intern... more Building on the 2012 special forum published in the pages of this journal, Human Beings in International Relations is a comprehensive edited volume that zooms in on a concept that is central to world politics and the discipline of International Relations (IR): the human. In disciplinary accounts, human beings appear in " manifold terminological shapes and forms: as actor, agent, subject, individual, person, body/being, self, mind, psyche " (8) and perhaps most prominently as human nature. Despite its centrality and its conspicuity to the practice and knowledge of world politics, however, as the editors Jacobi and Freyberg-Inan point out, the human remains an obscurity, a mystery—a " homo absconditus " (7)—due to a lack of general and systematic engagement with the concept and its role within the disciplinary accounts of world politics. It is this lack of sustained interrogation into the human that the edited volume seeks to address by bringing together contributions that grapple with the main question formulated as " how, why and with which consequences do IR theories (not) deal with the human in the study of world politics? " (2). With its focus on the absent present human of world politics, the edited volume is indeed a timely intervention given the manifold ways in which the human and humanity are themselves cast as questions in the contemporary era. As developments in technology and advances in life sciences (from genetics to neurosci-ence) perturb preconceived naturalness of " the human " and as the very possibility of species extinction—the end of the human as such—raises the stakes, it becomes all the more pertinent to probe into the politics of the human and humanity. Within the discipline of IR, growing literature on human emotions and bodies as well, as new materialist approaches that decenter the human, adds to the time-liness of such a systematic inquiry into the human mystery in IR. One of the aspects that sets this edited volume apart from other accounts of and engagements within IR, according to the editors, is its aim to challenge the binary epistemological framework that have so far structured disciplinary conversations. As they note, generally only one of the two options is considered: either studying world politics through an anthropological lens by making the human central (International Political Anthropology, or IPA) or privileging a postanthropological lens on world politics by decentering the human (International Post Political Anthropology, or IPPA). The former does not explore " post-anthropological options of linking humanity and IR, " whereas the latter does not attend to the an-thropological option of linking humanity and IR (3–4, 6). Traversing this binary, the book brings together IPA and IPPA in order to " reveal the roles ideas about human being(s) play in our theories " (310) as it encourages IPA approaches to be more reflexive about their conception of human nature by forcing open their implicit and at times incoherent conceptions toward explicit and systematic accounts. Rather than attempting to reconcile the two alternatives, the collection offers " an open-minded conversation " —what the editors label " International Political (Post-) Anthropology, or IP(P)A " —by probing into " how fundamentally different