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Papers by Thirstan Falconer

International Journal of Canadian Studies

Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the ar... more Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the arrival of newcomers. Before 1947, Canada’s immigration system was a preferential one, with the highest priority given to British subjects coming to Canada from the United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions, and the United States. Canada’s preferences then extended to Northern Europeans, then to Central and Southern Europeans. Chinese, Greeks, Italians, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants were excluded. During the years of Prime Minister Louis St-Laurent (1948–57), Canadians read about the economic benefits that a robust immigration policy promised in the English-language press. The St-Laurent government was under significant pressure to increase the flow of migrants into Canada. However, the Liberal government studiously monitored recent arrivals with a conservative approach to economic growth. The Canadian business community perceived this policy as too cautious, and their pref...

American Review of Canadian Studies, 2018

In 1958, the Liberal Party’s hopes for a rebound election victory were crushed by George Diefenba... more In 1958, the Liberal Party’s hopes for a rebound election victory were crushed by George Diefenbaker’s decisive defeat of new party leader Lester Pearson. In assessing their performance, the Liberal Party believed that the Progressive Conservative Party’s appeal to ethnocultural communities was one of the reasons behind their defeat. In a period where the Liberal Party underwent internal reform, looked for new leadership and moved on from the old guard, the party hired Toronto-area Liberal Member of Provincial Parliament Andrew Thompson as its Ethnic Liaison Officer. Thompson was tasked with rejuvenating the party’s appeal to ethnocultural communities during the Liberal opposition years. His efforts were part of broader party reforms during the Pearson opposition years. The analysis explains how Thompson and the Liberal Party reorganized categories into groupings and argues that the Liberal Party relied on categorizations of Canadians of various ethnicities that were non-British and non-French because they did not understand them. In doing so, they simplified them and imagined “ethnic groups” as votes at the ballot box. This article contributes to scholarship on Liberal Party reforms during the late 1950s and early 1960s while invoking new modes of historical analysis in a political history by focusing on the inception of Thompson’s programme through an investigation of ethnicity and groupism.

Canadian Ethnic Studies, 2018

In 1958, the Liberal Party's hopes for a rebound election victory were crushed by George Diefenba... more In 1958, the Liberal Party's hopes for a rebound election victory were crushed by George Diefenbaker's decisive defeat of new party leader Lester Pearson. In assessing its performance, the Liberal Party believed that the Progressive Conservative Party's appeal to ethnocultural communities was one of the reasons behind their defeat. In a period where the Liberal Party underwent internal reform, looked for new leadership and moved on from the old guard, the party hired Toronto-area Liberal Member of Provincial Parliament Andrew Thompson as its Ethnic Liaison Officer. Thompson was tasked with rejuvenating the party's appeal to ethnocultural communities during this period. His efforts were part of broader party reforms during the Pearson opposition years. The analysis explains how Thompson and the Liberal Party reorganized categories into groupings and argues that the Liberal Party relied on categorizations of Canadians of various ethnicities that were non-British and non-French because they did not understand them. In doing so, they simplified them and imagined "ethnic groups" as votes at the ballot box. This article contributes to scholarship on Liberal Party reforms during the late 1950s and early 1960s while invoking new modes of historical analysis in a political history by focusing on the inception of Thompson's programme through an investigation of ethnicity and groupism.

During the 1960s and 1970s the Liberal Party of Canada sought to engage ethnocultural communities... more During the 1960s and 1970s the Liberal Party of Canada sought to engage ethnocultural communities in an effort to win federal elections. The author argues that the Liberal Party’s relationship with ethnocultural communities in Metro Toronto during the 1960s was characterized by indifference. Though it adopted a programme that encouraged the courting of ethnocultural communities, the Pearson-led Liberal Party showed limited interest in recognizing ethnocultural communities as a part of the party’s electoral coalition. The efforts of Andrew Thompson, the Liberal Party’s Ethnic Liaison Officer during the Pearson years, were separated from the rest of party’s organization and campaign structure. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau ended Pearson’s lost decade and strengthened party bonds with ethnocultural communities. Trudeau welcomed ethnocultural communities to the Liberal Party, declared Canada as multicultural, and distributed patronage to leaders of non-English and non-French communities. This dissertation differentiates between groups and categories, and critically analyzes how people and organizations do things with categories. This dissertation argues that Thompson and the Liberal Party grouped ethnocultural communities as “ethnic groups” and “ethnic voters” in order to simplify diverse and unbounded peoples they did not understand.

Premiers of Ontario. Ottawa: New Federation House., 2016

Authored chapter on David Peterson, 20th Premier of Ontario for New Federation House's The Premie... more Authored chapter on David Peterson, 20th Premier of Ontario for New Federation House's The Premiers of Ontario.

During the twentieth century, as Canadian voters began to associate the brand of their major poli... more During the twentieth century, as Canadian voters began to associate the brand of their major political parties with the characteristics of their leaders, the Liberal Party of Canada’s leadership races evolved into events of national importance. This study examines this transformation through the 1948, 1958 and 1968 leadership conventions. It incorporates perspectives from inside the Liberal Party as well as the Canadian media’s portrayals of the conventions. This thesis explores the alternating pattern of anglophone and francophone Party leaders, the complications associated with the predictability of the outcome, the evolution of convention tactics to recruit delegate support, Party (dis)unity throughout the contests, and the political science theories that deconstruct the conventions and predict outcomes. It also details how, over time, the political ambitions of senior-ranking members trumped the interests the Liberal Party.

Book Reviews by Thirstan Falconer

American Review of Canadian Studies, 2018

Canadian Military Studies

British Review of Canadian Studies

Histoire sociale/Social History, 2015

British Journal of Canadian Studies, 2015

Conference Presentations by Thirstan Falconer

This article argues that Stanley Haidasz had divided loyalties during his time as a Liberal Membe... more This article argues that Stanley Haidasz had divided loyalties during his time as a Liberal Member of Parliament. Haidasz’s ascent to the Multiculturalism portfolio was the result of years of steadfast loyalty to members of Canada’s ethnocultural communities, particularly in Toronto. Yet this loyalty caused the Liberal Party, the Pearson and Trudeau Governments grief and political headaches, over this rise. First elected in 1957, Haidasz consistently supported his friends in Canada’s ethnocultural communities when pressure mounted between the Liberal Party or Liberal Government and the ethnic communities. Haidasz’s relationship with these communities kept him from Cabinet until 1973 when Trudeau appointed him as Minister of Multiculturalism. Trudeau looked to further cement his relationship with these voters who largely voted Liberal during the 1973 election, especially in Toronto. Ultimately Haidasz’s ties to Canada’s ethnocultural communities led to a collection of embarrassments as Minister of Multiculturalism and his removal from Cabinet in the wake of the 1974 federal election. Haidasz loyalties to ethnic Canadians ultimately hurt him and the Trudeau Government as the Minister for Multiculturalism’s actions were shrouded in controversy.

International Journal of Canadian Studies

Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the ar... more Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the arrival of newcomers. Before 1947, Canada’s immigration system was a preferential one, with the highest priority given to British subjects coming to Canada from the United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions, and the United States. Canada’s preferences then extended to Northern Europeans, then to Central and Southern Europeans. Chinese, Greeks, Italians, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants were excluded. During the years of Prime Minister Louis St-Laurent (1948–57), Canadians read about the economic benefits that a robust immigration policy promised in the English-language press. The St-Laurent government was under significant pressure to increase the flow of migrants into Canada. However, the Liberal government studiously monitored recent arrivals with a conservative approach to economic growth. The Canadian business community perceived this policy as too cautious, and their pref...

American Review of Canadian Studies, 2018

In 1958, the Liberal Party’s hopes for a rebound election victory were crushed by George Diefenba... more In 1958, the Liberal Party’s hopes for a rebound election victory were crushed by George Diefenbaker’s decisive defeat of new party leader Lester Pearson. In assessing their performance, the Liberal Party believed that the Progressive Conservative Party’s appeal to ethnocultural communities was one of the reasons behind their defeat. In a period where the Liberal Party underwent internal reform, looked for new leadership and moved on from the old guard, the party hired Toronto-area Liberal Member of Provincial Parliament Andrew Thompson as its Ethnic Liaison Officer. Thompson was tasked with rejuvenating the party’s appeal to ethnocultural communities during the Liberal opposition years. His efforts were part of broader party reforms during the Pearson opposition years. The analysis explains how Thompson and the Liberal Party reorganized categories into groupings and argues that the Liberal Party relied on categorizations of Canadians of various ethnicities that were non-British and non-French because they did not understand them. In doing so, they simplified them and imagined “ethnic groups” as votes at the ballot box. This article contributes to scholarship on Liberal Party reforms during the late 1950s and early 1960s while invoking new modes of historical analysis in a political history by focusing on the inception of Thompson’s programme through an investigation of ethnicity and groupism.

Canadian Ethnic Studies, 2018

In 1958, the Liberal Party's hopes for a rebound election victory were crushed by George Diefenba... more In 1958, the Liberal Party's hopes for a rebound election victory were crushed by George Diefenbaker's decisive defeat of new party leader Lester Pearson. In assessing its performance, the Liberal Party believed that the Progressive Conservative Party's appeal to ethnocultural communities was one of the reasons behind their defeat. In a period where the Liberal Party underwent internal reform, looked for new leadership and moved on from the old guard, the party hired Toronto-area Liberal Member of Provincial Parliament Andrew Thompson as its Ethnic Liaison Officer. Thompson was tasked with rejuvenating the party's appeal to ethnocultural communities during this period. His efforts were part of broader party reforms during the Pearson opposition years. The analysis explains how Thompson and the Liberal Party reorganized categories into groupings and argues that the Liberal Party relied on categorizations of Canadians of various ethnicities that were non-British and non-French because they did not understand them. In doing so, they simplified them and imagined "ethnic groups" as votes at the ballot box. This article contributes to scholarship on Liberal Party reforms during the late 1950s and early 1960s while invoking new modes of historical analysis in a political history by focusing on the inception of Thompson's programme through an investigation of ethnicity and groupism.

During the 1960s and 1970s the Liberal Party of Canada sought to engage ethnocultural communities... more During the 1960s and 1970s the Liberal Party of Canada sought to engage ethnocultural communities in an effort to win federal elections. The author argues that the Liberal Party’s relationship with ethnocultural communities in Metro Toronto during the 1960s was characterized by indifference. Though it adopted a programme that encouraged the courting of ethnocultural communities, the Pearson-led Liberal Party showed limited interest in recognizing ethnocultural communities as a part of the party’s electoral coalition. The efforts of Andrew Thompson, the Liberal Party’s Ethnic Liaison Officer during the Pearson years, were separated from the rest of party’s organization and campaign structure. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau ended Pearson’s lost decade and strengthened party bonds with ethnocultural communities. Trudeau welcomed ethnocultural communities to the Liberal Party, declared Canada as multicultural, and distributed patronage to leaders of non-English and non-French communities. This dissertation differentiates between groups and categories, and critically analyzes how people and organizations do things with categories. This dissertation argues that Thompson and the Liberal Party grouped ethnocultural communities as “ethnic groups” and “ethnic voters” in order to simplify diverse and unbounded peoples they did not understand.

Premiers of Ontario. Ottawa: New Federation House., 2016

Authored chapter on David Peterson, 20th Premier of Ontario for New Federation House's The Premie... more Authored chapter on David Peterson, 20th Premier of Ontario for New Federation House's The Premiers of Ontario.

During the twentieth century, as Canadian voters began to associate the brand of their major poli... more During the twentieth century, as Canadian voters began to associate the brand of their major political parties with the characteristics of their leaders, the Liberal Party of Canada’s leadership races evolved into events of national importance. This study examines this transformation through the 1948, 1958 and 1968 leadership conventions. It incorporates perspectives from inside the Liberal Party as well as the Canadian media’s portrayals of the conventions. This thesis explores the alternating pattern of anglophone and francophone Party leaders, the complications associated with the predictability of the outcome, the evolution of convention tactics to recruit delegate support, Party (dis)unity throughout the contests, and the political science theories that deconstruct the conventions and predict outcomes. It also details how, over time, the political ambitions of senior-ranking members trumped the interests the Liberal Party.

American Review of Canadian Studies, 2018

Canadian Military Studies

British Review of Canadian Studies

Histoire sociale/Social History, 2015

British Journal of Canadian Studies, 2015

This article argues that Stanley Haidasz had divided loyalties during his time as a Liberal Membe... more This article argues that Stanley Haidasz had divided loyalties during his time as a Liberal Member of Parliament. Haidasz’s ascent to the Multiculturalism portfolio was the result of years of steadfast loyalty to members of Canada’s ethnocultural communities, particularly in Toronto. Yet this loyalty caused the Liberal Party, the Pearson and Trudeau Governments grief and political headaches, over this rise. First elected in 1957, Haidasz consistently supported his friends in Canada’s ethnocultural communities when pressure mounted between the Liberal Party or Liberal Government and the ethnic communities. Haidasz’s relationship with these communities kept him from Cabinet until 1973 when Trudeau appointed him as Minister of Multiculturalism. Trudeau looked to further cement his relationship with these voters who largely voted Liberal during the 1973 election, especially in Toronto. Ultimately Haidasz’s ties to Canada’s ethnocultural communities led to a collection of embarrassments as Minister of Multiculturalism and his removal from Cabinet in the wake of the 1974 federal election. Haidasz loyalties to ethnic Canadians ultimately hurt him and the Trudeau Government as the Minister for Multiculturalism’s actions were shrouded in controversy.