Lloyd Sachikonye | University of Zimbabwe (original) (raw)
Papers by Lloyd Sachikonye
Africa Today, 2000
who commented on various aspects of the draft of the report. Needless to say, I am alone responsi... more who commented on various aspects of the draft of the report. Needless to say, I am alone responsible for limitations of the study.
I am particularly grateful to the many children who gave up their invaluable time for the intervi... more I am particularly grateful to the many children who gave up their invaluable time for the interviews. My thanks also go to the employers and parents, Government labour and social welfare officers, trade union officials and organizers and child welfare agencies for their assistance and understanding during the fieldwork. Finally, I wish to express my profound gratitude to the following people for their help and encouragement: B. Raftopoulos, A. Rukobo, T. Sachikonye, M. Sachikonye and N. Tagwireyi. J. Dausi typed the report and I am thankful to her. None of these people and institutions, however, bear responsibility for the shortcomings of this study.
Who should own the land, 2004
I would like to thank many individuals and organisations who assisted during this study. They are... more I would like to thank many individuals and organisations who assisted during this study. They are too numerous to mention, but I am profoundly grateful to all of them. Godfrey Magaramombe and Grace Buhera of the Farm Community Trust of Zimbabwe (FCTZ) were extremely supportive at every stage of the research. The staff at the Commercial Farmers’ Union (CFU), the National Employment Council for the Agricultural Industry and the General Agricultural and Plantation Workers ’ Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ), and officials from government departments and local authorities were also helpful. The research assistants, team leaders and drivers were tireless in their efforts during the difficult phase of gathering field data. Many thanks, too, to the respondents — more than 1,000 of them — who patiently answered the questions put to them. I hope that their voices will be heard through this report. A number of people provided comments on the first draft: for this I am grateful to Steve Kibble, Robin...
Journal of African elections, 2005
Parties play a crucial role in elections for they reflect the configuration of political power in... more Parties play a crucial role in elections for they reflect the configuration of political power in the contestation for state control. Political parties constitute an important medium for citizens' participation in the political process during and between elections. How have parties fared in the context of the Zimbabwe political situation, in particular during the 2005 elections? Although the 2005 elections were as tightly contested as those of 2000 and 2002, there was a remarkable difference between them. The environment during the campaign of 2005 was peaceful, compared with the political violence and mayhem that accompanied the 2000 and 2002 elections. A new element built into the framework of the election campaign was the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections, a framework with which SADC member states were enjoined to comply. Another significant factor was the Zimbabwe Government's strategy of restricting the number and variety of observer missions that would be allowed to witness the election. This paper will not attempt to assess the 2005 election process as a whole but will concentrate on the role of political parties in the contest. Significantly, a major difference from previous elections was the reduction in the number of parties that contested the elections.
A report for the FCTZ, 2003
I would like to thank many individuals and organisations who assisted during this study. They are... more I would like to thank many individuals and organisations who assisted during this study. They are too numerous to mention, but I am profoundly grateful to all of them. Godfrey Magaramombe and Grace Buhera of the Farm Community Trust of Zimbabwe (FCTZ) were extremely supportive at every stage of the research. The staff at the Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU), the National Employment Council for the Agricultural Industry and the General Agricultural and Plantation Workers' Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ), and officials from government departments and local authorities were also helpful. The research assistants, team leaders and drivers were tireless in their efforts during the difficult phase of gathering field data. Many thanks, too, to the respondents-more than 1,000 of them-who patiently answered the questions put to them. I hope that their voices will be heard through this report. A number of people provided comments on the first draft: for this I am grateful to Steve Kibble, Robin Palmer, Blair Rutherford and, for their kind assistance, to Kaori Izumi, Brian Raftopoulos and Lynn Walker. Finally, I am indebted to the staff who did the data analysis, and to Tawanda for helping with the tables.
A research paper on how civil society can collaborate with the government in policy making.
Journal of African elections, 2004
In February 2000 Zimbabweans went to the polls to vote on a draft constitution for their country.... more In February 2000 Zimbabweans went to the polls to vote on a draft constitution for their country. The draft contained some important provisions for, amongst other things, the reform of the country's electoral system. The draft was rejected and a bitter general election campaign ensued in the second quarter of 2000. The general election held in June 2000 and the presidential election in March 2002 were the most violent in Zimbabwe's electoral history. These developments raise significant questions relating to constitutionalism and the electoral process in Zimbabwe. They were an admission that both constitutional and electoral reforms were imperative and, indeed, overdue. A state-appointed Constitutional Commission (CC) was set up in 1999 after a civil society-driven one, the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), had been founded earlier in 1998. In particular, the political developments since 2000 have highlighted the need to address the increasing deficit in democratic governance and stability in Zimbabwe. This paper attempts to assess critically developments relating to constitutionalism and the electoral system, the links between them, and their significance for governance and stability.
Journal of African elections, 2013
Review of African Political Economy, 2002
When it attained its independence in 1980, there were high hopes expressed for Zimbabwe's politic... more When it attained its independence in 1980, there were high hopes expressed for Zimbabwe's political and economic future. It was amongst the top four more industrialized countries in Sub-Saharan Africa; it possessed a more diversified economy than most countries; and it had a better human resource base than most; and it had a middle-income status. Comparatively speaking, therefore, Zimbabwe had better prospects of making a head start in economic and political development than most countries on the continent. For some years, especially in its first decade of independence, it appeared to live up to some of these expectations. There were considerable investments in social development (characterised by a massive expansion in the education and social sectors); the economy itself grew; and it quickly became the regional breadbasket. Furthermore, the country was an oasis of stability in a region then mired in turmoil from Angola to Mozambique, and in liberation struggles from Namibia to South Africa. By the late 1990s, those early hopes had been dashed. Instead of expanding, the economy had begun to contract; from being a breadbasket, the country had become a basket case. Instead of providing an anchor of stability in the Southern Africa region, Zimbabwe was now a potential source of both political and economic turmoil thereby undercutting the region's efforts to lure investment for growth. Authoritarianism found expression partly in growing levels of political violence particularly during election campaigns. Between 2000 and 2002, the crisis on the political and economic fronts deepened and inevitably raised the concerns of such regional groupings as the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Commonwealth and the European Union as well as big powers such as the United States. Concerns which will increase further depending on the outcome of the 2002 presidential election. What went wrong? The purpose of this article is to present an overview of the dimensions of the crisis that beset Zimbabwe, and the domestic response to that crisis. It has been a response aimed at counteracting the authoritarianism orchestrated by Zanu-PF party under the leadership of Robert Mugabe. To the extent to which the response has sought to contest and recover political and social space, to that extent, it has been a significant element in contributing to democratic change. This contribution therefore begins by explaining the deepening economic and social crisis, the principal forms of political contestation and the openings created for deeper democratization and solidarity.
This essay explores the reasons for the exceptionally slow process of transition to democracy in ... more This essay explores the reasons for the exceptionally slow process of transition to democracy in Zimbabwe. It identifies the major obstacles on the way, paying attention to both the general trajectories that characterize democratic transitions in Africa and the specific conditions applicable to Zimbabwe. Among the latter, the strong resistance to the process by the dominant ruling party and its collusion with the “deep state” comprising the military and police are singled out as the most relevant factors. The essay describes the protracted constitutional reform process and its partial success, as well as the implications inherent in the recent and ongoing mass protest movements. The essay concludes with a presentation of a number of possible future political developments.
Journal of African elections, 2003
Southern Africa Political Economic Monthly, 1992
in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photoc... more in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2007 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society.
Review of African Political Economy, 1989
There has been a vigorous debate on the forms and content of 'democracy' in contemporary ... more There has been a vigorous debate on the forms and content of 'democracy' in contemporary Zimbabwe. The debate still rages. It focuses on broad but interrelated themes: the arguments for and against the creation of a one-party state and the accountability of the political leadership to the masses; the land question as the countdown towards the scrapping of the Lancaster House constitution in 1990 continues; and on the new (more liberal) investment code, particularly its strictures on labour. The significance of this debate, which the state-controlled media has failed to muzzle, is that it indicates the emergence of a resilient democratic political culture. It also points to different strands of thought on these central issues whose resolution will contribute in one way or another to the trajectory of Zimbabwean politics.
African Security Review, 2005
Africa Today, 2000
who commented on various aspects of the draft of the report. Needless to say, I am alone responsi... more who commented on various aspects of the draft of the report. Needless to say, I am alone responsible for limitations of the study.
I am particularly grateful to the many children who gave up their invaluable time for the intervi... more I am particularly grateful to the many children who gave up their invaluable time for the interviews. My thanks also go to the employers and parents, Government labour and social welfare officers, trade union officials and organizers and child welfare agencies for their assistance and understanding during the fieldwork. Finally, I wish to express my profound gratitude to the following people for their help and encouragement: B. Raftopoulos, A. Rukobo, T. Sachikonye, M. Sachikonye and N. Tagwireyi. J. Dausi typed the report and I am thankful to her. None of these people and institutions, however, bear responsibility for the shortcomings of this study.
Who should own the land, 2004
I would like to thank many individuals and organisations who assisted during this study. They are... more I would like to thank many individuals and organisations who assisted during this study. They are too numerous to mention, but I am profoundly grateful to all of them. Godfrey Magaramombe and Grace Buhera of the Farm Community Trust of Zimbabwe (FCTZ) were extremely supportive at every stage of the research. The staff at the Commercial Farmers’ Union (CFU), the National Employment Council for the Agricultural Industry and the General Agricultural and Plantation Workers ’ Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ), and officials from government departments and local authorities were also helpful. The research assistants, team leaders and drivers were tireless in their efforts during the difficult phase of gathering field data. Many thanks, too, to the respondents — more than 1,000 of them — who patiently answered the questions put to them. I hope that their voices will be heard through this report. A number of people provided comments on the first draft: for this I am grateful to Steve Kibble, Robin...
Journal of African elections, 2005
Parties play a crucial role in elections for they reflect the configuration of political power in... more Parties play a crucial role in elections for they reflect the configuration of political power in the contestation for state control. Political parties constitute an important medium for citizens' participation in the political process during and between elections. How have parties fared in the context of the Zimbabwe political situation, in particular during the 2005 elections? Although the 2005 elections were as tightly contested as those of 2000 and 2002, there was a remarkable difference between them. The environment during the campaign of 2005 was peaceful, compared with the political violence and mayhem that accompanied the 2000 and 2002 elections. A new element built into the framework of the election campaign was the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections, a framework with which SADC member states were enjoined to comply. Another significant factor was the Zimbabwe Government's strategy of restricting the number and variety of observer missions that would be allowed to witness the election. This paper will not attempt to assess the 2005 election process as a whole but will concentrate on the role of political parties in the contest. Significantly, a major difference from previous elections was the reduction in the number of parties that contested the elections.
A report for the FCTZ, 2003
I would like to thank many individuals and organisations who assisted during this study. They are... more I would like to thank many individuals and organisations who assisted during this study. They are too numerous to mention, but I am profoundly grateful to all of them. Godfrey Magaramombe and Grace Buhera of the Farm Community Trust of Zimbabwe (FCTZ) were extremely supportive at every stage of the research. The staff at the Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU), the National Employment Council for the Agricultural Industry and the General Agricultural and Plantation Workers' Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ), and officials from government departments and local authorities were also helpful. The research assistants, team leaders and drivers were tireless in their efforts during the difficult phase of gathering field data. Many thanks, too, to the respondents-more than 1,000 of them-who patiently answered the questions put to them. I hope that their voices will be heard through this report. A number of people provided comments on the first draft: for this I am grateful to Steve Kibble, Robin Palmer, Blair Rutherford and, for their kind assistance, to Kaori Izumi, Brian Raftopoulos and Lynn Walker. Finally, I am indebted to the staff who did the data analysis, and to Tawanda for helping with the tables.
A research paper on how civil society can collaborate with the government in policy making.
Journal of African elections, 2004
In February 2000 Zimbabweans went to the polls to vote on a draft constitution for their country.... more In February 2000 Zimbabweans went to the polls to vote on a draft constitution for their country. The draft contained some important provisions for, amongst other things, the reform of the country's electoral system. The draft was rejected and a bitter general election campaign ensued in the second quarter of 2000. The general election held in June 2000 and the presidential election in March 2002 were the most violent in Zimbabwe's electoral history. These developments raise significant questions relating to constitutionalism and the electoral process in Zimbabwe. They were an admission that both constitutional and electoral reforms were imperative and, indeed, overdue. A state-appointed Constitutional Commission (CC) was set up in 1999 after a civil society-driven one, the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), had been founded earlier in 1998. In particular, the political developments since 2000 have highlighted the need to address the increasing deficit in democratic governance and stability in Zimbabwe. This paper attempts to assess critically developments relating to constitutionalism and the electoral system, the links between them, and their significance for governance and stability.
Journal of African elections, 2013
Review of African Political Economy, 2002
When it attained its independence in 1980, there were high hopes expressed for Zimbabwe's politic... more When it attained its independence in 1980, there were high hopes expressed for Zimbabwe's political and economic future. It was amongst the top four more industrialized countries in Sub-Saharan Africa; it possessed a more diversified economy than most countries; and it had a better human resource base than most; and it had a middle-income status. Comparatively speaking, therefore, Zimbabwe had better prospects of making a head start in economic and political development than most countries on the continent. For some years, especially in its first decade of independence, it appeared to live up to some of these expectations. There were considerable investments in social development (characterised by a massive expansion in the education and social sectors); the economy itself grew; and it quickly became the regional breadbasket. Furthermore, the country was an oasis of stability in a region then mired in turmoil from Angola to Mozambique, and in liberation struggles from Namibia to South Africa. By the late 1990s, those early hopes had been dashed. Instead of expanding, the economy had begun to contract; from being a breadbasket, the country had become a basket case. Instead of providing an anchor of stability in the Southern Africa region, Zimbabwe was now a potential source of both political and economic turmoil thereby undercutting the region's efforts to lure investment for growth. Authoritarianism found expression partly in growing levels of political violence particularly during election campaigns. Between 2000 and 2002, the crisis on the political and economic fronts deepened and inevitably raised the concerns of such regional groupings as the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Commonwealth and the European Union as well as big powers such as the United States. Concerns which will increase further depending on the outcome of the 2002 presidential election. What went wrong? The purpose of this article is to present an overview of the dimensions of the crisis that beset Zimbabwe, and the domestic response to that crisis. It has been a response aimed at counteracting the authoritarianism orchestrated by Zanu-PF party under the leadership of Robert Mugabe. To the extent to which the response has sought to contest and recover political and social space, to that extent, it has been a significant element in contributing to democratic change. This contribution therefore begins by explaining the deepening economic and social crisis, the principal forms of political contestation and the openings created for deeper democratization and solidarity.
This essay explores the reasons for the exceptionally slow process of transition to democracy in ... more This essay explores the reasons for the exceptionally slow process of transition to democracy in Zimbabwe. It identifies the major obstacles on the way, paying attention to both the general trajectories that characterize democratic transitions in Africa and the specific conditions applicable to Zimbabwe. Among the latter, the strong resistance to the process by the dominant ruling party and its collusion with the “deep state” comprising the military and police are singled out as the most relevant factors. The essay describes the protracted constitutional reform process and its partial success, as well as the implications inherent in the recent and ongoing mass protest movements. The essay concludes with a presentation of a number of possible future political developments.
Journal of African elections, 2003
Southern Africa Political Economic Monthly, 1992
in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photoc... more in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2007 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society.
Review of African Political Economy, 1989
There has been a vigorous debate on the forms and content of 'democracy' in contemporary ... more There has been a vigorous debate on the forms and content of 'democracy' in contemporary Zimbabwe. The debate still rages. It focuses on broad but interrelated themes: the arguments for and against the creation of a one-party state and the accountability of the political leadership to the masses; the land question as the countdown towards the scrapping of the Lancaster House constitution in 1990 continues; and on the new (more liberal) investment code, particularly its strictures on labour. The significance of this debate, which the state-controlled media has failed to muzzle, is that it indicates the emergence of a resilient democratic political culture. It also points to different strands of thought on these central issues whose resolution will contribute in one way or another to the trajectory of Zimbabwean politics.
African Security Review, 2005