Kelly-Anne Diamond | Villanova University (original) (raw)

Papers by Kelly-Anne Diamond

JSSEA 48, 2021

This paper is about gothic fiction writer H. Rider Haggard's short story, "Smith and the Pharaohs... more This paper is about gothic fiction writer H. Rider Haggard's short story, "Smith and the Pharaohs," and how his narrative explores the cultural meaning of ancient Egyptian mummies as a queer aesthetic. The emergence of Egyptian Archaeology is arguably one facet of the British imperial project, which facilitated a familiarity with Egyptian mummies and brought them into the purview of many citizens back home. In fact, mummies become a common trope in gothic fiction, where they feature as the love interests of white male protagonists. This process enables archaeological artifacts to regenerate the colonial project at home. This "at-home colonizing" involved collecting mummies, owning them, and gazing on them for pleasure-and this was reiterated in stories. Several scholars have argued previously for the commodification of mummies, and I contribute to this by considering "mummy-love" as a perverse form of colonization. I focus on one work of gothic fiction (quest romance/imperial gothic fiction) to explore female mummies as an access point to non-normative, queer world-making. In other words, "Smith and the Pharaohs" is unique in the way it employs female Egyptian mummies to offer future possibilities for its effeminate male protagonist. Most gothic fiction does the opposite-it reinforces the cultural norms. I explore how "Smith and the Pharaohs" subverts the cultural norms of Haggard's time and how its transgressive nature suppresses anti-effeminacy anxiety. Résumé: Le présent article porte sur la courte histoire « Smith and the Pharaohs » de l'auteur de fiction gothique H. Rider Haggard et sur la manière dont son narratif explore la signification culturelle des momies de l'Égypte ancienne en tant qu'esthétique queer. L'émergence de l'archéologie égyptienne est l'une des facettes du projet impérial britannique qui a entraîné une certaine familiarité avec les momies égyptiennes et qui les a mises à la portée de plusieurs citoyens britanniques. En fait, les momies devinrent un trope commun dans la fiction gothique au sein de laquelle elles font l'objet d'intérêts amoureux de la part de protagonistes masculins blancs. Ce processus a fait en sorte que les artéfacts archéologiques régénèrent le projet colonial à la maison. Cette « colonisation à la maison » impliquait la collection et l'acquisition de momies et leur observation pour le plaisir, une pratique qui fut réitérée dans les histoires. Plusieurs chercheurs ont précédemment traité de ce phénomène comme d'une marchandisation des momies et je contribue à cette position en considérant « l'amour des momies » comme une forme perverse de colonisation. Je me concentre sur une oeuvre de fiction gothique (quête amoureuse/fiction gothique impériale) afin d'explorer les momies féminines en tant que point d'accès à la construction d'un monde non-normatif queer. En d'autres mots, « Smith and the Pharaohs » est unique dans la façon dont cette histoire recourt aux momies féminines égyptiennes afin d'offrir des possibilités futures pour ses protagonistes mâles efféminés. La plupart des fictions gothiques font l'opposé-elles renforcent les normes culturelles. J'explore ici la manière dont « Smith and the Pharaohs » bouleverse les normes culturelles de l'époque de Haggard et sur la façon dont sa nature transgressive supprime l'anxiété anti-efféminement.

Near Eastern Archaeology, 2021

His Good Name

Ron has spent most of his career with the University of Toronto and has been an indispensable par... more Ron has spent most of his career with the University of Toronto and has been an indispensable part of Toronto's Egyptological community for almost fifty years. His thirty-five years of official service as an employee of the University were celebrated in September 2018. His legacy is to have touched the lives of countless members of the Egyptological community in a positive manner with respect and kindness. This volume is presented as a tribute and celebration of Ron's time and commitment over many years, contributing his counsel, his wisdom, his Egyptological knowledge and understanding to a myriad of individuals in the University and in the wider community. We have all benefited from having known and worked with Ron and want to express our appreciation for a long and fruitful contribution to our community with these essays. Within Egyptology Ron is known as an expert on the Middle Kingdom and for his interest in Egyptian names, both royal and private, and the epithets attached to them. He published The Great Name: Ancient Egyptian Royal Titulary in 2013 in the Writings from the Ancient World series produced by the Society of Biblical Literature. It is touchingly dedicated to his father Bernard D. Leprohon and sister Diane O. Leprohon, who passed away within a month of each other in 2012. Ron's roots are in Montreal, where he was born on 15 June 1950. He grew up with a large extend-Figure 1. As the Chair of the Department of Near Eastern Studies, University of Toronto, 1989. Photo courtesy of Barbara Ibronyi. xii Ronald Jacques Leprohon ed family in Quebec, speaking both his father's native French and mother's native English. He remembers his father taking him to the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts and being fascinated by the Greek vases there. He got his first taste of teaching in Grade 4, when his overwhelmed public school teacher had him teach the English lessons. Shortly thereafter he transferred to Collège Mont-St-Louis, where he completed the cours classique in 1967, with an emphasis on French, Latin, and History. Ron switched instructional language when he enrolled in Loyola College in Montreal for his bachelor's degree. His focus there was history and his interests eventually led him to the ancient world. While in high school he taught himself to play guitar by watching musicians, and he played in a rock and roll group and a band at his church. Upon graduation, Ron had the difficult choice of deciding to continue with his music by going out on the road in a folk duo, or attending the University of Chicago to study Egyptology. Needless to say, Egyptology won. His course in life was set, though his love of music and playing the guitar has continued throughout Ron's life. After a year in Chicago, Ron returned to Canada to continue his graduate studies at the University of Toronto, receiving his MA degree in 1973. While a graduate student, he worked as a research assistant at the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM), and for the Akhenaten Temple Project, including fieldwork in Egypt in 1976. After the season he traveled to Kenya and Sudan and had the dubious honor of being one of the last tourists to Eritrea before the border was closed. After hearing Don Redford decry the lack of historical sources from the reign of Amenemhet III of the Twelfth Dynasty, Ron took up the challenge and received his PhD in 1980 for a thesis on the reign of this king. While finishing up his thesis in 1978-1979, Ron worked as the Education Officer for the traveling exhibition Treasures of Tutankhamun at the Art Gallery of Ontario (AGO). His guides to the exhibit were published by the AGO in both English and French (The World of Tutankhamun and Toutankhamon et l'Egypte, 1979). Ron's many public lectures and media experiences for the exhibition honed his eventual teaching style. Upon graduation, Ron became a postdoctoral fellow at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, where he worked on the collection of ancient Egyptian stelae there. This work was published in two fascicles of the MFA Boston Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum (CAA) in 1985 and 1991. In the middle of his fellowship, Ron accepted a position as the director of the newly established Canadian Institute of Egypt (CIE) in Cairo and spent two years (1981-1983) in Egypt. In 1982 he served as epigrapher with the Dakhleh Oasis Project (DOP) and continued his research on ancient Egyptian stelae, publishing his results in the Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities (JSSEA) in 1983 and 1986. In 1982 Joseph P. Clarke (Jo O'Cleirigh) was painting an egg tempera mural at the Canadian Institute in Maadi reproducing scenes from the Temple of Osiris Heqa-Djet in Karnak. Ron felt he was taking the project entirely too seriously, and suggested that he include some humor in it. Hence the emblems of Cornwall (the chough bird and black and white flag of St. Piran) were added to an Egyptian nome standard held by Ma Pud (a fantasy character from Jo's plasticine village), who raised one hand with the peace sign. After two years in Egypt, Ron accepted a position of Assistant Professor in the Department of Near Eastern Studies (NES) at the University of Toronto in 1983 and his teaching career began in earnest. Already as a graduate student Figure 2. Unpacking the objects for the exhibition, Treasures of Tutankhamun, in Toronto, 1979. Photo courtesy of Barbara Ibronyi.

The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 2022

This paper explores the items of dress worn by King Sobekneferu on statue E 27135 in the Musée du... more This paper explores the items of dress worn by King Sobekneferu on statue E 27135 in the Musée du Louvre. This statue is unique in comparison to her other known statues because it is the only one where she wears both feminine and masculine dress items. Sobekneferu’s combination of dress items coalesces in an ensemble that shapes, performs and displays her gender, divinity, communality, profession and class simultaneously. Through an analysis of her sartorial choices, we can better understand how Sobekneferu satisfied both her individual identity and her group identity in interacting with her subjects. This paper demonstrates how her dress had the power to communicate and inform the public through its materiality. Sobekneferu’s sartorial choices enabled her to craft visibly an authoritative image of herself as king. This image responded to the gendered expectation of kingship which was invoked through the masculinity her statue produced.


Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt

Susan Tower Hollis, Five Egyptian Goddesses: Their Possible Beginnings, Actions, and Relationship... more Susan Tower Hollis, Five Egyptian Goddesses: Their Possible Beginnings, Actions, and Relationships in the Third Millennium BCE. London: Bloomsbury, 2020. Bloomsbury Egyptolo- gy. ISBN 978-1-4742-3425-2. Pp. XV + 216, numerous black and white illustrations. £90.

JSSEA 44, 2017

With the discovery of King Tut's tomb in 1922 by Howard Carter and Lord Carnarvon, all things Egy... more With the discovery of King Tut's tomb in 1922 by Howard Carter and Lord Carnarvon, all things Egyptian permeated the 1920s and 30s. Egyptomania became a western phenomenon (again), manifesting in many areas such as art and architecture. Even Carr (1906-1977), wrote two particular detective stories that utilize Egyptian symbolism: The Lost Gallows (1931) and The Curse of the Bronze Lamp (1945). Carr is notorious for writing about the supernatural in his novels, or mixing the genre of detection and horror. In these cases the variety of supernaturalism he employs is Egyptology. Interestingly enough, Egyptology is used to marginalize two of his male characters, those who are already Alim Bey, respectively, are modern Egyptians connected to the mysteries of ancient Egypt through their study of ancient Egyptian religion and magic. Stylistically, this invocation is useful as it generates a red herring that detracts the reader's attention away from the real criminals, thus creating a variation on the "impossible crime," (The Lost Gallows) and Sir Henry Merrivale (The Curse of the Bronze Lamp) prove that the supernatural, ancient Egyptian religion and magic, is not the culprit and they solve the real crime and restore order and justice to the world. Simultaneously, these revelations expose Résumé: Lord Carnarvon, la culture des années 1920 et 1930 se voit imprégnée de motifs égyptiens. L'égyptomanie devint (encore une fois) un phénomène du monde occidental se manifestant dans divers domaines tels que l'art et l'architecture. Même les romans policiers sont deux romans à symbolisme égyptien : (The Lost Gallows, 1931) et L'habit fait le moine (The Curse of the Bronze Lamp, 1945). Carr est célèbre pour l'inclusion du surnaturel dans ses romans ainsi que le mélange de genres littéraires comme la détection et l'horreur dans

Hindsights, 2019

In hindsight: The mysteries of mummies have their roots in British fantasy novels Be part of a be... more In hindsight: The mysteries of mummies have their roots in British fantasy novels Be part of a better internet. Get 20% off membership for a limited time

JSSEA, 2017

In the course of my research on ancient Egyptian funerary ritual, I encountered the word dmD(y)t ... more In the course of my research on ancient Egyptian funerary ritual, I encountered the word dmD(y)t in four ancient sources. In an attempt to discover the meaning of this word I realized that it had been grouped, along with a number of other female titles, into a category of words, which apparently signified, "a mourning woman." However, upon further investigation a more precise meaning of the word dmd(y)t became clear. In the cult drama, this woman (or women) was responsible for collecting the bones of the deceased in order for the body to become whole again in anticipation of its rebirth in the Afterlife. Therefore, the title dmd(y)t may be translated as "bone or limb collector." The title dmd(y)t refers to one of the dramatis personae in the early funerary cult drama. The term can be used in the singular and the plural and is derived from the root dmd "to collect or gather." The dmd(y)t is not part of the Osirian cult drama and her presence seems to predate the superimposition of the Osirian characters, namely, in a funerary liturgy that may date back as early as the Third Dynasty. However, by the Fifth Dynasty there is evidence that the root dmd was directly associated with the reconstruction of Osiris' body. The practice of dismemberment and the concept of rebirth through reconstruction existed even earlier. Résumé: Au cours de ma recherche sur le rituel funéraire égyptien, j'ai trouvé dans quatre sources anciennes le mot dmd(y)t. Tentant d'élucider le sens de celui-ci, j'ai réalisé qu'il était regroupé avec d'autres titres féminins dans une catégorie de mots qui semblait signifier 'femme en deuil'. Cependant, après des recherches plus approfondies, j'ai compris le sens spécifique du mot dmd(y)t. Dans le drame cultuel, cette femme (ou ces femmes) avait la responsabilité de collecter les ossements du défunt afin que le corps puisse redevenir entier, anticipant sa renaissance dans l'Au-delà. Ainsi, le titre dmd(y)t pourrait être traduit par « ramasseuse d'ossements ou de membres » Le titre dmd(y)t fait référence à l'une des dramatis personae du drame cultuel funéraire plus ancien. Le mot peut être utilisé au singulier et au pluriel, et dérive de la racine dmd "ramasser ou rassembler". La dmd(y)t ne fait pas partie du drame cultuel osirien et sa présence semble précéder la surimposition des personnages osiriens, à savoir une liturgie funéraire datant possiblement d'avant la III e dynastie. Cependant, à la V e dynastie, il est attesté que la racine dmd était directement associée avec le rassemblement du corps d'Osiris. La pratique du démembrement et le concept de renaissance par rassemblement existait cependant bien avant.

Hindsights, 2019

In Hindsight: Deciphering the origins of Egyptian artifacts can lead to difficult choices for cul... more In Hindsight: Deciphering the origins of Egyptian artifacts can lead to difficult choices for cultural institutions.

The title dmD(y)t refers to one of the dramatis personae in the early funerary cult drama, who he... more The title dmD(y)t refers to one of the dramatis personae in the early funerary cult drama, who helps with the transfiguration of the deceased in terms of the collecting and reassembling of the deceased's bones or limbs. This term can be used in the singular and the plural and is derived from the root dmD " to collect or gather. " The title dmD(y)t may be translated as " bone or limb collector. " By the Fifth Dynasty there is evidence that the root dmD was directly associated with the reconstruction of Osiris' body, yet the dmD(y)t is not part of the Osirian cult drama. Her presence may predate the su-perimposition of the Osirian characters, but there appears to be a clear association between the function of the dmD(y)t and the function of the goddess Isis in the Osirian myth. Did the canonization of this myth lead to Isis taking over the dmD(y)t's function in the transfiguration of the deceased? Following the myth-ritual school, is the Osirian myth attempting to explain the role of the dmD(y)t in the funerary service by superimposing Isis? In light of more recent research on myth structure and development, following the work of Dr. Katja Goebs, this work attempts to contextualize the use of the dmD(y)t-character in ritual texts and illustrations. In an effort to pinpoint the mythical relationship and the structural relationship of the actors/objects, I endeavor to understand what makes the use of the dmD(y)t " myth " efficacious for the user.

In the course of my doctoral research on ancient Egyptian funerary ritual, and in particular on t... more In the course of my doctoral research on ancient Egyptian funerary ritual, and in particular on the word HAi, I encountered the word dmD(y)t in three ancient sources. In an attempt to discover the meaning of this word I realized that it had been grouped, along with a number of other titles, into a category of words which apparently signified, " a mourning woman. " However, upon further investigation I became aware of the specific meaning of the word dmD(y)t. In the cult drama, this woman (or women) was responsible for collecting the bones of the deceased in order for the body to become whole again in anticipation of its rebirth in the Afterlife. Therefore, the title dmD(y)t may be translated as " bone or limb collector. " It was initially thought by Gardiner, and followed by Faulkner, that the dmD(y)t was related to the dmDw. The word dmDw is commonly translated as " crowd " and is far more common. 1 In his dictionary entry Faulkner cites examples of dmD(y)t only from a funerary text from the Ramesseum Papyri (discussed below). 2 The entry for the word dmD(y)t in Wb V 462, 12 reads " von der Klagefrau. " The Belegstellen lists two references from the tomb of Amenemhet (TT 82) where the title refers to a single woman (also discussed below). In the former source, the funerary liturgy, this designation is used both in the singular, dmD(y)t, and in the plural, dmD(y)wt. According to Gardiner, the word dmD(y)t also refers to a crowd and is " possibly identical with the collective Wb V 461, 12 " — there transliterated dmD.wt. 3 Gardiner's assumption is based on the word's supposed connection with dmDw and its reference to a crowd of people. With that, Gardiner points out that Coffin

This article is the culmination of my dissertation research although here it is in summary form. ... more This article is the culmination of my dissertation research although here it is in summary form. The word HAi has been commonly translated as " mourn " as it regularly appears in a funerary setting. However, some translators acknowledge that the anomalous meaning " to dance and /or sing " at a funeral is another possible meaning. The issue arises over the A 28 determinative that accompanies the word HAi. This same determinative is used to write the word Hai " rejoice. " This fact renders the two words (HAi and Hai) similar both visually and aurally, a purposeful ancient construct. The earliest known private source containing the word HAi is the tomb of Debehni at Giza, which dates to the Fourth Dynasty. The Pyramid Texts also present various royal examples of this word beginning at the end of the Fifth Dynasty. My research has demonstrated that HAi can no longer be classified as a mourning word. The ritual of HAi refers to the uplifting (or transforming) of the deceased's spirit to the Hereafter. The significance of the A 28 determinative lies in the idea of the elevation of the spiritual essence toward heaven which actuated the resurrection of the deceased. Résumé: Cet article se voit être l'aboutissement de ma recherche de thèse, présentée ici en abrégé. Apparaissant régulière-ment en contexte funéraire, le mot « HAi » est habituellement traduit par « être en deuil ». Cependant, certains traduc-teurs reconnaissent la traduction irrégulière « danser et / ou chanter » à des funérailles comme étant aussi possible. Le problème repose sur le déterminatif A28 qui accompagne le mot HAi : ce même déterminatif est aussi utilisé dans le mot Hai, qui signifie « se réjouir ». Ainsi, ces deux mots (HAi et Hai) se ressemblent autant au point de vue visuel que sonore—un concept ancien bien réfléchi. Le plus ancien texte privé faisant mention du mot HAi se trouve dans la tombe de Debehni à Gizeh, un monument qui date de la quatrième dynastie. Plusieurs exemples de source royale se trouvent dans les textes des pyramides, remontant à la fin de la cinquième dynastie. Les résultats de ma recherche démontrent que HAi ne peut plus être considéré comme un mot relié au deuil. En fait, le rituel HAi évoque la montée (ou la transformation) de l' esprit du défunt vers l' Au-delà. Le sens du déterminatif A28 repose dans l'idée de l'ascension de l' essence spirituelle vers les cieux, ce qui entraîne la résurrection du mort.

Conference Presentations by Kelly-Anne Diamond

JSSEA 48, 2021

This paper is about gothic fiction writer H. Rider Haggard's short story, "Smith and the Pharaohs... more This paper is about gothic fiction writer H. Rider Haggard's short story, "Smith and the Pharaohs," and how his narrative explores the cultural meaning of ancient Egyptian mummies as a queer aesthetic. The emergence of Egyptian Archaeology is arguably one facet of the British imperial project, which facilitated a familiarity with Egyptian mummies and brought them into the purview of many citizens back home. In fact, mummies become a common trope in gothic fiction, where they feature as the love interests of white male protagonists. This process enables archaeological artifacts to regenerate the colonial project at home. This "at-home colonizing" involved collecting mummies, owning them, and gazing on them for pleasure-and this was reiterated in stories. Several scholars have argued previously for the commodification of mummies, and I contribute to this by considering "mummy-love" as a perverse form of colonization. I focus on one work of gothic fiction (quest romance/imperial gothic fiction) to explore female mummies as an access point to non-normative, queer world-making. In other words, "Smith and the Pharaohs" is unique in the way it employs female Egyptian mummies to offer future possibilities for its effeminate male protagonist. Most gothic fiction does the opposite-it reinforces the cultural norms. I explore how "Smith and the Pharaohs" subverts the cultural norms of Haggard's time and how its transgressive nature suppresses anti-effeminacy anxiety. Résumé: Le présent article porte sur la courte histoire « Smith and the Pharaohs » de l'auteur de fiction gothique H. Rider Haggard et sur la manière dont son narratif explore la signification culturelle des momies de l'Égypte ancienne en tant qu'esthétique queer. L'émergence de l'archéologie égyptienne est l'une des facettes du projet impérial britannique qui a entraîné une certaine familiarité avec les momies égyptiennes et qui les a mises à la portée de plusieurs citoyens britanniques. En fait, les momies devinrent un trope commun dans la fiction gothique au sein de laquelle elles font l'objet d'intérêts amoureux de la part de protagonistes masculins blancs. Ce processus a fait en sorte que les artéfacts archéologiques régénèrent le projet colonial à la maison. Cette « colonisation à la maison » impliquait la collection et l'acquisition de momies et leur observation pour le plaisir, une pratique qui fut réitérée dans les histoires. Plusieurs chercheurs ont précédemment traité de ce phénomène comme d'une marchandisation des momies et je contribue à cette position en considérant « l'amour des momies » comme une forme perverse de colonisation. Je me concentre sur une oeuvre de fiction gothique (quête amoureuse/fiction gothique impériale) afin d'explorer les momies féminines en tant que point d'accès à la construction d'un monde non-normatif queer. En d'autres mots, « Smith and the Pharaohs » est unique dans la façon dont cette histoire recourt aux momies féminines égyptiennes afin d'offrir des possibilités futures pour ses protagonistes mâles efféminés. La plupart des fictions gothiques font l'opposé-elles renforcent les normes culturelles. J'explore ici la manière dont « Smith and the Pharaohs » bouleverse les normes culturelles de l'époque de Haggard et sur la façon dont sa nature transgressive supprime l'anxiété anti-efféminement.

Near Eastern Archaeology, 2021

His Good Name

Ron has spent most of his career with the University of Toronto and has been an indispensable par... more Ron has spent most of his career with the University of Toronto and has been an indispensable part of Toronto's Egyptological community for almost fifty years. His thirty-five years of official service as an employee of the University were celebrated in September 2018. His legacy is to have touched the lives of countless members of the Egyptological community in a positive manner with respect and kindness. This volume is presented as a tribute and celebration of Ron's time and commitment over many years, contributing his counsel, his wisdom, his Egyptological knowledge and understanding to a myriad of individuals in the University and in the wider community. We have all benefited from having known and worked with Ron and want to express our appreciation for a long and fruitful contribution to our community with these essays. Within Egyptology Ron is known as an expert on the Middle Kingdom and for his interest in Egyptian names, both royal and private, and the epithets attached to them. He published The Great Name: Ancient Egyptian Royal Titulary in 2013 in the Writings from the Ancient World series produced by the Society of Biblical Literature. It is touchingly dedicated to his father Bernard D. Leprohon and sister Diane O. Leprohon, who passed away within a month of each other in 2012. Ron's roots are in Montreal, where he was born on 15 June 1950. He grew up with a large extend-Figure 1. As the Chair of the Department of Near Eastern Studies, University of Toronto, 1989. Photo courtesy of Barbara Ibronyi. xii Ronald Jacques Leprohon ed family in Quebec, speaking both his father's native French and mother's native English. He remembers his father taking him to the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts and being fascinated by the Greek vases there. He got his first taste of teaching in Grade 4, when his overwhelmed public school teacher had him teach the English lessons. Shortly thereafter he transferred to Collège Mont-St-Louis, where he completed the cours classique in 1967, with an emphasis on French, Latin, and History. Ron switched instructional language when he enrolled in Loyola College in Montreal for his bachelor's degree. His focus there was history and his interests eventually led him to the ancient world. While in high school he taught himself to play guitar by watching musicians, and he played in a rock and roll group and a band at his church. Upon graduation, Ron had the difficult choice of deciding to continue with his music by going out on the road in a folk duo, or attending the University of Chicago to study Egyptology. Needless to say, Egyptology won. His course in life was set, though his love of music and playing the guitar has continued throughout Ron's life. After a year in Chicago, Ron returned to Canada to continue his graduate studies at the University of Toronto, receiving his MA degree in 1973. While a graduate student, he worked as a research assistant at the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM), and for the Akhenaten Temple Project, including fieldwork in Egypt in 1976. After the season he traveled to Kenya and Sudan and had the dubious honor of being one of the last tourists to Eritrea before the border was closed. After hearing Don Redford decry the lack of historical sources from the reign of Amenemhet III of the Twelfth Dynasty, Ron took up the challenge and received his PhD in 1980 for a thesis on the reign of this king. While finishing up his thesis in 1978-1979, Ron worked as the Education Officer for the traveling exhibition Treasures of Tutankhamun at the Art Gallery of Ontario (AGO). His guides to the exhibit were published by the AGO in both English and French (The World of Tutankhamun and Toutankhamon et l'Egypte, 1979). Ron's many public lectures and media experiences for the exhibition honed his eventual teaching style. Upon graduation, Ron became a postdoctoral fellow at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, where he worked on the collection of ancient Egyptian stelae there. This work was published in two fascicles of the MFA Boston Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum (CAA) in 1985 and 1991. In the middle of his fellowship, Ron accepted a position as the director of the newly established Canadian Institute of Egypt (CIE) in Cairo and spent two years (1981-1983) in Egypt. In 1982 he served as epigrapher with the Dakhleh Oasis Project (DOP) and continued his research on ancient Egyptian stelae, publishing his results in the Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities (JSSEA) in 1983 and 1986. In 1982 Joseph P. Clarke (Jo O'Cleirigh) was painting an egg tempera mural at the Canadian Institute in Maadi reproducing scenes from the Temple of Osiris Heqa-Djet in Karnak. Ron felt he was taking the project entirely too seriously, and suggested that he include some humor in it. Hence the emblems of Cornwall (the chough bird and black and white flag of St. Piran) were added to an Egyptian nome standard held by Ma Pud (a fantasy character from Jo's plasticine village), who raised one hand with the peace sign. After two years in Egypt, Ron accepted a position of Assistant Professor in the Department of Near Eastern Studies (NES) at the University of Toronto in 1983 and his teaching career began in earnest. Already as a graduate student Figure 2. Unpacking the objects for the exhibition, Treasures of Tutankhamun, in Toronto, 1979. Photo courtesy of Barbara Ibronyi.

The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 2022

This paper explores the items of dress worn by King Sobekneferu on statue E 27135 in the Musée du... more This paper explores the items of dress worn by King Sobekneferu on statue E 27135 in the Musée du Louvre. This statue is unique in comparison to her other known statues because it is the only one where she wears both feminine and masculine dress items. Sobekneferu’s combination of dress items coalesces in an ensemble that shapes, performs and displays her gender, divinity, communality, profession and class simultaneously. Through an analysis of her sartorial choices, we can better understand how Sobekneferu satisfied both her individual identity and her group identity in interacting with her subjects. This paper demonstrates how her dress had the power to communicate and inform the public through its materiality. Sobekneferu’s sartorial choices enabled her to craft visibly an authoritative image of herself as king. This image responded to the gendered expectation of kingship which was invoked through the masculinity her statue produced.


Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt

Susan Tower Hollis, Five Egyptian Goddesses: Their Possible Beginnings, Actions, and Relationship... more Susan Tower Hollis, Five Egyptian Goddesses: Their Possible Beginnings, Actions, and Relationships in the Third Millennium BCE. London: Bloomsbury, 2020. Bloomsbury Egyptolo- gy. ISBN 978-1-4742-3425-2. Pp. XV + 216, numerous black and white illustrations. £90.

JSSEA 44, 2017

With the discovery of King Tut's tomb in 1922 by Howard Carter and Lord Carnarvon, all things Egy... more With the discovery of King Tut's tomb in 1922 by Howard Carter and Lord Carnarvon, all things Egyptian permeated the 1920s and 30s. Egyptomania became a western phenomenon (again), manifesting in many areas such as art and architecture. Even Carr (1906-1977), wrote two particular detective stories that utilize Egyptian symbolism: The Lost Gallows (1931) and The Curse of the Bronze Lamp (1945). Carr is notorious for writing about the supernatural in his novels, or mixing the genre of detection and horror. In these cases the variety of supernaturalism he employs is Egyptology. Interestingly enough, Egyptology is used to marginalize two of his male characters, those who are already Alim Bey, respectively, are modern Egyptians connected to the mysteries of ancient Egypt through their study of ancient Egyptian religion and magic. Stylistically, this invocation is useful as it generates a red herring that detracts the reader's attention away from the real criminals, thus creating a variation on the "impossible crime," (The Lost Gallows) and Sir Henry Merrivale (The Curse of the Bronze Lamp) prove that the supernatural, ancient Egyptian religion and magic, is not the culprit and they solve the real crime and restore order and justice to the world. Simultaneously, these revelations expose Résumé: Lord Carnarvon, la culture des années 1920 et 1930 se voit imprégnée de motifs égyptiens. L'égyptomanie devint (encore une fois) un phénomène du monde occidental se manifestant dans divers domaines tels que l'art et l'architecture. Même les romans policiers sont deux romans à symbolisme égyptien : (The Lost Gallows, 1931) et L'habit fait le moine (The Curse of the Bronze Lamp, 1945). Carr est célèbre pour l'inclusion du surnaturel dans ses romans ainsi que le mélange de genres littéraires comme la détection et l'horreur dans

Hindsights, 2019

In hindsight: The mysteries of mummies have their roots in British fantasy novels Be part of a be... more In hindsight: The mysteries of mummies have their roots in British fantasy novels Be part of a better internet. Get 20% off membership for a limited time

JSSEA, 2017

In the course of my research on ancient Egyptian funerary ritual, I encountered the word dmD(y)t ... more In the course of my research on ancient Egyptian funerary ritual, I encountered the word dmD(y)t in four ancient sources. In an attempt to discover the meaning of this word I realized that it had been grouped, along with a number of other female titles, into a category of words, which apparently signified, "a mourning woman." However, upon further investigation a more precise meaning of the word dmd(y)t became clear. In the cult drama, this woman (or women) was responsible for collecting the bones of the deceased in order for the body to become whole again in anticipation of its rebirth in the Afterlife. Therefore, the title dmd(y)t may be translated as "bone or limb collector." The title dmd(y)t refers to one of the dramatis personae in the early funerary cult drama. The term can be used in the singular and the plural and is derived from the root dmd "to collect or gather." The dmd(y)t is not part of the Osirian cult drama and her presence seems to predate the superimposition of the Osirian characters, namely, in a funerary liturgy that may date back as early as the Third Dynasty. However, by the Fifth Dynasty there is evidence that the root dmd was directly associated with the reconstruction of Osiris' body. The practice of dismemberment and the concept of rebirth through reconstruction existed even earlier. Résumé: Au cours de ma recherche sur le rituel funéraire égyptien, j'ai trouvé dans quatre sources anciennes le mot dmd(y)t. Tentant d'élucider le sens de celui-ci, j'ai réalisé qu'il était regroupé avec d'autres titres féminins dans une catégorie de mots qui semblait signifier 'femme en deuil'. Cependant, après des recherches plus approfondies, j'ai compris le sens spécifique du mot dmd(y)t. Dans le drame cultuel, cette femme (ou ces femmes) avait la responsabilité de collecter les ossements du défunt afin que le corps puisse redevenir entier, anticipant sa renaissance dans l'Au-delà. Ainsi, le titre dmd(y)t pourrait être traduit par « ramasseuse d'ossements ou de membres » Le titre dmd(y)t fait référence à l'une des dramatis personae du drame cultuel funéraire plus ancien. Le mot peut être utilisé au singulier et au pluriel, et dérive de la racine dmd "ramasser ou rassembler". La dmd(y)t ne fait pas partie du drame cultuel osirien et sa présence semble précéder la surimposition des personnages osiriens, à savoir une liturgie funéraire datant possiblement d'avant la III e dynastie. Cependant, à la V e dynastie, il est attesté que la racine dmd était directement associée avec le rassemblement du corps d'Osiris. La pratique du démembrement et le concept de renaissance par rassemblement existait cependant bien avant.

Hindsights, 2019

In Hindsight: Deciphering the origins of Egyptian artifacts can lead to difficult choices for cul... more In Hindsight: Deciphering the origins of Egyptian artifacts can lead to difficult choices for cultural institutions.

The title dmD(y)t refers to one of the dramatis personae in the early funerary cult drama, who he... more The title dmD(y)t refers to one of the dramatis personae in the early funerary cult drama, who helps with the transfiguration of the deceased in terms of the collecting and reassembling of the deceased's bones or limbs. This term can be used in the singular and the plural and is derived from the root dmD " to collect or gather. " The title dmD(y)t may be translated as " bone or limb collector. " By the Fifth Dynasty there is evidence that the root dmD was directly associated with the reconstruction of Osiris' body, yet the dmD(y)t is not part of the Osirian cult drama. Her presence may predate the su-perimposition of the Osirian characters, but there appears to be a clear association between the function of the dmD(y)t and the function of the goddess Isis in the Osirian myth. Did the canonization of this myth lead to Isis taking over the dmD(y)t's function in the transfiguration of the deceased? Following the myth-ritual school, is the Osirian myth attempting to explain the role of the dmD(y)t in the funerary service by superimposing Isis? In light of more recent research on myth structure and development, following the work of Dr. Katja Goebs, this work attempts to contextualize the use of the dmD(y)t-character in ritual texts and illustrations. In an effort to pinpoint the mythical relationship and the structural relationship of the actors/objects, I endeavor to understand what makes the use of the dmD(y)t " myth " efficacious for the user.

In the course of my doctoral research on ancient Egyptian funerary ritual, and in particular on t... more In the course of my doctoral research on ancient Egyptian funerary ritual, and in particular on the word HAi, I encountered the word dmD(y)t in three ancient sources. In an attempt to discover the meaning of this word I realized that it had been grouped, along with a number of other titles, into a category of words which apparently signified, " a mourning woman. " However, upon further investigation I became aware of the specific meaning of the word dmD(y)t. In the cult drama, this woman (or women) was responsible for collecting the bones of the deceased in order for the body to become whole again in anticipation of its rebirth in the Afterlife. Therefore, the title dmD(y)t may be translated as " bone or limb collector. " It was initially thought by Gardiner, and followed by Faulkner, that the dmD(y)t was related to the dmDw. The word dmDw is commonly translated as " crowd " and is far more common. 1 In his dictionary entry Faulkner cites examples of dmD(y)t only from a funerary text from the Ramesseum Papyri (discussed below). 2 The entry for the word dmD(y)t in Wb V 462, 12 reads " von der Klagefrau. " The Belegstellen lists two references from the tomb of Amenemhet (TT 82) where the title refers to a single woman (also discussed below). In the former source, the funerary liturgy, this designation is used both in the singular, dmD(y)t, and in the plural, dmD(y)wt. According to Gardiner, the word dmD(y)t also refers to a crowd and is " possibly identical with the collective Wb V 461, 12 " — there transliterated dmD.wt. 3 Gardiner's assumption is based on the word's supposed connection with dmDw and its reference to a crowd of people. With that, Gardiner points out that Coffin

This article is the culmination of my dissertation research although here it is in summary form. ... more This article is the culmination of my dissertation research although here it is in summary form. The word HAi has been commonly translated as " mourn " as it regularly appears in a funerary setting. However, some translators acknowledge that the anomalous meaning " to dance and /or sing " at a funeral is another possible meaning. The issue arises over the A 28 determinative that accompanies the word HAi. This same determinative is used to write the word Hai " rejoice. " This fact renders the two words (HAi and Hai) similar both visually and aurally, a purposeful ancient construct. The earliest known private source containing the word HAi is the tomb of Debehni at Giza, which dates to the Fourth Dynasty. The Pyramid Texts also present various royal examples of this word beginning at the end of the Fifth Dynasty. My research has demonstrated that HAi can no longer be classified as a mourning word. The ritual of HAi refers to the uplifting (or transforming) of the deceased's spirit to the Hereafter. The significance of the A 28 determinative lies in the idea of the elevation of the spiritual essence toward heaven which actuated the resurrection of the deceased. Résumé: Cet article se voit être l'aboutissement de ma recherche de thèse, présentée ici en abrégé. Apparaissant régulière-ment en contexte funéraire, le mot « HAi » est habituellement traduit par « être en deuil ». Cependant, certains traduc-teurs reconnaissent la traduction irrégulière « danser et / ou chanter » à des funérailles comme étant aussi possible. Le problème repose sur le déterminatif A28 qui accompagne le mot HAi : ce même déterminatif est aussi utilisé dans le mot Hai, qui signifie « se réjouir ». Ainsi, ces deux mots (HAi et Hai) se ressemblent autant au point de vue visuel que sonore—un concept ancien bien réfléchi. Le plus ancien texte privé faisant mention du mot HAi se trouve dans la tombe de Debehni à Gizeh, un monument qui date de la quatrième dynastie. Plusieurs exemples de source royale se trouvent dans les textes des pyramides, remontant à la fin de la cinquième dynastie. Les résultats de ma recherche démontrent que HAi ne peut plus être considéré comme un mot relié au deuil. En fait, le rituel HAi évoque la montée (ou la transformation) de l' esprit du défunt vers l' Au-delà. Le sens du déterminatif A28 repose dans l'idée de l'ascension de l' essence spirituelle vers les cieux, ce qui entraîne la résurrection du mort.