Lean Sweeney | University of Virginia (original) (raw)

Uploads

Books by Lean Sweeney

Articles by Lean Sweeney

Peninsula, 2008

El trabajo examina la historia de los mayas icaiches, y su contexto en el sureste yucateco a medi... more El trabajo examina la historia de los mayas icaiches, y su contexto en el sureste yucateco a mediados del siglo xix, para argumentar lo inadecuado del modelo de un “centro” politico y economico que domina su “periferia” empobrecida. Grupo de mayas rebeldes que lograron su nivel de poder al convertirse en paramilitares antirrebeldes al servicio, y a las expensas de los gobiernos de Merida, Campeche, Belice, Guatemala y Mexico, los icaiches representan la aparente inversion del modelo de poder del centro sobre la periferia. Su caso tambien sugiere que, probablemente, el intento de aplicar un modelo ideal y fantasioso de control fue lo que permitio que las regiones fronterizas cobraran mayor poder, a expensas de la legitimidad de un centro debilitado, con la consiguiente demanda de interaccion y cooperacion entre las dos regiones, entidades y culturas.

Historia Mexicana, 2019

El 19 junio de 1867, ante un pelotón de fusilamiento en el cerro de Las Campanas, Querétaro, el a... more El 19 junio de 1867, ante un pelotón de fusilamiento en el cerro de Las Campanas, Querétaro, el archiduque Maximiliano de Habsburgo es ejecutado por presidente mexicano Benito Juárez. Sin embargo, más que representar uno de los episodios más claros de los triunfos nacionalistas del siglo XIX sobre el imperialismo y el dominio dinástico, este acontecimiento ha sido más comúnmente recordado como el telón sombrío de la dramática vida personal y política de Maximiliano. El artículo argumenta que a pesar de sus intenciones, Juárez no cimentó su legitimidad como líder de México al frente de los Republicanos con la ejecución de Maximiliano, sino a pesar de la misma. En vez de señalar la autoridad y justicia de los republicanos triunfantes, la ejecución incrementó la poca relevancia de Maximiliano y del apoyo de los EEUU en la historia nacional de México. En tal contexto, la ejecución, el cadáver y la memoria de Maximiliano dieron luz a una narrativa distinta de la del triunfo del nacionalismo mexicano. En ésta, Maximiliano se vuelve símbolo de las tragedias de guerra y la inmortalidad del legado real, imagen que ignoraba las intenciones propagandísticas de Juárez así como los "republicanos radicales" de los EEUU. El trabajo se basa en los registros del juicio de Maximiliano de Habsburgo, la defensa que Juárez hace de la ejecución, la correspondencia diplomática dentro de EEUU y entre los estadistas mexicanos y estadounidenses, los registros del Congreso de EEUU y las respuestas populares en la prensa y la fotografía. Este estudio ofrece una visión única de las relaciones Estados Unidos-México con implicaciones para los estudios del imperio del siglo XIX y la construcción de la nación en general.

Papers by Lean Sweeney

Hahr-hispanic American Historical Review, Oct 5, 2023

Gender-based violence is experienced throughout the world, among all ages, cultures, races, class... more Gender-based violence is experienced throughout the world, among all ages, cultures, races, classes and gendered identities. However, some social and environmental forces tend to make people more vulnerable to gender-based violence, as seen in the flow-chart below, designed by anthropologists working in western Guatemala.

Book Reviews by Lean Sweeney

HAHR, 2023

the friendship of the US military as a way of defeating their traditional foes while also attempt... more the friendship of the US military as a way of defeating their traditional foes while also attempting to preserve their homelands and ways of life. Ironically, as Raat underscores, US government officials eventually tended to break their promises, and their Native allies ultimately faced similar outcomes, if not the exact same ones, as their brethren who chose to resist colonial expansion. While the research for this book comes mostly from secondary sources, Raat drew from his extensive experience as a history professor and docent at the Heard Museum in Phoenix, Arizona, to conduct a vast inquiry in several libraries, museums, and Indigenous institutions in the Southwest. His broad analytical framework based on information from historical, archaeological, and ethnographic sources effectively helped him achieve his ambitious goals. A minor issue with his evidence, however, is his reliance on unvetted online sources from Wikipedia, especially in the book's first section when citing information related to pathfinder John C. Frémont. Written in a clear and straightforward style, the broad geographic scope and periodization ofLost Worlds of 1863 make it appealing to a general audience while also of interest to students and scholars specializing in ethnohistory, the Spanish borderlands, and early America. josé manuel moreno vega, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

HAHR, 2023

the introduction, "Between 1836 and 1861 the Mexican Republic was caught, without allies or outsi... more the introduction, "Between 1836 and 1861 the Mexican Republic was caught, without allies or outside support, between European powers and an expansionist United States" (p. 1). And we see as the book develops how political decision-making responded as much to this neocolonialism as it did to internal concerns. The weapon of first resort was invariably money: the insistence on reparations for foreign nationals who got caught up in the popular protests and revolts that characterized Mexican public life after 1810, and then the regular attempts by bondholders to recover stakes on loans obtained in London during the 1820s. Squeezed on all sides, Mexico's government was always short of cash and thus perennially weak. Pressure could be brought to bear via the seizure of ports (as did the French in 1838 and the tripartite powers in 1861), direct invasion (as did the United States in 1846 and France in 1863), or the offer of cash for land purchase or access (as the United States did on multiple occasions). While Mexican politicians tried to play the powers against each other-the Conservatives looking for allies in Europe and the Liberals in the United States-they always paid a price for these alliances. In short, Hamnett's book provides a deep, multifaceted perspective on the causes and consequences of political instability in Mexico between 1836 and 1861. It connects the dots between local politics, the construction of personal power bases (his portrayals of Mejía, Manuel Verástegui, and Santiago Vidaurri are particularly adept), and the national political scene. Given the current polarizing climate of Mexican politics and the disintegration of its party system, it should be required reading for our politicians. catherine andrews, Centro de Investigació n y Docencia Econó micas

Hispanic American Historical Review, 2022

Translations by Lean Sweeney

Peninsula, 2008

El trabajo examina la historia de los mayas icaiches, y su contexto en el sureste yucateco a medi... more El trabajo examina la historia de los mayas icaiches, y su contexto en el sureste yucateco a mediados del siglo xix, para argumentar lo inadecuado del modelo de un “centro” politico y economico que domina su “periferia” empobrecida. Grupo de mayas rebeldes que lograron su nivel de poder al convertirse en paramilitares antirrebeldes al servicio, y a las expensas de los gobiernos de Merida, Campeche, Belice, Guatemala y Mexico, los icaiches representan la aparente inversion del modelo de poder del centro sobre la periferia. Su caso tambien sugiere que, probablemente, el intento de aplicar un modelo ideal y fantasioso de control fue lo que permitio que las regiones fronterizas cobraran mayor poder, a expensas de la legitimidad de un centro debilitado, con la consiguiente demanda de interaccion y cooperacion entre las dos regiones, entidades y culturas.

Historia Mexicana, 2019

El 19 junio de 1867, ante un pelotón de fusilamiento en el cerro de Las Campanas, Querétaro, el a... more El 19 junio de 1867, ante un pelotón de fusilamiento en el cerro de Las Campanas, Querétaro, el archiduque Maximiliano de Habsburgo es ejecutado por presidente mexicano Benito Juárez. Sin embargo, más que representar uno de los episodios más claros de los triunfos nacionalistas del siglo XIX sobre el imperialismo y el dominio dinástico, este acontecimiento ha sido más comúnmente recordado como el telón sombrío de la dramática vida personal y política de Maximiliano. El artículo argumenta que a pesar de sus intenciones, Juárez no cimentó su legitimidad como líder de México al frente de los Republicanos con la ejecución de Maximiliano, sino a pesar de la misma. En vez de señalar la autoridad y justicia de los republicanos triunfantes, la ejecución incrementó la poca relevancia de Maximiliano y del apoyo de los EEUU en la historia nacional de México. En tal contexto, la ejecución, el cadáver y la memoria de Maximiliano dieron luz a una narrativa distinta de la del triunfo del nacionalismo mexicano. En ésta, Maximiliano se vuelve símbolo de las tragedias de guerra y la inmortalidad del legado real, imagen que ignoraba las intenciones propagandísticas de Juárez así como los "republicanos radicales" de los EEUU. El trabajo se basa en los registros del juicio de Maximiliano de Habsburgo, la defensa que Juárez hace de la ejecución, la correspondencia diplomática dentro de EEUU y entre los estadistas mexicanos y estadounidenses, los registros del Congreso de EEUU y las respuestas populares en la prensa y la fotografía. Este estudio ofrece una visión única de las relaciones Estados Unidos-México con implicaciones para los estudios del imperio del siglo XIX y la construcción de la nación en general.

Hahr-hispanic American Historical Review, Oct 5, 2023

Gender-based violence is experienced throughout the world, among all ages, cultures, races, class... more Gender-based violence is experienced throughout the world, among all ages, cultures, races, classes and gendered identities. However, some social and environmental forces tend to make people more vulnerable to gender-based violence, as seen in the flow-chart below, designed by anthropologists working in western Guatemala.

HAHR, 2023

the friendship of the US military as a way of defeating their traditional foes while also attempt... more the friendship of the US military as a way of defeating their traditional foes while also attempting to preserve their homelands and ways of life. Ironically, as Raat underscores, US government officials eventually tended to break their promises, and their Native allies ultimately faced similar outcomes, if not the exact same ones, as their brethren who chose to resist colonial expansion. While the research for this book comes mostly from secondary sources, Raat drew from his extensive experience as a history professor and docent at the Heard Museum in Phoenix, Arizona, to conduct a vast inquiry in several libraries, museums, and Indigenous institutions in the Southwest. His broad analytical framework based on information from historical, archaeological, and ethnographic sources effectively helped him achieve his ambitious goals. A minor issue with his evidence, however, is his reliance on unvetted online sources from Wikipedia, especially in the book's first section when citing information related to pathfinder John C. Frémont. Written in a clear and straightforward style, the broad geographic scope and periodization ofLost Worlds of 1863 make it appealing to a general audience while also of interest to students and scholars specializing in ethnohistory, the Spanish borderlands, and early America. josé manuel moreno vega, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

HAHR, 2023

the introduction, "Between 1836 and 1861 the Mexican Republic was caught, without allies or outsi... more the introduction, "Between 1836 and 1861 the Mexican Republic was caught, without allies or outside support, between European powers and an expansionist United States" (p. 1). And we see as the book develops how political decision-making responded as much to this neocolonialism as it did to internal concerns. The weapon of first resort was invariably money: the insistence on reparations for foreign nationals who got caught up in the popular protests and revolts that characterized Mexican public life after 1810, and then the regular attempts by bondholders to recover stakes on loans obtained in London during the 1820s. Squeezed on all sides, Mexico's government was always short of cash and thus perennially weak. Pressure could be brought to bear via the seizure of ports (as did the French in 1838 and the tripartite powers in 1861), direct invasion (as did the United States in 1846 and France in 1863), or the offer of cash for land purchase or access (as the United States did on multiple occasions). While Mexican politicians tried to play the powers against each other-the Conservatives looking for allies in Europe and the Liberals in the United States-they always paid a price for these alliances. In short, Hamnett's book provides a deep, multifaceted perspective on the causes and consequences of political instability in Mexico between 1836 and 1861. It connects the dots between local politics, the construction of personal power bases (his portrayals of Mejía, Manuel Verástegui, and Santiago Vidaurri are particularly adept), and the national political scene. Given the current polarizing climate of Mexican politics and the disintegration of its party system, it should be required reading for our politicians. catherine andrews, Centro de Investigació n y Docencia Econó micas

Hispanic American Historical Review, 2022