Jorik ( F . J . ) Groen | Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam (original) (raw)

Papers by Jorik ( F . J . ) Groen

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 2021

This paper provides a new explanation for the insertion of *a in plural forms of *CVCC-nouns also... more This paper provides a new explanation for the insertion of *a in plural forms of *CVCC-nouns also formed with an external plural suffix, e.g. *ʕabd- : *ʕabad-ū- 'servant(s)', in various Semitic languages. This *CVCaC-ū- pattern is usually considered to be a remnant of the Proto-Semitic broken plural system in Northwest Semitic, but we show that it goes back to Proto-Semitic in this form. Internal evidence from Semitic as well as comparative evidence from Afroasiatic points towards a pre-Proto-Semitic plural suffix *-w- underlying the external plural suffixes. This suffix created a consonant cluster in the plural of *CVCC- nouns, triggering epenthesis of *a. As the prime example of broken plural formation in Northwest Semitic thus seems to be purely suffixal in origin, we conclude by briefly considering the implications for the history of nominal pluralization in Semitic.

Drafts by Jorik ( F . J . ) Groen

The Northwest Semitic languages regularly pluralize the nouns of the highly common *CVCC- type by... more The Northwest Semitic languages regularly pluralize the nouns of the highly common *CVCC- type by inserting an *a-vowel between their second and third radical in the plural stem and also adding separate plural endings, unlike the broken plural system attested in many other Semitic languages. This pluralization pattern is generally held to be a shared innovation of the Northwest Semitic subgroup. In this talk, we argue that this pluralization mechanism may instead be reconstructed as such for Proto-Semitic. Investigating the Proto-Semitic plural endings, we trace them back to a single pre-Proto-Semitic plural suffix *-w-, based on internal and external, Afroasiatic evidence. We then suggest that the characteristic *a of the plural stem is not originally a pluralizing infix, but rather an epenthetic vowel, which was inserted to resolve a consonant cluster that would have occurred in these forms at the pre-Proto-Semitic stage: *CVCC-w-V- > *CVCaC-w-V-. This newly suggested origin of the *CVCaC-ū plurals eliminates most of the remaining evidence for broken plural formation in Northwest Semitic and calls for a reassessment of the history of Semitic plural formation and the status of the Northwest Semitic subgroup.

Conference Presentations by Jorik ( F . J . ) Groen

SBL International Meeting, 2024

The basic meaning of Biblical Hebrew בו״א is considered to be ‘to come’. On several occasions, ho... more The basic meaning of Biblical Hebrew בו״א is considered to be ‘to come’. On several occasions, however, there is no motion towards the speaker involved. In this paper I compare בו״א to verbs for ‘to come’ in other languages, showing that we are not dealing with polysemy in Biblical Hebrew, but a translation issue that reflects the cross-linguistic variation in the semantics of deictic motion verbs.

Semitics Twitter Corona Conference, 2020

Since the formulation of the affricate hypothesis, which attributes a Proto-Semitic affricate rea... more Since the formulation of the affricate hypothesis, which attributes a Proto-Semitic affricate realisation of *ᵗs³–*ᵈz–*ᵗṣ, *š¹ is the only Proto-Semitic sibilant, unlikely to be marked for place of articulation. It has been argued before that it was probably an apico-alveolar sibilant (Faber 1986), implying several developments to have taken place in the various languages. Similar processes are found in Medieval European languages, in particular Old High German and Old Castilian. The development of affricates, sibilants, and interdentals in these languages form a parallel for the outcome of these phonemes in the Semitic family, as well as the phonetic reconstruction of Proto-Semitic *š¹.

Biblical and Rabbinic Hebrew, 2019

Book Reviews by Jorik ( F . J . ) Groen

Bibliotheca Orientalis 75, no. 3/4: 362–6, 2018

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 2021

This paper provides a new explanation for the insertion of *a in plural forms of *CVCC-nouns also... more This paper provides a new explanation for the insertion of *a in plural forms of *CVCC-nouns also formed with an external plural suffix, e.g. *ʕabd- : *ʕabad-ū- 'servant(s)', in various Semitic languages. This *CVCaC-ū- pattern is usually considered to be a remnant of the Proto-Semitic broken plural system in Northwest Semitic, but we show that it goes back to Proto-Semitic in this form. Internal evidence from Semitic as well as comparative evidence from Afroasiatic points towards a pre-Proto-Semitic plural suffix *-w- underlying the external plural suffixes. This suffix created a consonant cluster in the plural of *CVCC- nouns, triggering epenthesis of *a. As the prime example of broken plural formation in Northwest Semitic thus seems to be purely suffixal in origin, we conclude by briefly considering the implications for the history of nominal pluralization in Semitic.

The Northwest Semitic languages regularly pluralize the nouns of the highly common *CVCC- type by... more The Northwest Semitic languages regularly pluralize the nouns of the highly common *CVCC- type by inserting an *a-vowel between their second and third radical in the plural stem and also adding separate plural endings, unlike the broken plural system attested in many other Semitic languages. This pluralization pattern is generally held to be a shared innovation of the Northwest Semitic subgroup. In this talk, we argue that this pluralization mechanism may instead be reconstructed as such for Proto-Semitic. Investigating the Proto-Semitic plural endings, we trace them back to a single pre-Proto-Semitic plural suffix *-w-, based on internal and external, Afroasiatic evidence. We then suggest that the characteristic *a of the plural stem is not originally a pluralizing infix, but rather an epenthetic vowel, which was inserted to resolve a consonant cluster that would have occurred in these forms at the pre-Proto-Semitic stage: *CVCC-w-V- > *CVCaC-w-V-. This newly suggested origin of the *CVCaC-ū plurals eliminates most of the remaining evidence for broken plural formation in Northwest Semitic and calls for a reassessment of the history of Semitic plural formation and the status of the Northwest Semitic subgroup.

SBL International Meeting, 2024

The basic meaning of Biblical Hebrew בו״א is considered to be ‘to come’. On several occasions, ho... more The basic meaning of Biblical Hebrew בו״א is considered to be ‘to come’. On several occasions, however, there is no motion towards the speaker involved. In this paper I compare בו״א to verbs for ‘to come’ in other languages, showing that we are not dealing with polysemy in Biblical Hebrew, but a translation issue that reflects the cross-linguistic variation in the semantics of deictic motion verbs.

Semitics Twitter Corona Conference, 2020

Since the formulation of the affricate hypothesis, which attributes a Proto-Semitic affricate rea... more Since the formulation of the affricate hypothesis, which attributes a Proto-Semitic affricate realisation of *ᵗs³–*ᵈz–*ᵗṣ, *š¹ is the only Proto-Semitic sibilant, unlikely to be marked for place of articulation. It has been argued before that it was probably an apico-alveolar sibilant (Faber 1986), implying several developments to have taken place in the various languages. Similar processes are found in Medieval European languages, in particular Old High German and Old Castilian. The development of affricates, sibilants, and interdentals in these languages form a parallel for the outcome of these phonemes in the Semitic family, as well as the phonetic reconstruction of Proto-Semitic *š¹.

Biblical and Rabbinic Hebrew, 2019

Bibliotheca Orientalis 75, no. 3/4: 362–6, 2018