Tim Lockley | University of Warwick (original) (raw)

Papers by Tim Lockley

$Research paper thumbnail of The forming and fracturing of families on a South Carolina rice plantation, 1812–1865$

The History of the Family

The version presented here may differ from the published version or, version of record, if you wi... more The version presented here may differ from the published version or, version of record, if you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher's version. Please see the 'permanent WRAP url' above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription.

Page 1. MAROON COMMUNITIES IN SOUTH CAROLINA A DOCUMENTARY RECORD edited by TIMOTHY JAMES LOCKLEY... more Page 1. MAROON COMMUNITIES IN SOUTH CAROLINA A DOCUMENTARY RECORD edited by TIMOTHY JAMES LOCKLEY Page 2. Page 3. MAROON COMMUNITIES IN SOUTH CAROLINA Page 4. Page 5. MAROON COMMUNITIES ...

Urban History, 2014

ABSTRACT:This article re-examines the 1860 census for Savannah Georgia. It melds the free and sla... more ABSTRACT:This article re-examines the 1860 census for Savannah Georgia. It melds the free and slave census to gain insights into slave ownership, owners’ occupations and makes tentative suggestions as to slave occupations. It argues that the concentration of slaveholding among a minority of locally born residents explains both the tensions evident in white society during the 1850s and actions taken to ease them. It also demonstrates that the widely used data for the number of urban slaves in Savannah overstates the actual number byc. 20 per cent. The census thus complicates our understanding of the vitality of late antebellum urban slavery.

The International Journal of the History of Sport, 2003

In the late August of 1859, barely 18 months before Georgia would secede from the United States a... more In the late August of 1859, barely 18 months before Georgia would secede from the United States and join a confederacy of Southern states in a bloody Civil War against the North, a group of young men formed the Savannah Cricket Club (SCC). 1 After a couple of practice sessions, two elevens from the club played their first match on 24 September 1859. The Savannah Republican, reporting on the match, did not know quite what to make of it. While acknowledging that the players were 'comparatively ignorant of the game' it concluded that the teams had, overall, 'evinced a very creditable proficiency in fielding, bowling and batting'. 2 When the scores were printed the next day, it is obvious that the batting was not quite so proficient as the paper believed. The total match aggregate, over four innings, was just 71, with Mr Stewart's side making only 4 in their first innings. 3 The second match on 8 October apparently saw 'much improvement … especially in fielding, some catches being made that would have done credit to more experienced players'. 4 Over the next month the cricketers continued to practice and play regular matches, and by 3 November the Savannah Republican felt justified in describing the play as 'excellent'. While this was perhaps an over exaggeration, the total match aggregate of 211 runs over four innings was clearly a remarkable improvement in just five weeks and the outlook for the club seemed rosy. The Savannah Republican thought that 'we can expect better games hereafter', and following increases in membership one member wrote that the club was 'in a prosperous condition'. 5 Yet by early 1860 cricket had faded as a popular pastime in Savannah. The Savannah Republican asked its readers 'what's become of the Savannah Cricket Club?' but received no reply. 6 Cricket was not the only sporting activity that captured the imagination of Savannah's young men in 1859: boat racing and baseball each made their first appearance in the city in those heady autumnal months. The city press were at a loss to explain the 'perfect furor for engaging in athletic amusements' that seemed to have gripped the young men of the city. 7 But 203sh05.qxd 04/09/03 15:35 Page 77 THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF SPORT 203sh05.qxd 04/09/03 15:35 Page 78 Elsewhere in colonial America, cricket had more of a populist appeal, with matches being played for example in New York (1751), Annapolis, Maryland (1754), and Hartford, Connecticut (1767). 12 In the infant colony of Georgia cricket was being played quite regularly in the 1740s. The first game took place in Savannah on 30 March 1741 (Easter Monday), when the President of the Colony of Georgia, William Stephens, noted, 'It being holiday time, many of our townsmen, freeholders, inmates and servants etc, were assembled in the principal square, at cricket and divers other athletick sports; when I was exceedingly pleased to see many more than I could have expected, of young, lively, and active men.' Stephens even professed that he would have played himself but, 'thinking myself not altogether so fit at seventy, as heretofore, for such sports', he declined. 13 For the next few years, Stephens regularly noted games of cricket in his journal, with most games being associated with public holidays such as Easter, Whitsuntide, St Andrew's Day, Boxing Day and New Year. 14 Stephens usually described those playing cricket as 'hail young fellows', 'the common people', 'the common sort' or the 'generality of the people'; only once, in November 1742, did he identify the players in more detail. In celebration of St Andrew's Day, 'the North Britons in town assembled in the square, diverting themselves at cricket, etc with a barrel of New York ale placed near, to regale them as they saw fit, which they purchased at their own expense.' One can only wonder at the quality of cricket played as the participants became increasingly drunk, though, to be fair to the players, Stephens never noted 'any disorders they were guilty of over their cups'. 15 Cricket was therefore widely known and understood by both English and Scottish colonists in Georgia, and by the 1740s had emerged as one of the more popular ways for people to entertain themselves informally when not working. Despite the lack of direct testimony that cricket was played regularly in colonial Georgia after the 1740s, the game clearly remained both 'wellknown' and understood in Savannah. 16 By 1801, when 13 natives of Georgia challenged 'thirteen natives of any country to play a game of cricket for a treat' there was no sense that the game needed to be explained to a populace that no longer knew how to play it. 17 Residents must have been familiar with cricket either through observation or through participation. A week after the challenge was issued it was accepted by 'thirteen Americans or Europeans' and the subsequent game resulted in a victory for the Georgians by 32 runs. 18 The instigator of the match was Jewish doctor Levi Sheftall, and both his brother Benjamin and his cousin Moses, all members of one of Savannah's oldest families, played for the 'Georgians'. 19 Other members of longestablished local families took part in the game, such as artisans David and Christopher Gugel, and planter Thomas Norton, but the match was not 79 CRICKET AND MASCULINITY IN SAVANNAH, GEORGIA IN 1859 203sh05.

Social History of Medicine, 2013

Black mortality in an urban environment in the antebellum South is relatively underresearched. Th... more Black mortality in an urban environment in the antebellum South is relatively underresearched. This article is based on burial records from Savannah between 1853 and 1861 and argues that black mortality in Savannah was noticeably better than on nearby plantations and was broadly comparable to white mortality. This is in contrast to previous studies on slave mortality which have tended to stress that black mortality was worse than white. I conclude by arguing that mortality was linked to more closely to class than race in Savannah.

Social History, 2012

Slavery & Abolition, 1997

Journal of the Early Republic, 2012

The Journal of Southern History, 2000

Journal of American Studies, 2012

David Margrett was a black missionary sent by the Countess of Huntingdon to preach to slaves in S... more David Margrett was a black missionary sent by the Countess of Huntingdon to preach to slaves in South Carolina and Georgia in 1774. Margrett did not confine his preaching in America to spiritual matters, instead speaking out against the system of slavery itself, and offering himself as a “second Moses.” Margrett's message was not well received by authorities in South Carolina, indeed he was fortunate to escape with his life. This article argues that Margrett was a product both of his evangelical training, where speaking out on important matters was encouraged, and also of his British environment, where anti-slavery voices were becoming increasingly prominent. The story of David Margrett demonstrates how black Britons received and interpreted the message of Christianity, and in particular how they used their faith as a means to attack slavery.

The Historical Journal, 2005

This article explores the rural poor relief system of colonial South Carolina. It finds that poor... more This article explores the rural poor relief system of colonial South Carolina. It finds that poor relief was substantially more generous and more readily available in rural areas of South Carolina than elsewhere in British North America, or indeed in the entire Anglophone world. It suggests that this was because elite vestrymen had deep-seated concerns about the position of the white poor in a society that was dominated by African slavery. Generous relief of adult paupers was therefore a public demonstration of the privileges of race to which all whites were entitled. Elites in rural South Carolina also made considerable efforts to provide a free education for pauper children that would inculcate industry and usefulness among those who might become future public burdens. The serious attention paid to the situation of the white poor in colonial South Carolina was therefore part of an effort to ensure the unity of white society by overcoming the divisions of class.