Tahira M. Abbas | University of Westminster (original) (raw)
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Papers by Tahira M. Abbas
It is no doubt that the R2P has succeeded in shifting away from “humanitarian intervention” on th... more It is no doubt that the R2P has succeeded in shifting away from “humanitarian intervention” on the rhetoric level. In fact, there has been a noticeable abandoning of the phrase “humanitarian intervention” in favor to R2P in both political discourse as well as academic literature. However, a shift from the discourse does not necessarily imply a shift from the main sources of controversies in the debate. I ask whether the R2P succeeded in settling the main dilemmas posed by the traditional debate; and whether it is able to transform the inherent political dynamics of the 1990’s humanitarian interventionism? The purpose of this essay is to explore the real value and practical application of the R2P discourse. I argue that reframing the concept of humanitarian intervention in the new R2P vocabulary language did not alter the actual content of the traditional debate, and does not provide any genuine approach to address the initial challenges faced by it. I will first demonstrate how the R2P “novel” character of the conception of “sovereignty as responsibility” is flawed and overly exaggerated. I will then discuss how the legal content of the R2P’s international responsibility to protect is “old wine in new bottles” which reflects the existing international law structure of the pre – R2P. Finally, I will argue how the R2P shift on the moral level –even if it constitutes an innovation- has resulted in disconnecting the R2P from the traditional focus on militarized humanitarian intervention debate. The conclusion will sum up affirming that the R2P has not only offered nothing genuine to solve the initial humanitarian intervention dilemma; but also “de-links” us – in Chandler (2009) words- from it.
Many empirical studies have demonstrated a positive interplay between the Internet as a radically... more Many empirical studies have demonstrated a positive interplay between the Internet as a radically new form of media and democratic politics. However, two gaps can be identified in the literature: research on the Internet use is centered on a "micro-level" approach and its role is often analyzed in the context of established democracies. The present master's thesis widens this empirical focus, by investigating the Internet use from an institutional "macro-level" perspective in the context of a country at a critical transition point: Iraq. The purpose of this study is to explore to what extent the institutional Internet use can serve as an instrument to enhance the flaws in the functions of information-provision and bottom-up communication characterizing Iraq's fragile representative institutions. More specifically, it aims at assessing how the country's legislative, executive and political parties are adapting to cyberspace and exploiting its potential as a channel for more informational transparency and bottom-up communication. Through a quantitative methodological approach, the performance of these institution's websites (n=95) is measured using a content analysis technique. The results point to a mixed account: a rapid enhanced institutional presence on the www, a notable progress in the learning to use the top-down online information provision, and a largely unexploited bottom-up communication through the web. The findings, discussed in the light of theoretical expectations and contextual factors, reveal that the unidirectional Internet use in Iraq is not contributing to the "stable and bi-directional flow of communication" necessary to strengthen Iraq's nascent representative institutions. While the Internet role may seem unimportant compared to the bigger security challenges facing Iraq since 2003, studying the potential of this instrument at this time where the country is in urgent need to strengthen its democratic practices should not be ignored. This study is a first attempt to map Iraq's institutional adaptation to cyberspace, and the primary results reached could provide an early benchmark against which to judge future advances.
Collier discusses the place of violence in power in the impoverished countries; in the aim of exp... more Collier discusses the place of violence in power in the impoverished countries; in the aim of explaining how the trend of pursuing power through violence is endemic to the societies of the bottom billion; and suggesting solutions that can be adopted to control this political violence. The central argument of the book is that a minimal intervention from the international community is required to control one of the main forms of political violence in theses countries -coups d'état; by transforming it from a source of harm to a force of good. Throughout his book, Collier emphasizes on the structural dimension of the problem of the societies of the bottom billion: these societies are structurally insecure and structurally unaccountable. This structural problem is explained in the fact that these states are too large to have the sense of common identity and the social cohesion that collective action requires to establish accountability; and too small to produce public goods efficiently; in terms of security. According to the author; that structural problem implies a structural inability for these societies to supply accountability and security; which leaves one default option: international temporary intervention to supply these needs.
It is no doubt that the R2P has succeeded in shifting away from “humanitarian intervention” on th... more It is no doubt that the R2P has succeeded in shifting away from “humanitarian intervention” on the rhetoric level. In fact, there has been a noticeable abandoning of the phrase “humanitarian intervention” in favor to R2P in both political discourse as well as academic literature. However, a shift from the discourse does not necessarily imply a shift from the main sources of controversies in the debate. I ask whether the R2P succeeded in settling the main dilemmas posed by the traditional debate; and whether it is able to transform the inherent political dynamics of the 1990’s humanitarian interventionism? The purpose of this essay is to explore the real value and practical application of the R2P discourse. I argue that reframing the concept of humanitarian intervention in the new R2P vocabulary language did not alter the actual content of the traditional debate, and does not provide any genuine approach to address the initial challenges faced by it. I will first demonstrate how the R2P “novel” character of the conception of “sovereignty as responsibility” is flawed and overly exaggerated. I will then discuss how the legal content of the R2P’s international responsibility to protect is “old wine in new bottles” which reflects the existing international law structure of the pre – R2P. Finally, I will argue how the R2P shift on the moral level –even if it constitutes an innovation- has resulted in disconnecting the R2P from the traditional focus on militarized humanitarian intervention debate. The conclusion will sum up affirming that the R2P has not only offered nothing genuine to solve the initial humanitarian intervention dilemma; but also “de-links” us – in Chandler (2009) words- from it.
Many empirical studies have demonstrated a positive interplay between the Internet as a radically... more Many empirical studies have demonstrated a positive interplay between the Internet as a radically new form of media and democratic politics. However, two gaps can be identified in the literature: research on the Internet use is centered on a "micro-level" approach and its role is often analyzed in the context of established democracies. The present master's thesis widens this empirical focus, by investigating the Internet use from an institutional "macro-level" perspective in the context of a country at a critical transition point: Iraq. The purpose of this study is to explore to what extent the institutional Internet use can serve as an instrument to enhance the flaws in the functions of information-provision and bottom-up communication characterizing Iraq's fragile representative institutions. More specifically, it aims at assessing how the country's legislative, executive and political parties are adapting to cyberspace and exploiting its potential as a channel for more informational transparency and bottom-up communication. Through a quantitative methodological approach, the performance of these institution's websites (n=95) is measured using a content analysis technique. The results point to a mixed account: a rapid enhanced institutional presence on the www, a notable progress in the learning to use the top-down online information provision, and a largely unexploited bottom-up communication through the web. The findings, discussed in the light of theoretical expectations and contextual factors, reveal that the unidirectional Internet use in Iraq is not contributing to the "stable and bi-directional flow of communication" necessary to strengthen Iraq's nascent representative institutions. While the Internet role may seem unimportant compared to the bigger security challenges facing Iraq since 2003, studying the potential of this instrument at this time where the country is in urgent need to strengthen its democratic practices should not be ignored. This study is a first attempt to map Iraq's institutional adaptation to cyberspace, and the primary results reached could provide an early benchmark against which to judge future advances.
Collier discusses the place of violence in power in the impoverished countries; in the aim of exp... more Collier discusses the place of violence in power in the impoverished countries; in the aim of explaining how the trend of pursuing power through violence is endemic to the societies of the bottom billion; and suggesting solutions that can be adopted to control this political violence. The central argument of the book is that a minimal intervention from the international community is required to control one of the main forms of political violence in theses countries -coups d'état; by transforming it from a source of harm to a force of good. Throughout his book, Collier emphasizes on the structural dimension of the problem of the societies of the bottom billion: these societies are structurally insecure and structurally unaccountable. This structural problem is explained in the fact that these states are too large to have the sense of common identity and the social cohesion that collective action requires to establish accountability; and too small to produce public goods efficiently; in terms of security. According to the author; that structural problem implies a structural inability for these societies to supply accountability and security; which leaves one default option: international temporary intervention to supply these needs.