Leaving Europe leaving Spain comparing secessionism from and within the European Union (original) (raw)

Europe in the Procés: European (dis-)integration and Catalan secessionism

European Journal of Cultural and Political Sociology, 2020

Europe remains an essentially contested project, in relation to its boundaries, institutions, and functional scope. In a context characterised by the detachment of key functions from the state, by legal pluralism and complex, overlapping transnational regimes, this article sheds light on the possibilities for plurinational accommodation in the evolving European order. Focusing on secessionist mobilisation, which is a major challenge to territorial integrity and the state, it explores how this plays out within the national and supranational order. Specifically, it explores how the discourses and frames around European institutions and (dis-)integration are built and evolved in the Catalan secessionist movement. In spite of strong variation of discourses across secessionist milieus, pessimistic narratives about the EU predominate, with a progressive estrangement between secessionists and European institutions – having in turn important implications for the prospects of a compromise solution.

The Catalan struggle for independence and the role of the European Union

Regional Science Policy & Practice, 2019

Despite the new political leaderships, Catalonia has continued to be deadlocked since the failed independence movement. As the Catalan separatists' trials are underway, the paper tries to probe highly educated Spanish citizens' perception of the Catalan independence movement as well as their views on the role of the European Union's (lack of) involvement in the crisis. We find that the pro-unity Spaniards who did not desire an EU intervention were the least Eurosceptic while those who supported an independent Catalonia and demanded an EU crisis intervention displayed higher levels of Euroscepticism. We also discover that the sample displaying the highest level of Euroscepticism was composed of pro-secessionist supporters who had a neutral stance on the EU's crisis involvement.

Reconceptualizing Theories of Secession: Lessons from Scotland and Catalonia

Tamkang Journal of International Affairs, 2021

Over the past few decades, Europe has witnessed the rise of secessionist movements driven by national minorities and other separatist groups. This phenomenon is currently capturing the world's attention and is perceived as a significant challenge to states, governments, and global politics. In the context of liberal political theory, none of the theories of secession has appeared to find a healthy balance of considerations between the anti-secessionists and the pro-secessionists, and the less permissive view and the more permissive view. They are also incompetent to formulate the specific conditions under which secession might be justified or legitimate practically. Moreover, as demonstrated in the cases of Catalonia and Scotland, all of the theories neglect the economic implications of secession, which have crucially fueled and driven contemporary secessionist movements. This paper seeks to develop a conceptual framework for secession as reflected by the cases of secessionist movements in Catalonia and Scotland. It proposes that Plebiscitary approaches require modification to safeguard a flawless state and

Separatist Movements and the response from Regional Organizations: Case Study of the European Union Separatist Movements and the response from Regional Organizations

Separatist Movements and the response from Regional Organizations: Case Study of the European Union, 2021

Regional organizations are becoming ever important in International development with almost every nation on earth being a member of one or more regional organizations. These regional entities are supranational bodies that have their own authority. We have seen the rise, in line with block objectives, of regional agencies such as the European Union and its power to negotiate peace in its Member States while pursuing external policies. In various respects, these regional organizations have provided, the stability, defense, and economic growth of their Member States. The idea of independence that causes tensions in the EU Member States, and the Union as a whole, is always a feature of the nationalist movement in regions like Catalonia, Scotland, and Flanders. This research is intended to provide answers to the causes of these types of social movements, as well as provide suggestions on how the European Union can prevent these movements from spiraling out of control. The purpose of my thesis is multifaceted. I will look for reasons why regions will seek independence because of the current state of affairs in Europe, with regard to socio-economic factors. Next, I study the EU treaty to show that it provides an avenue for independence to exploit, and lastly, I will be looking at how the EU can respond to such cases. My main research question is to identify when independence movements are most active and dormant. Can the EU support both Member States and Autonomous Regions to end the idea of seceding? This piece of work makes use of information and data from the European Barometer, the election results, and the European Parliament. I investigate rules and laws from the EU Member States by having a comparative analysis of two separatist movements that are constantly active. The thesis analyzes the tactics of various groups to concentrate on their agendas and examines the reaction of the EU. Existing data was analyzed, postulated hypotheses were used to address study questions, and finally, the hypotheses were tested using evidence gathered. Two factors were selected to analyze the data, a chosen period and the selected sources To estimate the relative impact of national governments and the EU on regional autonomy movements, two hypotheses were developed. An increase in the real autonomy of a region is dependent on the actions of the national government. If regional autonomy increases, the regional autonomy should be dependent on activities within the EU, since the EU is the one that decides for the EU Member States which kind of actions they can take within the EU. To investigate these theories, two studies were undertaken. The cases used to test each hypothesis cover every possible situation. The U.K.'s power and voice within the EU can hardly be seen as strong in Catalonia, while Scotland has been very aggressive about its voice within the EU. I found that national governments had little influence on whether regions reached greater autonomy and that the actions of a region in promoting its autonomy within EU institutions had no influence on the outcome of its secessionist claims.

"The accommodation of secessionist movements in the EU. A legal and political approach"

PULLING TOGETHER OR PULLING APART - CONFERENCE organized by the Department of Hispanic Studies, Trinity College Dublin, June 2015. Nationalist movements pursuing secession or self-determination within the European Union (EU) have been brought back to the public debate with the referendum calls from Scotland and Catalonia. These nations have requested higher levels of sovereignty “within Europe”, showing they are determined to remain in the EU and feel encouraged by the belief that democratic Europe is supportive of the regions. Hence, today these once considered domestic conflicts cannot be understood without their European dimension. Consequently, this paper will comparatively examine the legal and political aspects of the EU’s membership impact on the right to secede from a liberal state, looking at the possible solutions opened in the EU arena for claims originated within its borders. In particular, this paper will look at whether EU enables or dismisses secession from a Member State, and thus clarify, if an accession process should be started from scratch as per external enlargements, or whether an eventual ‘internal enlargement’ is possible and subsequently the EU should have a role regarding the accommodation of secessionist movements. It will also explore at the potential political negotiation processes involved. For these purposes, it will be analysed what are the European constitutional issues and political variables that shape the constitutional interpretations of the EU legal system. It will aim to provide a more accurate expression of the consequences of secession, for which emerging meanings of the subsidiarity principle and EU citizenship will be explored. Ultimately, it will comprise a general EU level reflection on the consequences of secession and the possibilities opened in the European arena to better accommodate minority nations with self-government desires. Keywords: “European Union”, “Self-determination”, “Constitutional law”, “EU accession”, “Political change” “Institutional change”.

The “Europeanization” of Secessionist Programs: A Study of Montenegro and Catalonia

Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies, 2021

In 2006, the EU encouraged, facilitated and supervised the secession referendum of Montenegro. In 2014, the EU officials refused to facilitate a similar referendum in its member state Spain, and have so far denied any claims that Catalonia, when independent, would retain its membership of the EU. The paper argues that the EU policy towards secession referenda significantly affected the outcome of secessionist mobilization in these two cases.In spite of these sharp differences in the EU response, secessionist programs in both countries were ‘Europeanised’ in a similar way: in Montenegro, secession was aiming to facilitate the EU accession, and in Catalonia, to increase the benefits of retained EU membership. This paper explores the political and demographic context of the Europeanisation of secessionist programs.The majority of citizens in Catalonia and Montenegro do not identify as Catalan or Montenegrin only. The paper argues that the Europeanization of secessionist programs was, i...

Minority Nationalism and the European Union: The Cases of Scotland and Catalonia. L’Europe en formation nº 379 Spring 2016

This article compares the secessionist movements in Scotland and Catalonia and evaluates the minority nationalist discourse by focusing on the role of the European Union (EU) in the quest for independence of Scottish and Catalan nationalists. Both separatist movements champion territorial independence from their host states, but favour continued membership of the EU. Given the paradoxical nature of this stance, leaving one union to continue in another, we examine the role the EU plays in the discourse used by the secessionist movements. In order to do so, we carried out a coding exercise, comparing the White Papers produced by the Scottish and Catalan pro-secessionist governments. What we find is that the EU plays a pivotal role in secessionist debates, construed as a Union which affords numerous benefits to smaller countries, as well as providing a framework which not only helps dissipate the negative perceptions of ‘going it alone’, but may even facilitate independence.

Democracy and Borders: External and Internal Secession in the EU 14

In the absence of a constitutional right to secede or title of international law, secessionists may look to current theories of secession. But if they go for “independence in Europe”, they may also look to precedent cases of “internal secession”. As it comes out, these two “tracks” entail very different logics. Current theories of secession can be classified as remedial right or primary right theories. Each has its particular problems, but they have in common to consider unilateral secession. In internal secession, where the secessionists carve out a new member state but without leaving the federal system, this is different. There is not much literature on normative aspects of such processes. We look at federal practice, particularly in federations like Switzerland, Canada and India. Federal governments owe loyalty to the member states but also to the secessionists as citizens of the federation. In such circumstances, it becomes easier for secessionist citizens to present a claim. But the population of the seceding area, the member state and the federation (including the totality or majority of the other member states) have to approve. All parties are bound by the federal constitution (in the case of the EU, the Treaties). Internal secessions never can be unilateral; it may be easier to claim but more difficult to achieve than external secession.

Caplan_Vermeer, The European Union and Unilateral Secession. The Case of Catalonia_endg.pdf

Zeitschrift für öffentliches Recht, 2018

Events in Catalonia in October 2017 confronted the European Union with an attempt at unilateral secession by a region within an EU Member State. EU institutions and EU Member States have responded by affi rming the illegality of the attempted secession and have refrained from attempting to mediate between the Spanish government and the Catalan authorities. This contrasts with the approach of the EU and its Member States in previous cases of unilateral secession occurring within the European space outside the Union, notably the former Yugoslav republics and Kosovo. This article analyses the legal framework and political norms governing the EU’s response to unilateral secession under international and EU law, and considers the prospects for EU-led mediation between Madrid and Barcelona in the future.

The EU’s Ambiguous Stance on Separatism

Caucasus International, 2018

In October 2017, the Catalonian government held a referendum on Catalan independence which was subsequently declared illegal by Spain on the grounds that it violated the Spanish Constitution. The vote triggered the invocation of Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, which allowed the central government in Madrid to suspend Catalonia’s self-rule. The situation has forced Catalonia into the international spotlight as a potential precursor of other breakaway regions in the EU. Since these separatist movements pose a threat to global and regional stability, their potential spread throughout Europe brings to the fore a pressing challenge that the EU urgently needs to address. The events in Catalonia are the result not only of the complexity of internal Spanish politics, but also reflect a more fundamental issue of how European institutions decide to handle matters of territorial integrity and self-determination in general while continuing to test the adequacy of the EU’s response to these issues in the changing context of international politics. Therefore, this new political context represents a good opportunity to assess whether the EU’s stance on these issues has been consistent so far and whether the EU has, perhaps unintentionally, enabled separatist movements