Political Loyalty in the Biblical Account of 1 Samuel XX-XXII in the Light of Hittite Texts (original) (raw)

Beginning of Politics: Power in the Biblical Book of Samuel - Review

Voegelinview , 2020

Despite the contemporary trend to exorcise any and all religious sentiments from the public sphere, it remains an unavoidable reality that religious belief plays a significant role in how we understand politics. Religion seeks to delineate the nature of man's relationship to the divine. Moral obligations between fellow human beings are established as an aspect of this overarching theological relationship between man and God. As such, religion inevitably becomes an integral aspect of human culture. Because religion defines these ethical commitments as real

Give Us A King to Govern Us: An Ideological Reading of 1 Samuel 8-12

The purpose of this study is to explore “who is saying what to whom for what purpose” in the text of 1 Samuel 8-12 through an analysis of the manifestations of ideology in this text. The emphasis of this thesis lies in the application of multiple methodologies in biblical interpretation with a view to (a) reconstructing the material and ideological conditions under which the biblical text was produced in order to determine which group produced the text and whose socioeconomic interests it served; and (b) investigating how these conditions are encoded in reproducing a particular ideology in order to determine how the texts incorporated the particular ideologies or interests of the time. The present research, for this reason, combines an extrinsic and an intrinsic analysis to read the world of 1 Samuel. The extrinsic analysis makes use of a social-historical and a social scientific approach to explore the particular circumstances. It indicates that the biblical writing should be regarded as conscious writing which aims to interpret historical incidents and construct specific ideologies. 1 Samuel 8-12 might therefore have been constructed by exilic groups to provide reasons for their difficult past. The intrinsic analysis makes use of narrative criticism, especially the theory of conflict plot, to do an in-depth investigation of the rhetoric of 1 Samuel 8-12. This analysis indicates that these chapters highlight the ambivalence of the monarchy, although the surface structure might tell a different story. The findings of the research have led to the conclusion that 1 Samuel 8-12 appears to present no clear position with regard to the future of the monarchy.

A Sure House: Studies on the Dynastic Promise to David in the Books of Samuel and Kings

This book is a study of the texts referring or alluding to the dynastic promise to David in the books of Samuel and Kings (and the "Law of the King" in Deut 17,14-20). Attention is paid to the textual problems of some of the studied passages, especially 2 Sam 7 which has different meanings in the most important textual witnesses (MT, LXXB, LXXL, 1 Chr 17MT, 1 Chr 17LXX). Although the most ancient retrievable text of 2 Sam 7 is not to be identified with MT, this text form corresponds to the original basic meaning of the chapter. Special attention is given to the value of 1 Chr 17 for the reconstruction of the oldest text of 2 Sam 7. There are many "synonymous" differences between 2 Sam 7 and 1 Chr 17, which cannot be explained as resulting from "mistakes" or "tendentious" (e.g. ideologically motivated) changes in one of the two traditions. A statistic study of the patterns of agreements among the witnesses leads to the conclusion that evaluating these differences "case by case" would lead to arbitrary decisions; the great majority of these differences are a result of the Chronicler's relatively free approach to his source. The emergence of 2 Sam 7,1-17 may be construed in two historical contexts. In the "exilic" period, the purpose of the dynastic promise being linked to the polemic against the traditional significance of the temple in royal ideology might be to preserve-or to establish-the validity of the promise after the fall of the temple. Alternatively, 2 Sam 7,1-17 might have been written at the time after Zerubbabel (at the end of the 6th / beginning of the 5th c.?), during the period when the temple of Jerusalem was restored, but the Davidides could not derive their legitimacy from it, since the cult and the temple were understood as the domain of priests under the auspices of Persian rule. The author of 2 Sam 7,1-17 may also be thought to be responsible for 1 Sam 10,8 + 13,7b-15a and 1 Sam 25, the texts that primarily emphasize, in accordance with 2 Sam 7,14-15, the unconditional nature of the dynastic promise once it is given. In the books of Kings, 1 Kgs 2,24.33.45; 1 Kgs 11,29-38*; 15,4; 2 Kgs 8,19 could be ascribed to this hand as well. All these texts could have been written in both the Neo-Babylonian and Persian period, similarly to 2 Sam 7,1-17. However, some other references to the dynastic promise in Samuel (1 Sam 2,27-36; 2 Sam 7,18-29; 22,51; 23,1-7) cannot be dated to the Neo-Babylonian period (or even the very beginning of the Persian period). Theoretically, these texts could belong to the same redactional layer as 2 Sam 7,1-17, but only in case we adopt the later one of the two suggested dates of its origin. In contrast, if the earlier date is accepted for the first group of texts, the second group must have been added later (in one or several stages). At any rate, whereas all these texts may be regarded as a defense of actual political interests of the ex-royal family in the exilic and/or post-exilic period, this does not hold for 1 Kgs 2,4; 8,25; 9,4-5 where the power of the Davidic kings is explicitly conditional upon the eternal loyalty of David's descendants to Yhwh. These passages cannot be ascribed to the same author(s) as the other references to the dynastic promise in Samuel-Kings; on the other hand, this redaction in Kings was perhaps not driven by actual anti-Davidic political interests, representing rather an attempt to explain the unfulfillment of the dynastic promise. Following W. Oswald (and building on the work of S. McKenzie), we ascribe the oracles against the founders of the dynasties (or, in the case of Ahab, the dynasty's other "prominent" member) ruling in northern Israel and the related fulfillment notices (

Fact and Fiction in the Ancient Near East: The Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, the Babylonian Chronicles, and the Books of Kings in the Hebrew Bible

HIPHIL, 2009

Did the ancient Israelites write history as it happened in ancient Mesopotamia and Greece? This is a question that has marred historians and biblical scholars alike since the dawn of enlightenment -not least during the last decades -and though the textual material has been available for ages and there has been plenty of time to discuss the subject it is probably right to say that there is less agreement now than there has ever been! One of the obvious problems in understanding the idea of history and the practice of writing history in ancient Israel is, of course, that the author(s) of the main narrative of Genesis through 2 Kings in the Hebrew Bible -unlike the Greek historians Herodotus and Thucydides and the later Jewish historian Josephus -does not describe the purpose of the account. 2 Another complicating factor is that our conception of "genuine" or "true" history writing is based on the standards of ancient Greek history writing. Herodotus (ca. 485-425 B.C.) has become known as the "Father of History" in the sense that his writings preceded those of any other modern Western scholar who recorded historical events. He used recognized structuring techniques in his writing, unifying time, events and analytical interpretation in ways which distinguished him from mere writers of fictional literature or epic poetry. Thucydides (ca. 460-400 B.C.) followed Herodotus by several decades and began to further perfect historical style and content in his accounts of major events, and it is only natural that, in the course of Enlightenment, they were seen as forerunners of the impartial, critical, and rational research favoured by modern historians. Greek historiography became the yardstick against which all history writing was to be measured and it can come as no surprise, therefore, that ancient Israelite history writing fell short in comparison with such Greek standards. Though certain scholars continue to apply such Greek standards in the discussion on the biblical texts, 3 there 1 Revised version of a paper presented to a seminar on Text and History at Copenhagen Lutheran School of Theology June 18 th 2003. 2 Contrast, e.g., the re-writing of Israel's history by Josephus, who in his Jewish Antiquities tells us about his authorial intent, ev kdihgh, sasqai dia. tou. s ev n tw/ | gra, fein lumainome, nouj th. n av lh, qeian, "in order to refute those who in their writings were doing outrage to the truth," and intended readers, tau, thn de. th. n ev nestw/ san ev gkecei, pismai pragmatei, an nomi, zwn a[ pasi fanei/ sqai toi/ j [ Ellhsin av xi, an spoudh/ j\ me, llei ga. r perie, xein a[ pasan th. n parV hv mi/ n av rcaiologi, an kai. th. n dia, taxin tou/ politeu, matoj ev k tw/ n VEbrai? kw/ n meqhrmhneume, nhn gramma, twn, "and now I have undertaken this present work in the belief that the whole Greek-speaking world will find it worthy of attention; for it will embrace our entire ancient history and political constitution translated from the Hebrew records" (H. St.