Deaf people interpreting on television (original) (raw)

Deaf access for Deaf people: the translation of the television news from English into British Sign Language

Media for All

This paper explores the notion of a Deaf translation norm and its use in the rendering of English mainstream television broadcast news into British Sign Language (BSL). The Deaf translation norm incorporates the community identity and fluency of the translator/interpreter (T/I). Historically this is a role that Deaf bilinguals have undertaken and in part involves the higher level of agency that the T/I exerts within the situation. In present day this differs from a historic role now that the translation event happens in the public sphere rather than within the community. To ensure that the Deaf audience has an optimally relevant BSL text to watch and understand, the Deaf translation norm incorporates enrichments and impoverishments into the BSL text according to their understanding of the English text and the video footage that is shown simultaneously on screen. This creates a BSL text that utilises the multimedia environment to reduce the cognitive effort of the Deaf audience. The Deaf Community Convention has arisen that a person who has a Deaf cultural identity and is audiologically deaf is called 'Deaf' (Senghas & Monaghan, 2002) and this distinction has been made within the community for several hundred years (Ladd, 1998). Membership of the Deaf community in the past has predominantly been due to being born deaf or losing hearing at an early age so that no sense of loss is felt. Cultural identity was then forged by attending schools for the deaf in early life and Deaf clubs throughout the rest of life. As Ladd (2003: 44) says: This traditional community therefore consists of Deaf people who attended Deaf schools and met either in Deaf clubs or at other Deaf social activities. In more recent years membership of the Deaf community has been defined by Baker and Padden as follows The most useful basic factor determining who is a member of the deaf community seems to be what is called 'attitudinal deafness'. This occurs when a person identifies him/herself as a member of the deaf community, and other members accept that person as part of the community (Baker & Padden, 1978:4). The attitudinal deafness discussed by Padden clearly refers to the traditional community discussed in Ladd. As discussed by Ladd (2003:42) the community is strengthened by 90% endogamous marriage. Five percent of Deaf people born deaf have Deaf parents and a further five percent have one parent who is Deaf (Kyle & Allsop, 1982; Kyle & Woll, 1985). The extent to which these families have many generations of Deaf is unknown, but there are known cases of one Deaf family having documented seven generations (with a grand child resulting in eight generations) in Britain (Taylor, 1998) although there are anecdotal stories from this family suggesting there are ten generations (with a grand child being the eleventh). These multi-generational Deaf people are seen as the core members of the Deaf community. They are the ones who have experienced life, at least within the home, as a Deaf haven from a hearing world. As the guardians of sign languages, Deaf history and culture there is an expectation that they will preserve and pass on Deaf ways of being in the world (Padden & Humphries, 1988). Taking my Deaf T/Is from this group enables me to explore what a Deaf translation might be like if it were not for the 'hearing' institutional barriers that the T/Is face in the news studio. The historic Deaf community is described as a collective community (Ladd, 2003), and therefore allegiance is to the minority community rather than the individualistic values of the (mainstream) 'hearing' community. Although this can be contested, and arguably the present day Deaf community is a heterogeneous community (Skelton & Valentine, 2003a, 2003b), the Deaf T/Is in this study, from multigenerational Deaf families, adhere to traditional notions of collective identities (Smith, 1996). The research The research draws on data from ethnographic interviews (Carmel & Monaghan, 1991; Cook & Crang, 1995; Spindler & Spindler, 1992; Spradley, 1979) of five Deaf T/Is (all of whom chose pseudonyms 1) who regularly work in broadcast television news. All five have graduate level training in linguistics and experience both in working as and training interpreters. In an attempt to ensure that the research was Deaf-led or Deafhood (Ladd, 2003) informed 2 (whilst Deafhood-informed ensures that research is undertaken in a Deaf culturally sensitive way it does not have to be carried out by Deaf people) semi-structured interviews of Deaf informants were used to generate grounded theories (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). The research aimed to be Deaf-led and to explore what was deemed to be relevant to Deaf T/Is (the informants are quote throughout this article) and as such no hearing interpreters were interviewed. The British context for BSL on television Under the Broadcasting Act 1996 3 , broadcasters are obliged to provide five percent of programming by 2005 4 , either presented in, or translated into, sign language. This does not mean that the broadcasters feel political affinity with the provision of BSL access but rather see it as a legal obligation, like other equality laws, that needs to be fulfilled (Squires, 2004). There are institutional constraints on how T/Is work in broadcast media similar to the institutional constraints that interpreters face in other domains. Inghilleri (2003) considers interpreters within an asylum-seeking context. She discusses the need for the interpreters to ensure the believability of the interviewee by constructing their narrative as believable to the interviewer. This requires the interviewee to be perceived as a victim by the target audience within target cultural norms rather than constructing the story in a way that is believable and valid in the source language and culture. This is mirrored by BSL T/Is working within a broadcasting context, although we see that the power dynamic is flowing in a different direction, from majority to minority audience. In the context of asylum seeker interviews, where the person's history must

Interpreting in international sign: decisions of Deaf and non-Deaf interpreters.

The professional use of Deaf Interpreters (DIs) is increasing in several countries and across several contexts. However, there have been few studies that have explored the nature of the work when it involves a Deaf and non-deaf interpreting team. The current study examined the work of two teams of Deaf/non-deaf interpreters providing service in a conference setting. The participants were videotaped while providing service in order to examine the linguistic decisions made by non-deaf interpreters acting as a natural signed language feed, the linguistic decisions made by Deaf interpreters working into International Sign (IS), as well as the meta-communication strategies the team used while constructing the interpretation. The data suggest that interpreting teams that are more familiar with each other rely on different strategies when chunking information, asking for feeds, and for making accommodations. There also appear to be significant differences in the work when the two interpreters share a common natural signed language. All of the data analyzed thus far offer insight into the nature of the relationship and may provide guidance to those arranging interpreting services for international events.

Of pride and prejudice: The divide between subtitling and sign language interpreting on television

2007

It is no longer questionable whether d/Deaf and hardof-hearing viewers should be offered accessibility services on television. This matter has been widely discussed at a European level and most countries have taken legislative action, while television broadcasters have implemented different solutions -mainly closed captioning/teletext subtitling and sign language interpreting -to make their programmes accessible to people with hearing impairment. It is common to find d/Deaf and hard-of-hearing viewers complaining about what they are offered on television. It is also common to hear that television providers are doing their best to make their services available to all. There is still another group of voices turning down or singing the praise of one or the other solution, for a number of reasons which range from technical and aesthetic issues to political and social motivation. This paper examines the advantages and drawbacks of using subtitling and/or sign language interpreting on television while trying to establish why both are much loved or much hated accessibility solutions.

Christopher Stone. Toward a Deaf translation norm

Interpreting, 2011

Reviewed by Jeremy L. Brunson Is there a difference between the products of a translator/interpreter for whom the target language is their native language and the products of those who are working into their second language? If so, what is that difference? These questions are at the heart of Christopher Stone's study. In his book, Toward a Deaf Translation Norm, Stone explores the burgeoning profession of Deaf translators/interpreters in the United Kingdom in an attempt to answer these questions. His focus is on translators/interpreters who perform translation/interpreting work presenting English news footage in British Sign Language (BSL). Stone begins by providing a discussion of the theories that have been employed to explain the translation/interpreting process. A wealth of knowledge is provided here that would undoubtedly be very interesting to the expert or aspiring linguist; however, for those of us whose area of study falls outside this field, this information can, at times, become overwhelming as we attempt to conceptualize the myriad theories with respect to the study we have yet to begin to read. This should not keep the reader from continuing on the journey Stone is aptly qualified to lead. Once the theories applicable to the study of translation and interpreting are understood, Stone asks the reader: "What makes BSL unique?" That is, what are the features of BSL that are similar to and different from those of spoken language? In identifying these, Stone identifies the variables he plans to examine in his study: head movements and eye-blinking; and whether they differ between Deaf translators/interpreters and non-deaf translators/interpreters. The goal is to determine how non-deaf interpreters can "domesticate" (p. 41) the target language so that it resembles that of Deaf interpreters. Stone finds his voice in explaining the methodology by which he gathered his data. In describing the participants and the source texts, he is extremely clear and articulate. He performs a critical ethnography that relies on semi-structured interviews with Deaf translators/interpreters who regularly work presenting news footage from English (via autocue) to BSL. Relying on Think-Aloud Protocols (TAPs), Stone talks with three Deaf translators/interpreters from Deaf families and two non-deaf translators/interpreters in order to discover the processes by which the translators/interpreters render a message in the target language.

Deaf Community’s Expectations On The Roles Of Sign Language Interpreters

The European Proceedings of Social and Behavioural Sciences, 2019

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 Unported License, permitting all non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

EUMASLI The Perception or Reality of Omissions by Deaf Interpreters Examining the effect of Audience Design on Omissions by Deaf Interpreters

MA Thesis, 2019

This thesis explores one aspect of the emerging profession of Deaf Interpreters (DIs), specifically; how the target text accommodates an audience’s communication style, whilst allowing the audience to conceptualise information. Literature is surveyed on the theory and practice of interpreting by and for Deaf people, with a preference for European sources in the latter. Definitions of the DI’s role are investigated, and Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT) is discussed, alongside Audience Design, and back-channelling cues. The study extracts data from retrospective and task review interviews with two DIs, both experienced in broadcast television news. The DIs were asked to perform two interpreting tasks (Assignments 2 and 3); one task without an audience (Assignment 2) and one task with (Assignment 3). The findings reveal differences between the two tasks in both the interpreting style used and number of omissions featured. Utilising ELAN software, back-channelling from audience members and its effect on the DI’s interpretation is investigated. Findings from Assignment 2 provide insight into the relationship between the DI and the Pragmatic Other, whilst findings from Assignment 3 reveal the uses of eye contact between the DI and their audience. Findings on Strategic Omissions are compared with those in studies by Napier (2001, 2004) and Kauling (2015). In the case of CSOs (Conscious Strategic Omissions), the findings of this study concur with those studies. In this study, however, there were no instances of CAOs (Conscious Attention Omissions)— a finding contrary to Kauling’s (2015) research. The use of preparation materials (Assignment 1) is investigated and proves to be influential on the DIs’ interpretations. The importance of back-channelling and eye contact is identified. Further factors influencing the DIs’ interpretations are discussed. Key words: Deaf Interpreters, Communication Accommodation Theory, Audience Design, Omissions, Back-channelling, Pragmatic Other.

DEAF LEADERS' STRATEGIES FOR WORKING WITH SIGNED LANGUAGE INTERPRETERS: AN EXAMINATION ACROSS SEVEN COUNTRIES

In this paper, we report interview data from 14 Deaf leaders across seven countries (Australia, Belgium, Ireland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States) regarding their perspectives on signed language interpreters. Using a semi-structured survey questionnaire, seven interpreting researchers interviewed two Deaf leaders each in their home countries. Following transcription of the data, the researchers conducted a thematic analysis of the comments. Four shared themes emerged in the data: (a) variable level of confidence in interpreting direction, (b) criteria for selecting interpreters, (c) judging the competence of interpreters, and (d) strategies for working with interpreters. The results suggest that Deaf leaders share similar, but not identical, perspectives about working with interpreters, despite differing conditions in their respective countries. Compared to prior studies of Deaf leaders' perspectives of interpreters, these data indicate some positive trends in Deaf leaders' experience with interpreters; however, results also point to a need for further work in creating an atmosphere of trust, enhancing interpreters' language fluency, and developing mutual collaboration between Deaf leaders and signed language interpreters.

Professional recognition for Deaf interpreters in the UK.

This paper will document some of the history of Deaf interpreters (DIs) in the UK, with examples given of Deaf people working as translators and interpreters since the 17 th century. Then the recent process leading towards professional recognition and registration with NRCPD 1 , the Deaf Interpreter Consortium and its work to ensure DIs can register on a par with their hearing colleagues will be described. The article concludes by showing how the varied traditional work of DIs has been codified into the current registration system and national standards.

Deaf signing diversity and signed language translations

Applied Linguistics Review

This article explores what deaf signing diversity means for the creation of effective online signed language translations in Australia and for language theory more generally. We draw on the translanguaging and enregisterment literature to describe the communication practices and individual repertoires of deaf Auslan signers, and to problematise the creation of translations from English into Auslan. We also revisit findings from focus group research with deaf audiences and translation practitioners to identify key elements of existing translations that were problematic for many deaf viewers, and to illuminate what makes an act of translation from English into Auslan effective for signers who need these translations the most. One main challenge is the inherent hybridity of signed communication practices, resulting from variable language learning circumstances and other factors. Instead, signed communication practices are often shaped by what we refer to as the nascency principle: the ...

American Sign Language Interpreting for Deaf Individuals with Disabilities

2019

There are complexities involved in American Sign Language (ASL) interpreting for the unique population of Deaf individuals with disabilities (DWD), particularly in educational settings, that must be considered. Based on the foundation of existing literature regarding the field of ASL interpreting, educational interpreting, and strategies of working with DWD individuals, the researcher created a theoretical conceptual framework that combined the frameworks of ASL Interpreting and Special Education. The current primary research is aimed at addressing another portion of the gap, that is, research regarding practical experiences in working with this population. This study was conducted through questionnaires sent out through email to ASL interpreters located through snowball sampling. This research seeks to understand the experiences of ASL interpreters who have worked with DWD individuals through participants responses to questions about strategies used, and unique challenges and rewar...

Deaf Voice and the Invention of Community Interpreting

The goal of this article is to propose three, action learning “hypotheses” to be considered by interpreter educators as conceptual pillars for a comprehensive pedagogical framework that reinvigorates the original Deaf invention of community interpreting. The theoretical claim is that temporality is neglected in most discourse and research about simultaneous interpreting because it has been taken for granted that the speed of information transfer is a highly significant and non-negotiable measure of effective interpretation. Arguments about the values and benefits of taking or using time to generate better interpretations and/or guarantee mutual understanding among interlocutors have been absent from scholarly reflection about simultaneous interpretation but present in Deaf criticism. This criticism shows how engineering-based metaphors about the interpreter as a transmission machine perpetuate an informational bias at the expense of relationships: the ideology of speed interferes with the Deaf voice. To counter this, “holding time” is suggested as the essential function of an authorized interpreter using role space according to culturally-Deaf principles for the special intercultural communication practice of community-oriented simultaneous interpretation. This relational model pre-exists within traditional Deaf cultures and can therefore be considered a Deaf invention.

Deaf translators: What are they thinking?

2020

The examination of work performed by Deaf translators in creating translations between written texts and signed languages is an emerging area of inquiry in Translation Studies. Deaf people have been performing ad hoc translations within their community for hundreds of years (Adam, Carty & Stone, 2011; Bartley & Stone, 2008). More recently, Deaf translators have begun to work as paid professionals, creating a new subfield of Translation Studies, one that, to date, is largely unexplored. Using qualitative data, this pilot study examines the thought processes of two Deaf individuals in the rendering of an academic text from written English into American Sign Language (ASL). Early analysis suggests four themes shared by the participants: 1) the importance of preparation; 2) the need for contextualization, 3) moving between literal versus free translation; and 4) consideration of the audience. This data shows that Deaf translators rely on linguistic knowledge and prior translation experi...

Training Deaf Learners to Become Interpreters: A Pilot Project

2018

This article reports on a pilot project to train 20 Deaf learners in an attempt to equip them with the skills and knowledge required for interpreting assignments, including how to manage visual communication in various service settings and apply ethical standards to their interpreting practice. This is the first time such training has been delivered in a tertiary environment in Victoria, Australia. The project chose three non-language-specific units of competency from the national qualification of Diploma of Interpreting under the Public Sector Training Package. In addition to outlining the curriculum design and student learning outcomes, this article presents insight and qualitative feedback collected from semistructured interviews with the educators engaged for the project. Recommendations made at the conclusion of this project serve as a stepping-stone to delivery of a full Diploma of Interpreting for Deaf learners in the near future.

Deaf Translators/Interpreters’ renderings processes - The translation of Oral languages

The rendering of English to BSL within television settings provides us an opportunity to identify ways in which written languages are translated into oral languages (Ong 1982, Furniss 2004), using Kade’s definition (cited in Pöchhacker, 2004) as a starting point. The distribution of blinks is compared in Deaf and hearing Translator/Interpreters to illuminate the role of preparation and rehearsal. Think-aloud-protocols are used to explore whether differences between the two groups point to a contrast between translation and interpretation processes.

Deaf nondeaf interpreter teams and the complexity of professional practice

This chapter draws on data from open-ended interviews with 4 Canadian Deaf interpreters (DIs) and 4 Canadian non-deaf interpreters (nDIs) examining their experiences providing interpreting services for Deaf people across a range of community based settings. Four major themes emerged from the informants' interviews: (i) The strategies required of DI/nDI teams when working with recent deaf immigrants are unique; (ii) Describing DI work is often confusing to both Deaf and non-deaf consumers; (iii) The types of communication strategies used in some settings may fall outside the perceptions of ethical tenets of interpreting; (iv) The specialized work may be better served by referring to the DI's work as " language specialist " in some contexts. These findings are contrasted with existing literature that frames interpreting in general and specifically with DI, raising questions about some of the current approaches used to educate DI and the dominant philosophical curriculum assumptions (Boudreault, 2005; Forestal, 2014). We ask if the current approaches to training DI is predominantly skewed to working with Deaf consumers who use American Sign Language (ASL). We consider how DI learn to work with consumers who are recent immigrants, who are not fluent in ASL, who may not possess another signed language, and who may never have had access to education in a formal sense. The findings challenge the nomenclature that is used to describe the work in appointments where there are language and cultural complexities that are unique. These results are discussed in relation to norms and practices that are embedded in our field's current DI training. Finally, recommendations are offered for further advanced research and evolving professional practices within the field of Deaf interpreting.