Experience of the Mongolian Education Reform and Main Issues (original) (raw)
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Contradictions in schooling children among Mongolian pastoralists
Mongolian pastoralist households with children face an annual decision at the start of the school year—how to take care of both herds and children separated by long distances and resource needs. This article draws on twelve months of ethnographic research on rural work practices among mobile pastoralists in Mongolia to illustrate how children’s access to primary education spatially transforms the organization of herder livelihoods. By prioritizing herder reflections and theoretical insight into their own lives and experiences, we show that educating children within the conditions of Mongolia’s emerging market macroeconomic system is entangled in struggles over housing, finance, and labor and we highlight the spatial nature of these contradictions in everyday rural social production. This evidence supports our argument that the terms of inclusion in Mongolia’s current schooling system pose challenges for pastoralist livelihoods and encourages reflection on the need for imagining innovations in education provision.
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This case study identifies four targets groups that are specific to the achievement of the EFA Millennium Development Goals in Mongolia: boys, out-of-school children, vulnerable children and minorities, and children of herders. Boys from herder families in remote rural areas are at the greatest risk of drop-out or non-enrollment. The case study therefore focuses on problems with access to education for boys from nomadic herder families. The inverse gender gap in the Mongolian education sector is a wellexplored topic in educational policy research. What is lacking, however, is a more comprehensive look at how, and why, the combination of gender, household income and location of school-urban, semi-urban, rural-affect access to education in Mongolia.
Education in Mongolia, 2010
This article was originally published in the International Encyclopedia of Education published by Elsevier, and the attached copy is provided by Elsevier for the author's benefit and for the benefit of the author's institution, for noncommercial research and educational use including without limitation use in instruction at your institution, sending it to specific colleagues who you know, and providing a copy to your institution's administrator.
Poverty and Educational Access in Mongolia
In America, people would consider access to education as a basic human right, a sentiment echoed by the United Nations (United Nations, n.d.). Sadly, worldwide, it is estimated that 72 million primary school aged children do not have access to education (Humanium, n.d). The reasons why not all children have access to education for a number of various reasons, such as restrictions on gender or ethnicity. In Mongolia, where I work, while every child has a legal right to attend government schools, the reality is that many cannot, and the primary reason is economic. This paper will briefly explore how a decline in economic growth has reduced government spending on education in Mongolia and how familial poverty keeps many children from attending school.
2001
This paper presents reflections on the author's work as an international consultant for the Asian Development Bank technical assistance (TA) project that developed the Mongolia Education Sector Strategy 2000-2005. It illustrates the use of a sector-wide approach to building a strategy for obtaining donor funding by laying out priorities across the education sector in Mongolia, showing how this particular project funded by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) was structured to incorporate broad-based participation of major donors and other stakeholders in the country. The paper includes a description of the Mongolian context and a framework for sector-wide approaches to educational assistance with examples drawn from the 1999 Mongolia education sector strategy study. It concludes with an assessment of strengths and weaknesses of this particular sector-wide approach based on the author's Mongolian experience. The Mongolian Context Mongolia is a landlocked country of 2.65 million inhabitants living in an area of 1.565 million square kilometers. The country is sandwiched between Russia and China, each of which also has a Mongolian population (0.5 and 3.5 million, respectively). Thirty-four percent of the population is under the age of 14. About 25 percent of the population resides in the capital city, Ulaanbaatar, 25 percent resides in other urban areas, and most of the remainder is nomadic. Estimated 1999 per capita gross domestic product (GDP: purchasing power parity) was $2,320 distributed as follows: 33 percent agriculture, 24 percent industry, and 43 percent services. Real GDP growth was about 3.5 percent in 1999. Forty percent of the population was living below the official poverty level (CIA World Factbook 2000).
Education inequality in Mongolia: Measurement and causes
International Journal of Educational Development, 2019
Using data from the LSMS 2002 and HSES 2012 in Mongolia, we have estimated the educational Gini coefficients by years of schooling for adults and by school attendance rate for children. The Gini coefficient measured by using years of schooling for the population aged 19 and above decreased from 0.274 in 2002 to 0.178 in 2012. For adults of both genders, educational inequality has declined while the Gini coefficients are consistently higher in rural areas than in urban areas in both periods. The Gini coefficient for children aged 2-18 years and currently attending school has also declined. Between 2002 and 2012, the educational Gini coefficient for preschool decreased from 0.307 to 0.233 and for primary from 0.422 to 0.388. For secondary education, the Gini coefficient decreased from 0.388 in 2002 to 0.201 in 2012. For high school level, the coefficient decreased also from 0.299 in 2002 to 0.254 in 2012. The distribution in higher education remains at the similar level of 0.491. For all levels of education, except for higher education, the distribution is getting closer to the perfect equality line on the education Lorenz curve. Finally, we have shown that child's age, gender, mother's and father's education, household size and income, and urban location are statistically significant determinants of children's school attendance and thus educational equality. The pooled estimates using probit model indicate that the reduction in inequality due to household income and location are major factors which led to lower Gini Coefficient in 2012.
Promoting Inclusive Education in Mongolia
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Children with disabilities suffer disproportionately from the learning crisis. Although they represent only about 1.5% to 5% of the child population, they comprise more than half of out-of-school children globally. Inspired by a commitment that every child has the right to quality education, a growing global drive for inclusive education promotes an education system where children with disabilities receive an appropriate and high-quality education that is delivered alongside their peers. The global commitment to inclusive education is captured in the Sustainable Development Goal 4—ensuring inclusive and equitable education and promoting lifelong learning opportunities for all. This paper explores inclusive education for children with disabilities in Mongolia’s mainstream education system, based on a 2019 survey of more than 5,000 households; interviews with teachers, school administrators, education ministry officials, and social workers; and visits to schools and kindergartens in f...
Returns to education of young people in Mongolia
Post-Communist Economies, 2010
Relatively little is known about the youth labour market in Mongolia. This paper studies returns to education of 15-29-year-olds by taking advantage of a recent ad hoc School to Work Transition Survey. Based on augmented Mincerian earnings equations, education and work experience appear to be important determinants of earnings. Vocational does not provide higher wages than compulsory education. Factors bearing wage gains include: living in the capital city and in urban areas in general. Factors bearing wage penalties include: gender, informal work, training, using informal job search networks, herding. Union membership, being a migrant, the civil status are wage neutral.