From Enclisis to Proclisis in Medieval Greek: σὲ λέγω and its Uses in the Chronicle of Morea (original) (raw)
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Clitics in Greek: A Diachronic Review
1993
N RECENT YEARS linguists have shown an enormous interest in clitics, small words which have no accent of their own and consequently have to 'lean'-κλίνω in Ancient Greek-on another word, a phonological 'host'. 1 If this phonological host is the following word, we call it a proclitic; if it selects a preceding word as host, it is an enclitic. In this paper we focus on (the phonological hosts of) the object clitic pronouns (OCPs) in Greek, viz. clitics whose grammatical function is the (in)direct object and whose syntactic host is the finite verb. In Ancient Greek, the OCPs have an enclitic nature, whereas Modern Greek OCPs are proclitic. Thus, the phonological nature of the OCPs must have altered in the period in between. Indeed, in the Medieval period a certain reanalysis has occurred: [X ← enclitic OCP + finite verb] becomes [X + proclitic OCP → finite verb]. 2 Horrocks, one of the pioneers in the study of Medieval Greek OCPs, has made an attempt to fill in this abs...
On the " Pleonastic " Usage of Complement Markers in Early Modern Greek
A syntactic feature that characterizes Early Modern Greek is the " pleonastic " usage of the complement conjunction óti or pos with the mood (" subjunctive ") particle na, as well as the co-presence of the complementisers óti and pos. These co-occurrences are ungrammatical in Modern Greek, while in vernacular Late Medieval and Early Modern Greek texts they are sufficiently attested. In this paper we record a large number of instantiations of the {óti / pos} + na / óti + pos structures in order to trace the conditions of their occurrence; the examples come from extended prose texts of the 16th century as Kartanos' " Palaia te kai nea Diathiki " (Kakoulidi-Panou 2000) or Morezinos' " Klini Solomontos " (Kakoulidi-Panou et al. 2007), as well as an anthology of demotic prose texts of 16th century edited by Kakoulidi-Panou, Karantzola & Tiktopoulou (in press). Keywords Early Modern Greek – subordination – complementation – Balkan languages * Special thanks are due to Ioannis Fykias and Isabella Greisinger (both at the University of Salzburg) for their valuable remarks. We also cordially thank the two anonymous reviewers for their comments that contributed substantially to our improving this paper.
Τα κλιτικά στα ελληνικά έχουν γίνει αντικείµενο πραγµάτευσης κυρίως στο επίπεδο της σύνταξης. Το παρόν άρθρο µελετά την κατάκτηση των κλιτικών από φωνολογική άποψη. Ειδικά, θα εστιάσουµε στη λεγόµενη κλιτική οµάδα, δηλαδή το επίπεδο της προσωδιακής ιεραρχίας µεταξύ της προσωδιακής και της φωνολογικής λέξης. Στόχος µας είναι, από τη µια µεριά, να διερευνήσουµε το βαθµό στον οποίο εµπειρικά δεδοµένα στηρίζουν θεωρητικά την ύπαρξη της κλιτικής οµάδας, και, από την άλλη, να δείξουµε ότι σε αρχικά στάδια της γλωσσικής κατάκτησης, δεν υπάρχει ανάγκη να ανατρέξουµε σε συντακτικούς κανόνες/ περιορισµούς, προκειµένου να διακιολογήσουµε τους τύπους που τα παιδιά πραγµατώνουν. Παρατηρούµε ότι φωνολογικοί κανόνες αρκούν για να ερµηνεύσουµε τα δεδοµένα. Με άλλα λόγια, τα παιδιά παράγουν τύπους που υπόκεινται σε φωνολογικούς περιορισµούς.
Greek object clitic pronouns: a typological survey of their grammatical properties
Language Typology and Universals, 2008
In this paper, we review the basic morphosyntactic and phonological properties of object clitic pronouns in Standard Greek. More specifically, we discuss the constraints on the combinatorial properties of clitic clusters and present evidence in support of the out-of-cycle adjunct status of cliticdoubled DP-objects. We then account for the distribution of object clitics with respect to the verb by means of a cliticization movement rule. Finally, we show that there is an asymmetry in the way object clitics are prosodically organised, depending on their position in relation to the verb. Being always a part of the phonological word of their verbal host, enclitics choose to incorporate to it whereas proclitics opt for prosodic adjunction. Η εργασία αυτή παρουσιάζει τα βασικά µορφοσυντακτικά και φωνολογικά χαρακτηριστικά των κλιτικών αντικειµένων της Κοινής Νέας Ελληνικής. Εξετάζουµε τους περιορισµούς που καθορίζουν τους συνδυασµούς των κλιτικών σε συµπλέγµατα και παρουσιάζουµε τα επιχειρήµατα σχετικά µε τη λειτουργία των κλιτικά διπλασιασµένων ΟΦ-αντικειµένων ως προσαρτήµατα. Κατόπιν, αποδίδουµε την κατανοµή των κλιτικών σε σχέση µε το ρήµα στη διαδικασία της µετακίνησης κλιτικού. Τέλος, επισηµαίνουµε την ασυµµετρική προσωδιακή συµπεριφορά µεταξύ εγκλιτικών και προκλιτικών, όπως αυτή υποδεικνύεται από µια σειρά φωνολογικών κανόνων που έχουν πεδίο εφαρµογής την φωνολογική λέξη αλλά και ανώτερα προσωδιακά συστατικά, ότι, δηλ. τα εγκλιτικά ενσωµατώνονται στην φωνολογική λέξη ενώ τα προκλιτικά προσαρτώνται σε αυτήν επαναδροµικά. (2) a. o pate! ras mas 'our father' the father:NOM.SG CLT.1:PL.GEN b. mikro! teros mas 'younger than us' younger:NOM.SG CLT.1:PL.GEN c. e! nas mas 'one of us' one CLT.1:PL.GEN d. o! li mas 'all of us' all CLT.1:PL.GEN (3) ena n di! on mas 'against us' against CLT.1:PL.GEN In this paper, we confine our examination to object clitic pronouns, the position of which in the clause is subject to dialectal variety. More specifically, three basic types are attested (REVITHIADOU & SPYROPOULOS (RS) 2006, based on PAPPAS 2001, et seq. 1): (a) second position (2P) clitics, (b) standard (non-2P) clitics and (c) postverbal phrasal suffixes. 2P clitics appear before the verb form only when a function word 2 is present in the clause and they prosodically attach to this function word. Otherwise, they are post-verbal and encliticize on the verb form. These clitics are therefore 2P elements in the sense that they always appear in the second position in the prosodic constituent headed by the verb form. Representative examples of this pattern are Cypriot, Cappadocian and the Dodecanese dialects. (4) Cypriot Greek 2P clitics a. pu na to θkjava! si COMP SUBJ CLT.3:N.SG.ACC read:3.SG 'that s/he could read it' b. i! pen o! ti to eTkja! vasen say:PST.3.SG COMP CLT.3:N.SG.ACC read:PST.3.SG 'S/he said that s/he has read it' c. eTkja! vase! n to read:PST.3.SG CLT.3:N.SG.ACC 'S/he read it' Standard clitics are non-2P clitics. They always precede the non-imperative verb form which constitutes their prosodic host, regardless of whether a function word is present in the clause or not. With imperative forms and gerunds, they are always postverbal. This is the pattern exhibited by Standard Greek: (5) Standard Greek non-2P (standard) clitics a. pu na to DJava! si COMP SUBJ CLT.3:N.SG.ACC read:3.SG 'that s/he could read it' b. i! pe o! ti to DJa! vase say:PST.3.SG COMP CLT.3:N.SG.ACC read:PST.3.SG 'S/he said that s/he has read it' c. to DJa! vase CLT.3:N.SG.ACC read:PST.3.SG 's/he read it' d. DJa! vase /DJava! zo n da! s to read:2.SG.IMP / read:GER CLT.3:N.SG.ACC
This paper presents and discusses evidence that genitive and dative objects regularly become nominative in Ancient Greek passives of monotransitives and ditransitives. This is a typologically and theoretically significant state of affairs for two reasons: (i) As is well-known, non-accusative objects are, in many languages, not allowed to enter into Case alternations, a fact which has been accounted for in the GB/ Principles & Parameters literature on the basis of the assumption that non-accusative objectsproto-typically datives -bear inherent, lexical or quirky Case. By the same reasoning, Ancient Greek genitives and datives must be concluded to have structural Case. (ii) Even in languages where Dat-Nom alternations do obtain, they are often limited to ditransitives, a fact which can been taken to suggest that dative qualifies as structural Case only in ditransitives. A language like Ancient Greek which allows genitive and dative objects to become nominative in all passives (monotransitives and ditransitives) shows that it is, in principle, possible to have a linguistic system where genitive and dative qualify as structural Cases in both monotransitives and ditransitives. Case-theories must be designed in such a way as to allow for this option.
Στο παρόν άρθρο µελετούµε την εµφάνιση των κλιτικών στον παιδικό λόγο εστιάζοντας σε φαινόµενα ασυµµετρίας. ∆εδοµένα από 6 παιδιά που κατακτούν την Ελληνική ως µητρική γλώσσα (ηλικία 1;10-3;06) δείχνουν ότι τα παιδιά παρουσιάζουν προτίµηση στη δεξιά πλευρά, δηλαδή τα εγκλιτικά, απλά ή σε ζεύγη, παράγονται χρονικά γρηγορότερα και µε µεγαλύτερη συχνότητα από τα αντίστοιχα προκλιτικά. Η προτίµηση αυτή συνίσταται κυρίως στο ότι τα εγκλιτικά είναι 'µετα-τονικά' συστατικά, ακολουθούν δηλαδή την τονισµένη συλλαβή. Ως µετα-τονικά συστατικά προσαρτώνται πιο εύκολα στην προσωδιακή λέξη, π.χ. ενσωµατώνονται πλήρως στον πραγµατούµενο πόδα. Αντίθετα, τα προκλιτικά είτε αποβάλλονται σε αρχικά στάδια της κατάκτησης ή αποτελούν εξωµετρικά στοιχεία. Πέρα από τα στάδια που προτείνουµε στην φωνολογική κατάκτηση των κλιτικών, συζητούµε την αλληλεπίδραση Φωνολογίας και Σύνταξης στη γλωσσική κατάκτηση, όπου γίνεται σαφές ότι η Φωνολογία καθορίζει τη µορφή των πραγµατούµενων δοµών σε αρχικά στάδια της εµφάνισης των κλιτικών.
While Classical Greek has a particularly rich complementation system, in later times there is a tendency towards the use of finite complementation. In this context, has claimed that the Classical opposition whereby the accusative and infinitive is used for non-factive complements, and ὅτι with the indicative and the accusative and participle for factive ones, is disappearing, ὅτι being used as a 'generic' complementiser. In this article, I investigate to what extent claim of the pragmatic neutralisation of complementation patterns can be upheld, and whether it could be claimed that a new pragmatic opposition, in terms of 'register' , is being established. For this purpose, I turn towards documentary papyri, a corpus which is particularly fruitful for socio-historical investigations.