India-South Korea Maritime Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific (original) (raw)
South Korea’s Approach to the Indo–Pacific
Jindal Journal of International Affairs
South Korea, along with Japan has been a traditional US ally in East Asia since 1945. The alliance grew even stronger with the Korean War. South Korea is still one of those nations where we can see a deep imprint and influence of the US mixed with their Japanese colonial past and their rich heritage. There are a few more important things to note about South Korea today. South Korea is highly dependent on the USA in terms of its security, even though its defence sector is highly developed and advanced. Its biggest security threat is the nuclear rogue state of North Korea. In recent decades, China and South Korea have been increasingly engaging in trade relations. China has always been the closest ally of North Korea, and with Seoul being disproportionately dependent on Beijing – has made it prudent for Seoul to have friendly ties with China, which can come in handy in the process of denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula
India-ASEAN Maritime Security Cooperation: The Indo-Pacific Context
ASEAN-India Development and Cooperation Report 2021: Avenues for Cooperation in Indo-Pacific (AIDCR-2021), 2020
The paper is part of ASEAN-India Report 2021 to be released by MEA, Govt of India on 10 Nov 20. It undertakes a realistic examination of the potential for cooperation between India and the ASEAN on holistic maritime security, which includes maritime safety and good order at sea, and also negotiating the complex issue of major-power maritime rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region. The analysis is based on the Strengths-Weaknesses-Opportunities-Threats (SWOT) model.
Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2014
Quite contrary to the belief that South-South cooperation supplements North-South cooperation, it is not yet in a position to replace it in any significant way. In fact, there are still a lot of North-South development cooperation projects with signs that northern partners are overtly willing to transform unequal North-South engagement partnerships into what is now often referred to as 'true partnerships'. Denmark's historical cooperation ties with South Africa, for instance, are now narrowing in on the clean energy sector, with an agreement signed on 4 March 2013 between the two governments, whereby Denmark has given its commitment to help South Africa achieve low carbon economic growth by 2020. The Americans, who took the lead in promoting development cooperation projects in developing countries, way back in 1949 through President Truman's 'Bold New Program,' have openly shifted their 'pivot' from Middle East to Asia in the present century through "increased investment"-diplomatic, economic and strategic, in an attempt to reassure 'old allies' that Washington will always stand by while reinforcing its commitment to actively engage with the region through multilateral organizations. In the maritime arena, for instance, the US unequivocally came down on side of the ASEAN members, party to the conventional South China Sea dispute, by openly criticizing Chinese assertiveness, by holding military exercises with Vietnam and the Philippines and affirming the capability of the US-Philippine alliance in the South China Sea arena. Washington is playing the pivotal role in chalking out the most comprehensive and far-reaching trade and investment agreement involving Asia-Pacific states, the Trans Pacific Partnership, that has swelled from four to 11 members presently. In tackling unconventional security threat problems like sea piracy and mariti me terrorism, the US has undertaken several initiatives with littoral countries of Southeast Asia and India, well reflective of the growing maturity in North-South cooperation projects in the 21 st century. The present paper is an attempt to examine the North-South cooperative projects in the maritime domain of Southeast Asia where the 10-membered Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have welcomed USA's 'pivot' to Asia as counterbalance against an aggressive China, and the " ASEAN Way," "Asian Way," or "Asia Pacific Way" of multilateralism," that involves conscious rejection by Asian leaders and policy elites of "imported models" of multilateralism and their call for liberalism that conforms to local realities and practices.
The trilateral relationship or strategic partnership among India, Japan and Vietnam is mostly important relationship in indo-pacific region. This relationship efficiently and effectively fulfills their mutual goals and share common interests (co existence, co prosperity and co value) against present increasing Chinese power. These three countries create a geographical arc in world map and geopolitically significant subset of the Indo-pacific. The maritime linkage of Japan, India and Vietnam come together from East Asia, South Asia and South East Asia respectively. These countries enjoy bilateral relationship between India- Vietnam and Vietnam –Japan over the last decade. Then India and Japan strategically engage with Vietnam among the south east countries for their strategic location, strong will and sharing common interest. Three countries also shares similar democratic political economics and military power from parallel colonial histories. But geo-strategically these states engaged for the maritime security due to expanding present economic and military power of china. In indo-pacific region maritime security refers that the use of marine resource (fisheries and ocean bottom resources), maritime transportation etc. In this perspective, shenkaku island is the major dispute between Japan and china and Spartly dispute between china and Vietnam is the major concern because these islands is mostly famous because of key shipping lanes, rich fishing grounds, oil reservoirs as well as other marine resources. This islands located in east and South China Sea respectively. For this reason Japan and Vietnam trying to build security cooperation with India and resolve dispute issue in indo-pacific region. Except maritime security this engagement of Japan and Vietnam with India can cultural and educational exchanges, defense cooperation, increase trading and port services. Effectively India arrived in most advance situation. In 2003-2009 increase the trade of India from 26.70% to 30.19% through the indo pacific region for their secure transportation facility after trilateral coalition.
Indo Pacific Maritime Security Challenges and Cooperation
This volume will be a rich resource for anyone interested in the maritime security in the Indo Pacific and the future of the maritime domain. It collects together selected papers from the Conference on Indo Pacific Maritime Security: Challenges and Cooperation, hosted by the National Security College, Australian National University, in March 2016. The conference brought together many eminent experts and policy practitioners from key Indo-Pacific countries to discuss the complex interplay of strategic competition and cooperation across the Indo Pacific. This is reflected in the great diversity of perspectives in included this volume: from Japanese views on naval strategy; to fresh perspectives about the management of security tensions in the East and South China Seas; debates about Japan future security role in the Indian Ocean; the future of new maritime security partnerships including India, and indeed, the future of the maritime domain. Anyone concerned about maritime security in our region will find new and policy-relevant insights.
Indo-Pacific Connectivity: Toward Competition or Cooperation?
2020
The initiative to connect countries that lie between Pacific Ocean and Indian Ocean into an integrated and interconnected Indo-Pacific has been realized. Both regions, that cover East Asian, Southeast Asian and South Asian countries, are having significant economic growth as well as sociopolitical dynamic. On one hand, the initiative brings about opportunities of cooperation to decrease poverty and to combat common enemies such as terrorism and transnational organized crimes at sea. On the other hand, the rise of material powers in terms of economic and military leads countries in the region to the deepening of mistrust and tension. This paper will analyze whether the connectivity of Indo-Pacific will bring benefits to all parties in a pattern of cooperation or on contrary toward competition that ends in tension. With the concept of modern and post-modern naval countries and using the methodology of policy analysis the article tries to elaborate the defence strategy of major powers ...
India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ Strategy: Emerging Sino-Indian Maritime Competition
Strategic Studies
India is rapidly modernising its naval capabilities and expanding its maritime interests in Asia-Pacific region. The recent surge in its maritime domain is associated with two factors: Firstly, the rise of China as an ‘Asian power’ with growing influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR); secondly, India’s aspirations to become a leading player in the IOR while expanding its sway in the Pacific ocean. This paper argues that India’s increased regional engagements and its strategic partnership with the US will strengthen Indian footprints in the Indo-Pacific region which will increase security concerns for China. This paper explores the evolution of Indian strategic thinking over the years on ‘sea power,’ examines the emerging contours of India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ strategy as well as fulfilling its aspirations of becoming a global power, and discusses the implications of ‘India’s Extended Neighbourhood’ policy for China’s economic and strategic interests in East Asia and the South China Sea.
Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India, 2018
India's maritime philosophy has been clearly outlined in both literature, and practice. From a defensive realist perspective, India's approach to the high seas has brought home various advantages and elevated the country to the status of a major naval power in its region. Despite this prowess, in view of the globalised times and dynamically changing geopolitical scenarios unfolding to its East, India's interpretation, methods of evaluation, and implementation of its policies, all need to evolve. This paper sheds light on the growing strategic importance-of the South East Asian Regional Complex, as also on the developmental vacuum in this Regional Complex, with specific focus upon Indonesia. The authors aim to address two fundamental questions-"How should India's relations with Indonesia evolve?", and, "In what manner should it evolve?". Indonesia's role in India's maritime objectives is a central one and the evolving variables in India's defensive realist approach places this South East Asian country right at the core of New Delhi's interests.