The Negative Adverbs l and lm+l in Ugaritic (original) (raw)

. Aspects of the Ugaritic Verb.

Dissertation Columbia University, 1970

Among the most vexing problems of Ugaritic studies are those concerning its verbal system. Since the efforts of Goetze in 1938 and Hammershaimb in 1941 no one has dealt with the Ugaritic verbal system in detail. The successive series of textbooks by Gordon treats the verb in its barest outline. In fact, apart from a few original studies, roost scholars are continually referring back to these ~ork9. This Dissertation does not purport to deal with all aspects of the Ugaritic verbal system since much is known and generally accepted. rt attempts to tackle afresh only some of those major problems which have never been satisfact orily dealt with before. These are (1) the precative per fect (2) the ~ passive (3) the infinitive absolute (4) the yaqattal tense and (5) the yagtula mood. That these have been unsatisfactorily treated before can be seen from a brief perusal of the works of the aforementioned scholars. In this Dissertation each of these problems is treated seperatedly in individual chapters which can be briefly out Abstract page 2 lined aa follows: (1) ~ Precative Perfect: This chapter is to deter mine whether the Ugaritic perfect, like the Arabic perfect, has at times an optative meaning. Before considering the Ugaritic evidence, this use of the perfect is examined ill Arabic, the Aramaic dialects, Akkadian and Phoenician. (2) The ~ Passive: This chapter concerns the in ternal passive of the first conjugation. While the existence of 8uch a passive has long been accepted, no one has yet proved it by internal evidence. This the writer attempts to do by use of four basic criteria. (3) The Infinitive Absolute: This chapter outlines the exact use of the infinitive absolute in Ugaritic. In an excursus, the question of the past use of the infinitive absolute with nouns and pronouns is discussed in detail. (4) The yagattal Tense: This chapter is to examine the claims of those who maintain that there is evidence for a second prefix tense in Ugaritic. Alongside the Ugaritic material, evidence from the Mari texts, the Amarna letters, Hebrew and Phoenician is considered. (5) The yagtula Hood: This chapter is to determine whether a yagtula mood may be ascertained in Ugaritic. It is the writer1s opinion that a yagtula mood c~n be shown c , •• .J _ ~. , both morphologically and syntactically to exist in Ugaritic.

Negation in Uralic languages – Introduction

Negation in Uralic Languages, 2015

Language typologists are dependent on data provided by descriptive linguists working on individual languages, who, in turn, benefit from typologists' results, which give them new insights into the properties of their respective languages. The article addresses the relationship between typology and Uralic descriptive linguistics. The state of description of Uralic languages is examined by surveying the availability of descriptive sources on Uralic languages in the Glottolog database, which is widely used by typologists. Ways in which Uralic studies and language typology can be brought closer to each other for the benefit of both fields are discussed giving a number of recommendations for writing typologically-oriented grammars of (Uralic) languages. Finally, the use of typologically informed questionnaires in language description is briefly addressed.

Morphological Negation in Urartian

The goal of this paper is to provide evidence for the synchronic existence of negative verbal suffixes in the Urartian language. Based on the analysis of all the verbs occurring in conjunction with the negative particles in the Urartian corpus I conclude that there is virtually no overlap between the positive and negative verbal forms in this language. Furthermore, the markers of Urartian morphological negation are shown to closely correspond to their counterparts in the Hurrian language, and thus the whole category can be reconstructed for Proto-Hurro-Urartian. The development of redundant syntactic negation in Urartian on top of the inherited morphological negation finds a possible explanation within the context of prehistoric contacts between Urartians and Proto-Armenians.

An Etymological Note on the Slavic Particles li and lě, le

ACTA ORIENTALIA BELGICA, 1994

In numerous languages the disjunctive particle ('oi') goes back to a form of a verb meaning'to want','to wish','to like','to choose', most often to its 2nd person singular. A well-known case in point is Lat. vel 'or', which has been traced back, in a very plausible wtr/, by SOMMER (19I4a: 534;1914b:150-151) to *velsi, the original 2nd pers. sing. of the present indicative of the verb velle'to want', 'to wish'1. Of similar origin are the words for 'or' in other Italic languages, cf. Oscan loufir 'or'(from 3rd sing. pass. in the impersonal use'does one like')2 and Umbrian heri(s) o.. heri(s) 'either ... or' (from 2nd pers. sing. 'will you ... will you')3. One may also point to parallels in Romance (cf. Romanian ori'ot'4,Italian vuoi... vttoi, Portuguese quer... quer 'either ... or'), Slavic (OCS ljubo ... ljubo, Polish lub ... lub 'either ... or's), and other Indo-European languages (cf. Mod. Persian xvah ... xvah6 'either ... or', Armenian kamT 'or'). Outside the Indo-European * I would like to thank P. SwIGGERS for his valuable comments on an earlier draft of this article. For any remaining errors I alone am responsible. tcf. also gnucMANN (1903-t904: 340; t904:655 n. 1; 1906-t9t3: rrl3, 90); JACOBSOHN (1913:343-348 [starts from an injunctive *vels; the simplification *vell > vel is attributed to its proclitic characterl); FRAENKEL (1923: 396 [explains the simplification *vell > vel by the "Funktionsschw[che" of the word]);

S. Segert, A Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Language with Selected Texts and Glossary

JAOS , 1987

Because the field of Ugaritic has grown significantly since the publication of Cyrus Gordon's various grammars, upon which over two generations of students have been weaned, the appearance of a new Ugaritic grammar represents a major event for Ugaritic studies. Segert's new Grammaris, however, not a replacement for Gordon because it is primarily a teaching manual. As such it could have been more helpful in its system of enumeration, and in providing cross-references and indices. There are a number of novel features in the Grammar including the extensive use of the syllabic material and the acceptance of an internal causative for the verb. The reviewer notes some deficiencies in the morphological section in both the omission of certain basic forms and in the method of presenting evidence. He points out how the selected texts, containing a nice balance of poetic and non-poetic texts, some with detailed commentaries, could have benefited from cross-references to the grammatical sections.

The Luwian Adverbs of Place and Manner

2010

Based on the differential treatment of the dentals in both Hieroglyphic and Cuneiform Luwian, the Luwian demonstrative and relative adverbs of place and manner on /-adi/ need to be distinguished from the dative-locative singular of the demonstratives (za- and apa-) and relatives (ku-) on /-ati/. As a consequence, the adverbial ending /-adi/ is to be equated with the Luwian nominal ablative ending. The use of the nominal ablative ending in the demonstrative and relative pronouns and adverbs is probably an independent innovation in Hittite, Luwian and Lydian. For the dative-locative singular on the other hand, we can now reconstruct a Proto-Anatolian form *obé-dhi / *obéd-i etc. This explains the Hittite forms ke-e-d/ti, a-pé-e-ti-i, and ku-i-ti, Lycian tdi /tðí/, and after application of Çop’s Law also the Cuneiform Luwian forms a-pa-a-at-ti / a-pát-ti and ku-wa-at-ti and the Hieroglyphic Luwian non-rhotacising forms zati, apati and REL-ati.

Multipartite Negation Markers and Phasal Adverbs in Ancient Indo-European Languages

§1 It is commonly believed that multipartite negation markers arose from proper negations and reinforcing particles in the framework of Jespersen’s Cycle. However, it can be shown that alongside purely intensifying particles, durational phasal adverbs have played an important role in the emergence of multipartite negations. §2 The Homeric Greek particle chain οὐκ ἄρα (declarative), ἆρα οὐ/μή (interrogative), and Hittite natta āra (declarative/interrogative) go back to a PIE nominal sentence *ne h1ara h2oi̯u, declarative ‘it hasn’t been just/apposite/consequential for long’ as well as interrogative ‘hasn’t it been just/apposite/consequential for long?’. Both the declarative and the interrogative phrase came to be used as focal clauses, which then underwent clausal fusion with the ensuing extrafocal clauses. §3 The reconstruction of PIE *ne h1ara h2oi̯u is confirmed by Toch. A mā aryu, which reflects PIE *ne h1ara h2i̯eu̯. While Ancient Greek ἆρα οὐ has to be reconstructed as *ne h1ara h2oi̯u with elision of *ne in Greek, Tocharian is the only branch of Indo-European to fully preserve the tripartite phrase *ne h1ara h2i̯eu̯. By contrast, Northwest Indo-European employs the reduced phrase PIE *ne h2i̯eu̯ ‘not well for long’, successors of which are OLith. niaũ, OCS ne ju, OHG ni ju. §4.1 Dialectally, Tocharian A mā aryu (PIE *ne h1ara h2i̯eu̯) occupies an intermediate position between Northwest Indo-European PIE *ne h2i̯eu̯ (as continued in Baltic, Slavic and OHG) on the one hand and Southern (Balkan) Indo-European PIE *ne h1ara h2oi̯u (as continued in Albanian, Greek, Armenian, and [without h1ara] in Albanian, Armenian, and Hittite) on the other. §4.2 PIE *h2oi̯u, *h2i̯eu̯ was a durational adverb, meaning ‘since long, for a long time, for long’. Rather than being merely a reinforcing particle, it came to be used as a phasal adverb and specifier of the negation. By implicature the multipartite negation could subsequently assume inchoative negative or continuative negative function.