Effects of Delayed Transitions to Adulthood on Youth Voting Participation (original) (raw)
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Report for Elections Canada, 2016
Canada’s 42nd federal election was held on October 19, 2015. In addition to being the first federal vote held under fixed-date election laws, at 78 days it was one of the longest political campaigns in Canadian history. With official voter turnout at 68.3%, the 2015 election saw participation rise for the second consecutive federal election by 7 percentage points compared to the previous federal vote, in 2011. Recent evidence on youth electoral participation in Canada has suggested that, inter alia, youth vote at lower rates than older adults (e.g., Barnes & Virgint, 2010); that some of this difference corresponds to a generational shift in attitudes, and thus leads to a decline in voter turnout over time (Blais et al., 2004; Blais & Loewen, 2011); and that there is significant variation in the propensity to participate among various youth subgroups (Gélineau, 2013). In this report, we analyse data from the 2015 National Youth Survey to assess the state of Canadian youths’ involvement in political and civic life. In particular, we aim to find out to what extent youth engage in voting and other forms of political and civic participation, which factors explain differences in participation rates between younger and older citizens, how equal participation is among various youth subgroups, and what factors might account for any potential variation in participation. In line with previous work, our principal findings show a gap in the self-reported participation between younger and older adults when it comes to voting, but not in most other forms of political and civic behaviours. Reported voter turnout among young Canadians ages 34 and younger is approximately 20 percentage points lower than among older citizens. With respect to other forms of participation, although younger adults are less likely to contact politicians, they do not lag behind older Canadians in terms of overall political participation or a civic engagement through volunteering or participation in community meetings. The main reason why youth vote less and are less likely to contact politicians can be primarily explained by differences in political attitudes. Youth are less interested and knowledgeable about politics and are less likely to believe that voting is a civic duty. Youth are also less likely to be mobilised by political parties and to receive Election Canada’s voter information card. However, this weaker exposure to mobilisation contributed only slightly to youth’s lower propensity to participate. Similarly, youth do not participate less because of their socioeconomic situation. Actually, had young Canadians possessed the same socioeconomic characteristics as older Canadians, we estimate that the gap in voter turnout would be even stronger. Altogether, to paraphrase a classic formulation by Sidney Verba and colleagues (1995, p. 15), youth participate less than older voters mostly because “they do not want to,” and not because “they can’t” or “nobody asked.” Self-reported participation among young Canadians is perhaps more equal across groups of youth than in the past. An important finding from the present research is that, contrary to what might be expected, Aboriginal youth reported voting in 2015 to the same extent as non-Aboriginal youth. Furthermore, after controlling for differences in socioeconomic resources, political attitudes, and mobilising influences, Aboriginal youth were six percentage points more likely than non-Aboriginal youth to report having voted. With respect to other youth subgroups, 7 only unemployed youth and youth living in rural areas are substantially less likely to participate in all types of political and civic participation. This can be attributed to these respondents’ relative disadvantage in terms of socioeconomic resources and low levels of political knowledge. Importantly, we also show that parenthood creates additional obstacles to voter turnout for young women, but not young men, as the fact of having children considerably reduces participation of young mothers, but not young fathers. Drawing on our principal and secondary findings, we recommend that Elections Canada (EC) coordinate with educational institutions and propose new, innovative activities to stimulate young citizens’ interest and knowledge of political processes. EC should cooperate with other relevant authorities in a sustained effort to promote commitment to democracy and explain its requirements at all levels of schooling and beyond. EC should develop strategies to promote registration and reregistration (after moving), specifically among young voters, who are characterized by particularly high degrees of residential mobility. EC should explore new ways to reach young citizens, such as dispatching copies of voter information cards electronically. Last but not least, EC should expand its efforts to make voting accessible to young families in general, but young mothers in particular.
Youth Electoral Engagement in Canada
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Using census data, this report provides a profile of youth in Canada. This demonstrates the most important differences between those under 30 years of age and those over 30. We then consider the relationship between various factors and the decision to vote among Canadian youth. Following this, we perform a cohort analysis to show how youth electoral participation has evolved over time. In these analyses, we distinguish two youth groups, those aged 18–24 and those 25–30, whom we compare to all other age groups. We finally examine the factors that ...
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This thesis assesses the recent trends in youth non-voting in Canada and the definition of citizenship for young adults in light of the recent rise of the neo-liberal governing philosophy used by the Canadian government. The research shows how recent trends in youth non-voting are a part of a much wider problem confronting the entire conception of youth citizenship as a whole. It also looks at how the definition of Canadian citizenship has evolved since confederation, especially for young adults and in light of the rise of neo-liberalism. This is supplemented with a discussion of proposed solutions to improve voter turnout among youth, mainly electoral reform and increased civic education. Though these two solutions may help to alleviate the concerns some have over the democratic condition of Canadian political institutions, they will not be as useful if the wider implications of culture and ideology are not considered.
Learning (Not) to Vote: the Generational Basis of Turnout Decline in Established Democracies
Using survey data from all six countries where elections have been studied continuously since the 1960s, we examine the role of generational replacement in turnout change. Early electoral experiences leave an imprint on citizens who generally continue to vote or not vote just as they generally continue to support the same political party (or no party). Based on this insight we propose a partial explanation for declining turnout in countries which, in the 1960s and 70s, lowered the age at which citizens could vote. The lower voting age allowed unmotivated individuals to become socialized into non-voting behavior with unfortunate consequences for turnout in many countries. Continuing turnout decline since the early 1970s reflects at least in part the normal mechanism of generational replacement as voters leave the electorate whose early electoral experiences were more positive. The findings have far-reaching implications for our understanding of the mainsprings of electoral change.
The “Resurgent” Youth Voter in the United States
ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, 2014
The 2008 U.S. Presidential election was a voting booth landslide for Democratic candidate Barack Obama over Republican candidate John McCain among 18-to-29 year old voters. This research analyzes 2008 National Election Pool exit poll data and seeks to explain why candidate Obama did so well in this election among this category of voters. The author finds that the evaluation of politicians' personalities is a critical part of explaining young voters' choice of candidate Obama as president. This research also found that young voters favored Obama because he was a Democratic Party candidate and liberal on political and social issues. In addition, the author finds some evidence of political parties reaching out to young voters as favorably affecting their voting choice which is important to analyze further given that both parties-in particular the Democratic Party-heavily favored the use of social media to do so. This cross-sectional analysis studies groups by age, party identification, and political ideology, in their general likelihood to support candidates in the 2008 presidential election. Lastly in analyzing young voter behavior from the 1992-2012 presidential elections, this research did not find evidence of a strong turnout of youth voters translating into an advantage for Democratic presidential candidates within that demographic group. Scholars have stated (Shea and Harris, 2006) that recent trends in voting patterns and attitudes, the 2000 election in particular, have pointed to the withdrawal of young citizens from politics that has been rapid, deep, and broad. Explanations for young voter withdrawal have been contentment, apathy (Shea and Harris, 2006), cynicism, and the feeling of alienation from the political system (Patterson 2002, in Shea and Harris 2006). Other studies have shown that youth, especially those from diverse communities lack a sense of civic duty, a known driver to the polls (Campbell, 2008). In general, young voters do not see their citizenship as an opportunity for involvement, they do not know how or where to get the information or skills they need for greater participation in civic life, and above all, they just do not make it to the polls on Election Day (Moffett and Albowicz, 2003).
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The great majority of Americans who are eligible to vote eventually become habitual voters, if they live long enough. But making the transition into voting while young, in the first few elections of one's eligibility, is more problematic. The speed of this transition is highly correlated with socioeconomic background, reproducing political inequalities across generations, but experiences outside of the family can affect it as well.
Youth Civic Engagement in Canada: implications for public policy
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“If you don't care about politics, then politics will take care of you.” Everywhere in Canada are political slogans–as this one by the Bloc Quebecois leader Gilles Duceppe illustrates–directed at young voters in an effort to get them to participate in Canadian federal elections (Toronto Star, 2004). Yet, even as political parties scramble for support from youth, young Canadians seem to be turning their backs on electoral politics in unprecedented numbers. Canada is not the only country facing such youth disengagement.
The Generational Basis of Turnout Decline in
ABSTRACT Voting is a habit. People learn the habit of voting, or not, based on experience in their first few elections. Recent research has shown that elections that do not stimulate high turnout among young adults leave a'footprint'of low turnout in the age structure of the electorate as many individuals who were new at those elections fail to vote at subsequent elections. Elections that stimulate high turnout leave a high turnout footprint.