Roundtable Discussion on Event Data (original) (raw)
All-Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace, 2013
This paper provides a simple introduction to event data analysis, a quantitative data collection and analysis approach that has been used extensively for compiling broad datasets of foreign policy and other international behaviors. of foreign affairs in Turkey, was completed to evaluate the feasibility, time, cost, and possible problems that might be encountered with a full-scope study. The paper describes the obstacles encountered during the pilot study's initial phases and discusses a sample of the preliminary findings. The paper concludes with potential uses of the dataset. define the steps already undertaken in building TFAED. We completed a pilot study that uses a single news source to evaluate the feasibility, time, cost, and possible problems that might be encountered in a full-scope study. In the second part, we discuss the obstacles encountered during the initial phases. We then provide a sample of the preliminary findings that arose out of this pilot study.
Understanding Turkish foreign affairs in the 21st century : A Homegrown theorizing attempt
For Turkish scholars, understanding especially the last decade of Turkey’s international politics has been a great challenge. Answering fundamental questions, -and many others-, requires collection of reliable, complete and uniform data and interpreting them on conceptual terms. The purpose of this thesis is to understand and explain Turkey’s foreign affairs in a holistic way and offer a homegrown model based on original data. Building an original event dataset, this thesis accounts for the empirical observations made out of Turkey’s international practice and conceptualizes it as a complex system. It accounts for foreign policy change in complex systems, introduces concepts such as domestic responsivity, domestic, international nodes as well as intermestic and international nexus, and puts forward a helical model of power accumulation, as an outcome of successful foreign policy change.
TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY IN AK PARTY RULE: THE FAILURE OF ZERO PROBLEM POLICY
This dissertation aims at clearly explaining to what extent AK Party, which came into power on 3 November 2002, has changed the Turkish foreign policy in time. The decision making mechanisms in foreign policy, the factors affecting them, the general history of the Turkish foreign policy and how much today`s Turkish foreign policy has been changed will be elaborated through the use of many different examples. Turkish foreign policy started with “Zero-Problem Policy” when AK Party took over. However Turkey has become persona non grata in the region with the Arab Spring and Syrian Civil War. Various political crisis that occurred with Israel and Russia diminished the reputation of Turkey`s foreign policy vis-a-vis the world and regressed it. This study will elaborate on the reconciliatory approach that was initially adopted by AK Party when it first came into power, then the Islam (Sunni)-oriented approach placed in the heart of the Turkish foreign policy, which had not changed much up until the AK Party period from the day the Turkish Republic was founded, as well as the way the Turkish foreign policy was destroyed. The latest developments with the EU is another source of concern for Turkey. In short, Turkey has become a country with a Sunni-oriented approach and does not want any Shia or any other different structure to be formed in the region. The issues mentioned above will be tackled in detail as part of the dissertation and explanations will be provided regarding the significant change Turkish foreign policy underwent in time.
Special Issue on Turkish Foreign Policy
New Perspectives on Turkey, 2009
CONTENTS - NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY, VOLUME 40 Editors’ Intro.: Special issue on Turkish Foreign Policy by Mustafa Aydın & Kemal Kirişci Globalization, modernity and democracy: In search of a viable domestic polity for a sustainable Turkish foreign policy - E. Fuat Keyman The transformation of Turkish foreign policy: The rise of the trading state - Kemal Kirişçi Public choice and foreign affairs: Democracy and international relations in Turkey - Ersin Kalaycıoğlu Facing its Waterloo in diplomacy: Turkey's military in the foreign policy-making process - Gencer Özcan Securing Turkey through western-oriented foreign policy - Pınar Bilgin Reconstructing Turkish-American relations: Divergences versus convergences - Mustafa Aydın The role of temporality and interaction in the Turkey-EU relationship - Atila Eralp Worldviews and Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East - Meliha Benli Altunışık Turkey and Eurasia: Frontiers of a new geographic imagination - Bülent Aras and Hakan Fidan Multiplying vectors: A framework for maximizing Turkey's freedom in formulating and implementing foreign policy - İlter Turan Turkish foreign policy: Limits of engagement - Ahmet O. Evin
The effect of NATO defence concept and Turkish Foreign Policy
In this study, the relations between North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and Turkish Foreign Policy are examined. The changing strategies of NATO throughout periods and how Turkish Foreign Policy is affected in this period are discussed. NATO has developed four main strategies during cold war period : 1. Classical Defense Strategy, 2. Massive Retaliation Strategy, 3. Flexible Response Strategy, 4. NATO’s Renewed Confrontation after Detant period. It has been difficult for Turkish Foreign Policy to develop and take a stand against NATO’s developing new strategies. For Turkish Policy makers rule the country mainly with domestic and external development has been trouble. It was aimed to use nuclear power against the Soviet threat so Massive Retailation Strategy was also developed in this manner. Correspond to Turkey’s onset on NATO membership resulted in discussions. The country was going to be center of nuclear war and targeted of nuclear weapons. Also if nuclear weapons were fired without knowledge of Turkey, the country would be a victim of disaster war. The developed strategy ‘Flexible Response’ following the Detant process opened a new discussion that Turkey would be the first target in the conventional war because it was a wing country near to Soviet state. The planned of new strategy was to stop Soviets by using first conventional powers so that Turkish lands would possibly be invaded by the Soviets. The developed process of Detant and Flexible Response Strategy in 1960 and 1970’s has weakened later times. Particularly two events in the 1970s stopped the new developments in the way of disarmament. During 1970’s, the Soviets and Americans signed SALT I and SALT II disarmament talks however Islamic Revolution in Iran, the biggest ally of the Americans in Middle East and the Soviet invasion to Afghanistan prevented disarmament process in the world. On those years, Turkey wasn’t able to solve its economic and political problems so a military coup was occurred on September 12, 1980. Throughout 1980s, both NATO parties and Turkey tried to be adopted for the new world’s conditions when the Soviets began to lose its power. The subject of this thesis : “NATO’s Defense Concept and Turkish Foreign Policy” will be analyzed in the framework cause-effect relations. Furthermore, how Turkish Foreign Policy’s changes under external events affected the inner Turkish policy will be answered. Key Words : NATO, Turkish Foreign Policy, NATO’s Defense Strategies, America, the Soviet Union
Lindenstrauss and Berelovich The Concept of Deterrence in Arab and Muslim Thought - Turkey
Like many states, Turkey is still adapting to the post-Cold War era in many respects. As Turkey tries to assess the changing strategic environment, it also responds to developments concerning Iran's nuclear ambitions. Iranian nuclear advances are currently causing tensions in the Middle East and in the Gulf, which are likely to intensify even further into the future. If Iran continues down the nuclear path and other states in the region like Saudi Arabia follow, Turkey may have to face a decision: will it continue with its Cold War and post-Cold War policies of emphasizing its membership in NATO and the alliance's nuclear guarantees? Or will Turkey move toward a much more independent stance? At some point, Turkey may even consider leaving the alliance and developing its own nuclear capabilities. In this paper, we present two scenarios. In the first scenario, Turkey maintains its relations with the West and continues to rely on its own strong conventional capabilities and on US-NATO's nuclear guarantee. In the second scenario, Turkey's internal dynamics, a change in the Turkish threat perception, and the weakening of the US-NATO alliance's assurances causes Turkey to choose to develop independent nuclear capabilities. Both scenarios reflect the doctrine of deterrence by punishment; while in the first scenario Turkey extended deterrence forms a major basis of its strategy, in the second scenario it builds its own nuclear capabilities.
All Azimuth Vol 4, No.1, 2015
Within the Middle East, various forces have tried to impose alternative orders. Turkey is among a number of key players in the region. Since 2002, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party has shown an increasing interest in the Middle East. This article accepts that there has been a change in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 and attempts to contribute to the previous studies on this issue. It argues that Turkey desires to be a regional power in the Middle East, shaping its vision through a value-based and principled approach. To clarify this vision, the article analyzes the core values and principles defined in Turkish foreign policy in the last decade, which constitute Turkey’s international identity in the Middle East. The article concludes that there have been mainly tactical changes in Turkish foreign policy in general, and towards the Middle East in particular.
The first part of this article discusses the current state of International Relations (IR) in Turkey and begins with the argument that the local disciplinary community shows a lack of adequate communication and interactive scholarly debates, and therefore of knowledge accumulation. This article proposes that the growth of such engagement could be encouraged by increased methodological diversity, in particular additional research using quantitative methods. It argues that quantitative research could contribute to engagement by providing conceptual and methodological clarity around which scholarly debates could develop and ultimately contribute to Turkish IR's progress as a disciplinary community. To substantiate these claims, this article goes on to discuss the development and contributions of quantitative research to global IR and illustrates the potential benefits of using quantitative methods in the study of Turkish foreign affairs. Turkish International Relations (IR) is a growing discipline both in terms of the number of researchers working within it and the broadness of subjects being covered. Particularly in the last decade, IR publications by scholars based in Turkey have reached unprecedented levels. A quick search through the Web of Science for articles in the areas of political science (PS), IR, or area studies (AS), with authors providing a Turkish address, confirms this observation. 2 Although such proliferation is welcome in many respects, it is reasonable to ask whether those sheer numbers have contributed to an improved understanding of the subject matters and whether they reflect a growing sense of local disciplinary identity. In this article, we argue that this proliferation can only be fruitful if it generates debates within the community. Moreover, such debates are possible and progressive only if there is sufficient theoretical and methodological diversity. To support our argument, we highlight the current state of Turkish IR as observed by leading local scholars and as suggested by both the findings of a recent