"Come and See What we Do": Contemporary Migrant Performances in Athens, Greece (original) (raw)

In an essay titled "Autonomy, Recognition, Movement," Angela Mitropoulos writes that while capital relies on the nation-state and law "so as to enter the field of class struggle, working-class struggles can occur independently of any given form and level of representation." 1 Citing Mario Tronti's thesis that working-class movements at the global level can be seen as a "strategy of refusal," Mitropoulos points to how this notion of autonomy has become "pivotal to discussions of migration, border policy, and global capital." 2 Focusing on migration in order to attend to the nationalist strains often prevalent within anti-globalization and anticapitalist protests, she suggests that an understanding of class as a moving, global composition questions the inevitability of the nation-state as the necessary condition for representing class struggles. Furthermore, she insists that an uncritical approach to the inexorability of the nation-state, at the level of state policy as well as the "progressive" politics within it, makes possible the depiction of migrants "as bereft of political action, indeed of activism." 3 Therefore she argues that "the concept of the autonomy of migration is an insistence that politics does not need to be the property of the state and those who-however implicitly and by dint of a claim to belong to it, as the subject that is proper to it (its property)-can claim to reserve for themselves the thought and action that is deemed properly political." 4 Following Mitropoulos's lead, this essay engages with the concept of the autonomy of migration through an analysis of contemporary migrant performance practices in Greece. I engage critically with the performative action, activism, and political presence of ELANADISTIKANOUME (Come and see what we do), a performance group

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'Strange Homelands: Encountering the Migrant on the Contemporary Greek Stage'

Modern Drama 61.3, 2018

This article examines three examples from recent Greek theatre that stage the experiences of migrants and refugees against the backdrop of Greecer growing internationalism and multiculturalism. In allowing migrants to author their own narratives of border-crossing into a new "homeland" these theatrical endeavours attempt to break both the monologism of Greek theatre and monolithic understandings of national identity. In acknowledging the risks and tensions underpinning the migrant's presence on stage, the article also applies pressure to questions of encounter, authenticity, representation, and self-expression, and it interrogates some ways in which migratory subjects navigate the precarious space of belonging and author themselves in the context of contemporary Greek theatre.

Performing Protest; Occupation, Antagonism and Radical Democracy. In performing Antagonism; Theater, performance and radical democracy. Eds Fisher, T. and Katsouraki, E. Palgrave

There is currently much talk about the centrality of 'the public' in the processes of democracy. Habermas refers positively to the ways in which newspapers, magazines, radio and television create a dispersed ‘public body’ capable of articulating public opinion (1974), however there is also a deep sense of ambivalence about the gathering of actual public bodies in city spaces This sense of distrust is rooted in the perceived unreasonableness of the mass and the belief that the politically productive enthusiasm of the crowd can easily metamorphose into the physically destructive hysteria of the mob (Calhoun: 1992, Mouffe: 2005). The way in which public space are perceived to be structured by complex and oscillating us/them distinctions that both construct and challenge the democratic project are particularly pertinent and timely in these turbulent times. This chapter contribution will examine the way in which protesters perform their antagonisms through the physical occupation city spaces. It will begin by focusing on the way in which distinctions between those who are included and excluded from the processes of democracy have been enacted by protester’s formation of picket lines during trade disputes, permanent picket lines during the anti-apartheid campaign and temporary occupations of public spaces during more recent protests against the unfolding process of neo liberalism. In doing so it will examine multiple sites of antagonism and reflect upon the ways in which they are both geographically particular and symbolically unified responses to the growing sense of global crisis that have characterised the start of the twenty first century. This chapter will then go on to compare and contrast protester’s response to neo liberal economic policies more specifically. Summit spaces, such as those called into being by the WTO and the IMF in the late 1990s, occupied a place beyond the criticism and control of the world’s citizenry. Encircled by a protective wall of concrete blocks and chain-link faces these barriers made the 'usually invisible wall of exclusion starkly visible' (Klein, Guardian, 23rd March 2001) and in doing so actualised the boundaries between the included and the excluded. Consequently, anti-globalisation demonstrations focused on breaching the barricades, which literally and metaphorically excluded 'the public' from the decision-making process. In contrast, Occupy Wall Street’s simultaneous occupation of multiple city space brought the marginalised majority into the global mainstream and made them visible. In this way protesters positioned the previously excluded 99% within the social spaces in which power is decided (Castells, 2007). Thus, Occupy protesters moved beyond demanding the right to access democracy in particular places and began a debate about the processes of democracy in a newly globalised world (Chomsky, 2012). In this contribution I will argue that both these movements, like those that have gone before them, have used occupation (differently) to temporarily unfix the meanings usually ascribed to people and places. I will suggest that these radical spaces challenge the us/them boundaries that commonly frame the political and enable protesters to find both common ground between activists and to gain purchase within the wider population. Thus I will suggest that activists’ ability to perform their political antagonisms creates a politically productive oscillation of spatalities and scales that both unsettles the exclusionary dynamics of capitalism and offers utopic alternatives.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Performative Politics and Queer Migrant Activisms

Ada: Journal of Gender, New Media and Technology, 2018

In June 2017, the refugee rights group LGBTQI+ Refugees in Greece abducted a participatory artwork from the global contemporary art exhibit Documenta 14, held in Athens to highlight the city’s centrality to European imaginaries of crisis. They then released a ransom note and accompanying video in social media, in which they addressed the artist, Roger Bernat, condemning the fetishization of refugees by Documenta, and highlighting the precarious conditions queer migrants face on a daily basis. This paper takes up this action to examine the performative potential of such cultural interventions, their use of embodied actions which draw from the aesthetic languages of feminist and queer artistic practice, the forms of alliance their gesture enacted, and their careful negotiation of the tricky boundary of visibility/invisibility. It concludes that the strategic appropriation of urban space and digital platforms—a strategy it names “displacement”—served to interrupt Documenta’s more narrowly defined public sphere, forging a new space in which to appear publicly.

Rhythm-Relay-Relation: Anticolonial Media Activisms in Athens

Postcolonial Publics: Art and Citizen Media in Europe, 2023

This chapter maps out a set of anticolonial media poetics, politics, and aesthetics. It centres on a series of collaborative radio programmes produced in Athens, Greece, as part of ongoing work with an activist collective in the city. The chapter works with ideas of rhythm, relay, and relation-which serve both as methods and as guiding concepts-and narrates a form of citizen soundwork: sonic practices that experiment with geographical, political, and technological imaginations. This work in Athens is a convergence and continuation of media activisms elsewhere, carrying collective methods of voicing and articulating belonging across migratory contexts. And it sounds out anticolonial media activisms that feed back across histories and geographies of resistance and liberation. These media activisms unmake colonial hierarchies of voice and knowledge; and make anticolonial publics, communicating across radical sonic cartographies and building political cultures that contest the colonialities of borders and citizenship regimes.

(Keynote) 'How Did We Get Here?' Protest Culture, Political Theatre and Performative Protest in Turkey

2016

Performances and performance cultures are often seen in our discipline as indicative of the political unconscious in the way they shape dramatizations of collective myths and identities. Yet they are also so much entangled with the present political agendas, the arts (and education) decrees and legislation, the support by local communities and audiences, and the general social and political climates in which they operate, respond to and aim to influence. In Turkey, for over a decade, politics and theatre are increasingly at odds with each other in a general climate that seeks to restrict freedom of speech and expression as well as the public representation and visibility of (political) identities that go beyond the homogeneity of an 'ethnically' Turkish nationhood and a (Sunni) Muslim denomination or cultural background. Moreover, right before the previous general elections and even more so after the failed coup attempt, the role of the state as a primary actor in identity politics has taken a nationalistic turn. Despite its ethnically diverse history and social reality, the homogeneous Turkish nation as predicated by the state leaves formally and publicly no space for cultural pluralism. Theatre and aesthetic protest take up an important social role in contesting mainstream notions of citizenship and in creating a space for plurality. In this keynote, I propose to do four things: 1. I will first focus on the current political climate in Turkey and look at its implications for the artist's response-ability (Lehmann 2006). 2. I will move on to reintroduce Turkey's protest culture after the Gezi uprisings and discuss how performativity in protest actions has the potential to be called a 'structure of feeling' (Williams 1977) with a wider history in political performance history. 3. I will unpack similarities and differences with protests and theatre cultures in the 1950s and 1980s. However, it must be said that my rereading of Turkey's history of aesthetic protest and the role of the artist within it will only reveal a very disparate story. 4. I will return to today's Turkey and pose some critical questions regarding the term ‘Gezi spirit’. I will conclude with the question whether or not the Gezi spirit is (or should be kept) alive and what it left us – as academics – to make sense of what is happening around us today.

Performing Arts at the Vanishing Point of Social Protest in a ‘New’ Turkey

2015

In this paper, I focus on both performative and theatrical forms of social protest as strategies of resistance to hegemonic processes and discourses of the State, particularly as they materialized during and after the Gezi protests in Turkey. I first focus on individual artists and their response-ability. Second, I go deeper into Gezi’s ‘performativity in plurality’ (Butler) as a tool of resistance against dominant strategies of the sovereign gaze. In this context, I discuss Peggy Phelan’s ‘active vanishing’ (1996) as a most dominant yet paradoxical mode of performativity, which demonstrates a plurality of potential readings, forms of resistance and citizen participation to resist established codes and regimes of representation through self-performance. Lastly, I extend the line of thought on visibility to discuss the limitations of dramatic representation by focusing on newly written plays – particularly those that played upon the iconicity of Gezi and the multiple identities of its protagonists.

"Musical counterpublics: the dissensual sounds of Yiannis Angelakas", The Greek Review of Social Research, Special Issue: "Urban lives and protests in neoliberal times: Art, aesthetics and solidarity as possibilities" Editors: Eleftheria Deltsou and Fotini Tsibiridou, 2017 149B'

The article discusses the dissensual ontology of the Greek popular musician-poetsinger YiannisAngelakas and the emergence of 'counterpublics', as theorized by Michael Warner, in the regime of musical performance. It focuses upon an ethnographically-grounded discussion of the ongoing successful remediations of the song “De horas pouthena” (You don't fit anywhere), which are explored as sensibilities of disagreement disputing the 'distribution of the sensible' in Jacques Rancière's terms. “De horas pouthena” voices a self-exiled form of subjectification regulated within and against the crisis of democracy―an ontology of “not-fitting-in” materializing utopian notions of civility within the affective economies of its punkrock aesthetics. Angelakas' musical dissensus is also discursively explored in the memory-work of his life-story relationally produced in the context of the ethnographic encounter. Τhe discussion is further elaborated through the discussion of the song 'Airetiko' (Heretic) and the performative emergence of affective counterpublics objecting disciplinary mechanisms of subjectification in the public sphere.

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