Petualangan Unjung dan Mbui Kuvong: Sastra lisan dan Kamus Punan Tuvu’ dari Kalimantan, edited by Nicolas Césard, Antonio Guerreiro, and Antonia Soriente (original) (raw)
Momok Ketimpangan: Waktu, Sejarah, Antropologi dan Modernitas
Antropologi Indonesia, 1, January-April (2010).
This article critically observes the modern regime of time that led to the temporalizing of history. The employment of the master category of singular modernity encompasses its capacity for unifying all singularities, hence, betraying capitalism’s and nation states’ desire to transform plural histories into a single one. Anthropology too has been responsible for the production and maintenance of the temporal order of modernity. While capitalist and national expansions would use violent means to spatially establish themselves by destroying alternative modes of production and body politics, anthropology manipulates time with various devices of sequencing and distancing thereby assigning the conquered into the past. This article suggests that anthropology should no longer align itself with modernity and its notion of human progress. Rather, it should play out disqualifi ed forms of interpretations, rescuing the multiple temporalities at work in the world, to blast the continuum of history.
Indonesian in North Kalimantan: A melting pot of national, regional and local features
NUSA. Linguistic studies of languages in and around Indonesia, 2020
This paper describes some features of the Indonesian variant spoken in the Province of North Kalimantan, in particular the language spoken in the island of Tarakan and some of the areas gravitating around it, namely the towns of Sekatak and of Malinau. Despite the presence of two traditional Malay dialects in the adjacent Provinces of East Kalimantan, Berau Malay and Kutai Malay, the language of interethnic communication spoken in North Kalimantan did not develop directly from those two dialects. In fact it developed from a combination of elements, comprising features of the national language used in the education systems, in the press, in politics, and of its colloquial variant originally spoken in the capital and that spread in the area thanks to the many immigrants from other regions. Few elements of Eastern Borneo Malay dialects and local lexemes and expressions enrich this variant where national, regional and local features merge.
This has been prevalent that the discourse of interreligious dialogue has been overwhelmingly dominated by the elites in the formal spheres. It even seems to be the only standard to examine the issues of interreligious relations, without taking into account the diverse modes of everyday engagements among the people. This then raises the recognition that there is actually no single pattern for interreligious engagement since it would be always contextual according to its distinctive context. It therefore implies the need to learn more from the localities to develop more contextual interreligious engagement. In this regard, this work will examine the interreligious engagement of Christianity and Marapu indigenous religion in Sumba. The data used in this work are based on the field research conducted in 2019 in Southwest Sumba. Observation and in depth interview with a number of Sumbanese Christians and Marapu are also conducted. The research finds that manawara (the teaching of love; ...
The Journal of Asian Studies, 1994
SINCE fieldwork and writing had to be accommodated to teaching com mitments, this study was planned from the outset as a ten-year research project. Between 1981 and 1991 I spent a total of twenty-eight months in Bali. This included two intensive periods from January to July 1982 and from July 1984 to January 1985, with annual visits of one to three months before, between, and since the longer stays. Despite the in evitable disadvantages of fragmented fieldwork and time lost to the sheer organizational requirements of arriving and taking leave, there was, it turned out, redeeming virtue in necessity. The extended time-frame made it possible to focus on process and to follow up national policies and local projects which took years to implement or whose implications were not immediately apparent. Relationships, upon which ethnography fundamentally depends, also develop with time. The professional and personal relationships cemented over a decade are the basis of the book, a source of inspiration and pleasure as well as incalculable personal debt. The study is very different from what it would have been had the research been conducted in a single two-year period. Thanks to the help of a very large number of people, the process was ultimately more satis fying than any alternative I might have imagined. The project would not have been possible without the institutional support of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) and the sponsor ship of Udayana University. I thank them for permission to carry out this long-term project. The University of Western Australia provided generous research support and Murdoch University granted me leave from teaching to conduct fieldwork. Among the many individuals con nected with these institutions, I wish to thank Drs Wayan Geriya and Professor Dr I Gusti Ngurah Bagus, who acted as my sponsors, and Dr John Gordon, who supervised the doctoral thesis upon which this book is based. My gratitude is also due to my colleagues and students at Murdoch University for the intellectual stimulation and enthusiasm that strongly influenced the process of translating fieldwork into text. One of the consequences of this perip�tetic approach to field research was the slow pace of acquiring even limited competence in the several levels and styles of the Balinese language. The late Dewa Putu Dani and, after his death, Ida Bagus Rai W anosari were my linguistic mentors, attempting to teach the rudiments of Balinese while coaching xiv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS me through the translation of often obscure and enigmatic texts. Although by 1984 I was able to understand Balinese, and engage in con versation and interviews with some confidence, I never achieved the spoken fl uency I had in Indonesian, or overcame the social discomfort posed by the etiquette involved in the use of Balinese language levels. Consequently, most of the interviews cited in the text were conducted in Indonesian or mixed Balinese and . Indonesian. The Glossary indicates from which language important terms frequently referred to in the text come. Dr Alfons van der Kraan, Wendy Haboldt, Arnold Vermeulen, and Esther Velthoen provided valuable assistance with the translation of Dutch language sources over the years. I wish also to express my gratitude for the research assistance of I Gusti Ayu and Ni Made Sikiani, who in 1982 conducted a household census and economic survey in Desa Tarian. I W ayan Sumerta made superb maps of every banjar in Tarian, providing an indispensable directory to each of the thousand households in the village. A further survey of village structures and leadership patterns in other parts of Bali was conducted in 1984 by I W ayan Suparta, who ventured with tape recorder and motor cycle to remoter corners of the island on my behalf. As well as language teacher, Dewa Putu Dani was an invaluable raconteur of local social history and legend, having grown up in the royal court of Puri Tarian in the early part of the century. His vivid accounts were complemented by those of I Made Lebah from the very different perspective of a servant of the court in the same period. Both were wonderful story-tellers and treasured friends. I Wayan Gandera, who generously shared his time and ideas, deeply infl uenced the direction of the project and my enthusiasm for it. I Gusti Made Kwanji, I Wayan Sudra, Cokorda Anom Wardhana, I Made Wasa, Ni Ketut Nyantet, I Ketut Darmaja, and Ni Ketut Saderi deserve special thanks as well for the many long and pleasurable discussions over endless rounds of coffee. Among the many others whose knowledge has been priceless and whose friendship I can only hope to reciprocate in kind are I Ketut Artha,
Adat and Dinas: Balinese Communities in the Indonesian State
The Journal of Asian Studies, 1994
SINCE fieldwork and writing had to be accommodated to teaching com mitments, this study was planned from the outset as a ten-year research project. Between 1981 and 1991 I spent a total of twenty-eight months in Bali. This included two intensive periods from January to July 1982 and from July 1984 to January 1985, with annual visits of one to three months before, between, and since the longer stays. Despite the in evitable disadvantages of fragmented fieldwork and time lost to the sheer organizational requirements of arriving and taking leave, there was, it turned out, redeeming virtue in necessity. The extended time-frame made it possible to focus on process and to follow up national policies and local projects which took years to implement or whose implications were not immediately apparent. Relationships, upon which ethnography fundamentally depends, also develop with time. The professional and personal relationships cemented over a decade are the basis of the book, a source of inspiration and pleasure as well as incalculable personal debt. The study is very different from what it would have been had the research been conducted in a single two-year period. Thanks to the help of a very large number of people, the process was ultimately more satis fying than any alternative I might have imagined. The project would not have been possible without the institutional support of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) and the sponsor ship of Udayana University. I thank them for permission to carry out this long-term project. The University of Western Australia provided generous research support and Murdoch University granted me leave from teaching to conduct fieldwork. Among the many individuals con nected with these institutions, I wish to thank Drs Wayan Geriya and Professor Dr I Gusti Ngurah Bagus, who acted as my sponsors, and Dr John Gordon, who supervised the doctoral thesis upon which this book is based. My gratitude is also due to my colleagues and students at Murdoch University for the intellectual stimulation and enthusiasm that strongly influenced the process of translating fieldwork into text. One of the consequences of this perip�tetic approach to field research was the slow pace of acquiring even limited competence in the several levels and styles of the Balinese language. The late Dewa Putu Dani and, after his death, Ida Bagus Rai W anosari were my linguistic mentors, attempting to teach the rudiments of Balinese while coaching xiv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS me through the translation of often obscure and enigmatic texts. Although by 1984 I was able to understand Balinese, and engage in con versation and interviews with some confidence, I never achieved the spoken fl uency I had in Indonesian, or overcame the social discomfort posed by the etiquette involved in the use of Balinese language levels. Consequently, most of the interviews cited in the text were conducted in Indonesian or mixed Balinese and . Indonesian. The Glossary indicates from which language important terms frequently referred to in the text come. Dr Alfons van der Kraan, Wendy Haboldt, Arnold Vermeulen, and Esther Velthoen provided valuable assistance with the translation of Dutch language sources over the years. I wish also to express my gratitude for the research assistance of I Gusti Ayu and Ni Made Sikiani, who in 1982 conducted a household census and economic survey in Desa Tarian. I W ayan Sumerta made superb maps of every banjar in Tarian, providing an indispensable directory to each of the thousand households in the village. A further survey of village structures and leadership patterns in other parts of Bali was conducted in 1984 by I W ayan Suparta, who ventured with tape recorder and motor cycle to remoter corners of the island on my behalf. As well as language teacher, Dewa Putu Dani was an invaluable raconteur of local social history and legend, having grown up in the royal court of Puri Tarian in the early part of the century. His vivid accounts were complemented by those of I Made Lebah from the very different perspective of a servant of the court in the same period. Both were wonderful story-tellers and treasured friends. I Wayan Gandera, who generously shared his time and ideas, deeply infl uenced the direction of the project and my enthusiasm for it. I Gusti Made Kwanji, I Wayan Sudra, Cokorda Anom Wardhana, I Made Wasa, Ni Ketut Nyantet, I Ketut Darmaja, and Ni Ketut Saderi deserve special thanks as well for the many long and pleasurable discussions over endless rounds of coffee. Among the many others whose knowledge has been priceless and whose friendship I can only hope to reciprocate in kind are I Ketut Artha,
Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights, 2021
The book entitled "Kebebasan Beragama atau Berkeyakinan di Indonesia: Perspektif Filosofis, Hukum dan Politik" explains the complexity of the rights of adherents of religion or beliefs in the era of democracy in Indonesia. What is important to note is whether there is freedom of religion or belief in Indonesia. Social scientists may find it difficult to determine the dimensions of freedom and obedience because in philosophy, for example, freedom and obedience are often contradicted as part of the existentiality of thought. However, in practice, especially in the context of the life of a nation-state, the discourse of freedom and obedience requires theoretical and empirical exploration to form a multicultural society. In this corridor, editors and book writers spread their knowledge as intellectuals and as a form of taking sides on human rights issues. However, sociologically it should be noted that freedom is not a fixed social condition. The dynamics that accompany the emergence of religious adherents should be of public interest so that the knowledge of civil society is filled with emancipatory spirit. Yet, the author finds the opposite condition, where the prerequisites for creating multiculturalism are far from democratic principles. Freedom is still framed legally formally and contradicted as if there is only one absolute truth. In this case, the argument that multiculturalism is a value worth fighting for becomes a barrier because diction has lost its supporting power. Not only because religious sentiment has developed into identity politics but also turned into a different imagination about Indonesia. Of course, the presence of this book is not intended to eliminate the current problems or even to emphasize the channels of difference. On the other hand, reading this book is a challenge to revive the spirit of multiculturalism with a frame of freedom that is a shared responsibility. This article reviews and may even be viewed as a comment to the book entitled "Freedom of Religion or Belief in Indonesia: Philosophical, Legal, and Political Perspectives," edited by Al Khanif and Dina Tsalist Wildana. The book contains of 222 pages of scientific paper published by Intrans Publishing. Six writers contributed and highlight issues relating to Freedom of Religion and Belief. It begins with